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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Fascism & Nazism
Developing a knowledge of the Spanish-Italian connection between
right-wing extremist groups is crucial to any detailed
understanding of the history of fascism. Transnational Fascism in
the Twentieth Century allows us to consider the global fascist
network that built up over the course of the 20th century by
exploring one of the significant links that existed within that
network. It distinguishes and analyses the relationship between the
fascists of Spain and Italy at three interrelated levels - that of
the individual, political organisations and the state - whilst
examining the world relations and contacts of both fascist
factions, from Buenos Aires to Washington and Berlin to Montevideo,
in what is a genuinely transnational history of the fascist
movement. Incorporating research carried out in archives around the
world, this book delivers key insights to further the historical
study of right-wing political violence in modern Europe.
How the breeding of new animals and plants was central to fascist
regimes in Italy, Portugal, and Germany and to their imperial
expansion. In the fascist regimes of Mussolini's Italy, Salazar's
Portugal, and Hitler's Germany, the first mass mobilizations
involved wheat engineered to take advantage of chemical
fertilizers, potatoes resistant to late blight, and pigs that
thrived on national produce. Food independence was an early goal of
fascism; indeed, as Tiago Saraiva writes in Fascist Pigs, fascists
were obsessed with projects to feed the national body from the
national soil. Saraiva shows how such technoscientific organisms as
specially bred wheat and pigs became important elements in the
institutionalization and expansion of fascist regimes. The pigs,
the potatoes, and the wheat embodied fascism. In Nazi Germany, only
plants and animals conforming to the new national standards would
be allowed to reproduce. Pigs that didn't efficiently convert
German-grown potatoes into pork and lard were eliminated. Saraiva
describes national campaigns that intertwined the work of
geneticists with new state bureaucracies; discusses fascist
empires, considering forced labor on coffee, rubber, and cotton in
Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Eastern Europe; and explores fascist
genocides, following Karakul sheep from a laboratory in Germany to
Eastern Europe, Libya, Ethiopia, and Angola. Saraiva's highly
original account-the first systematic study of the relation between
science and fascism-argues that the "back to the land" aspect of
fascism should be understood as a modernist experiment involving
geneticists and their organisms, mass propaganda, overgrown
bureaucracy, and violent colonialism.
Between 1933 and 1945, Germany was under the grip of the Third
Reich. Headed by Adolf Hitler, this National Socialist state
endeavoured to control every aspect of the nation's political,
social, economic, religious and cultural life, and indoctrinate
every German citizen in its ideology. This intrinsically racist
regime also embarked on an expansionist foreign policy that, at its
peak, brought most of continental Europe under Nazi control. The
resulting war - and genocide - killed millions of soldiers and
civilians and its effects continue to be felt to this day. Nazism,
it has been suggested, was "the ultimate embodiment of evil", and
historians have grappled with one fundamental question since 1945:
how was any of this possible in a modern, cultured nation in the
heart of 20th century Europe? There is no easy way to sum up the
Third Reich, but in this short book Caroline Sharples tells the
story of Hitler's rise to power and looks at the arguments which
have raged about the Third Reich, in particular the argument about
how much power Hitler actually had. Was he, as some believe, an
omnipotent leader with clear ideological goals and a clear
programme for implementing them? Or was the Third Reich much more
confused, with ad hoc decision making and intense power rivalries
generating a "cumulative radicalism" which eventually brought it
down?
This book proposes an interpretation of Francoism as the Spanish
variant of fascism. Unlike Italian fascism and Nazism, the Franco
regime survived the Second World War and continued its existence
until the death of dictator Francisco Franco. Francoism was,
therefore, the Last Survivor of the fascisms of the interwar
period. And indeed this designation applies equally to Franco. The
work begins with an analysis of the historical identity of Spanish
fascism, constituted in the process of fascistization of the
Spanish right during the crisis of the Second Republic, and
consolidated in the formation of the fascist single-party and the
New State during the civil war. Subsequent chapter contributions
focus on various cultural and social projects (the university,
political-cultural journals, the Labor University Service, local
policies and social insurance) that sought to socialize Spaniards
in the political principles of the Franco regime and thereby to
strengthen social cohesion around it. Francoism faced varying
degrees of non-compliance and outright hostility, expressed as
different forms of cultural opposition to the Franco regime,
especially in the years of its maturity (decades of the fifties and
sixties), from Spaniards both inside Spain and in exile. Such
opposition is explored in the context of how the regime reacted via
the social, cultural and economic inducements at its disposal. The
editors and contributors are widely published in the field of Spain
of the Second Republic, the civil war and the Franco dictatorship.
Research material is drawn from primary archival sources, and
provides new information and new interpretations on Spanish
politics, culture and society during the dictatorship.
Despite their common heritage, Jews born and raised on opposite
sides of the Polish-Soviet border during the interwar period
acquired distinct beliefs, values, and attitudes. Variances in
civic commitment, school lessons, youth activities, religious
observance, housing arrangements, and perceptions of security
deeply influenced these adolescents who would soon face a common
enemy. Set in two cities flanking the border, Grodno in the
interwar Polish Republic and Vitebsk in the Soviet Union,
Borderland Generation traces the prewar and wartime experiences of
young adult Jews raised under distinct political and social
systems. Each cohort harnessed the knowledge and skills attained
during their formative years to seek survival during the Holocaust
through narrow windows of chance. Antisemitism in Polish Grodno
encouraged Jewish adolescents to seek the support of their peers in
youth groups. Across the border to the east, the Soviet system
offered young Vitebsk Jews opportunities for advancement not
possible in Poland, but only if they integrated into the
predominantly Slavic society. These backgrounds shaped responses
during the Holocaust. Grodno Jews deported to concentration camps
acted in continuity with prewar social behaviors by forming bonds
with other prisoners. Young survivors among Vitebsk’s Jews often
looked to survive by posing under false identities as Belarusians,
Russians, or Tatars. Tapping archival resources in six languages,
Borderland Generation offers an original and groundbreaking
exploration of the ways in which young Polish and Soviet Jews
fought for survival and the complex impulses that shaped their
varying methods.
A far-ranging critique of the rise of authoritarianism and white nationalism in the US and the consequences for democracy.
In this searing critique of the Trump presidency and the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S., Henry Giroux asks, How have we arrived here, and what can be done? In a discussion of events that ranges from the Administration's ongoing attempts to repeal Obamacare and its anti-immigration policies and travel bans, to the normalization of a culture of cruelty and the "weaponization of ignorance," Giroux details the urgency of our current crisis.
Giroux explores the political dystopias—those of recent history and those depicted in some of the classics of Western literature—that result when authoritarian forces outmaneuver accountability. He argues that only through increased civic investment in multicultural democracy, education, and resistance can we hope to push back the ominous convergence of white nationalism and elite economic interests.
A philosophical investigation of dealing with guilt and its impact
on democracy, in the case of Austrian NazisDrawing on the work of
Hannah Arendt and Theodor W. Adorno, this book illustrates the
relevance and applicability of a political discussion of guilt and
democracy. It appropriates psychoanalytic theory to analyse court
documents of Austrian Nazi perpetrators as well as recent public
controversies surrounding Austria's involvement in the Nazi
atrocities and ponders how the former agents of Hitlerite crimes
and contemporary Austrians have dealt with their guilt. Exposing
the defensive mechanisms that have been used to evade facing
involvement in Nazi atrocities, Leeb considers the possibilities of
breaking the cycle of negative consequences that result from the
inability to deal with guilt. Leeb shows us that only by guilt can
individuals and nations take responsibility for their past crimes,
show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the
emergence of new crimes.
France is often held up as a bastion of gastronomic refinement and
as a model of artisanal agriculture and husbandry. But French
farming is not at all what it seems. Countering the standard
stories of gastronomy, tourism, and leisure associated with the
French countryside, Venus Bivar portrays French farmers as
hard-nosed businessmen preoccupied with global trade and mass
production. With a twin focus on both the rise of big agriculture
and the organic movement, Bivar examines the tumult of postwar
rural France, a place fiercely engaged with crucial national and
global developments. Delving into the intersecting narratives of
economic modernization, the birth of organic farming, the
development of a strong agricultural protest movement, and the rise
of environmentalism, Bivar reveals a movement as preoccupied with
maintaining the purity of the French race as of French food. What
emerges is a story of how French farming conquered the world,
bringing with it a set of ideas about place and purity with a
darker origin story than we might have guessed.
Fascism was one of the twentieth century's principal political
forces, and one of the most violent and problematic. Brutal,
repressive and in some cases totalitarian, the fascist and
authoritarian regimes of the early twentieth century, in Europe and
beyond, sought to create revolutionary new orders that crushed
their opponents. A central component of such regimes' exertion of
control was criminal law, a focal point and key instrument of State
punitive and repressive power. This collection brings together a
range of original essays by international experts in the field to
explore questions of criminal law under Italian Fascism and other
similar regimes, including Franco's Spain, Vargas's Brazil and
interwar Romania and Japan. Addressing issues of substantive
criminal law, criminology and ideology, the form and function of
criminal justice institutions, and the role and perception of
criminal law in processes of transition, the collection casts new
light on fascism's criminal legal history and related questions of
theoretical interpretation and historiography. At the heart of the
collection is the problematic issue of continuity and similarity
among fascist systems and preceding, contemporaneous and subsequent
legal orders, an issue that goes to the heart of fascist regimes'
historical identity and the complex relationship between them and
the legal orders constructed in their aftermath. The collection
thus makes an innovative contribution both to the comparative
understanding of fascism, and to critical engagement with the
foundations and modalities of criminal law across systems.
This book is a fictional account of the life of German film and
theatre actor Werner Krauss, eponymous star of the classic silent
film The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari. Upon gaining worldwide
recognition in this film, Krauss was co-opted into the Nazi hate
campaign of the 1930s and 1940s. He featured in the vicious
propaganda film Jud Suss, and he was complicit in giving
anti-Semitic performances onstage, most notably as Shylock in
Shakespeares The Merchant of Venice. The book focuses on three
distinct eras in Krauss life: the struggling, exuberant actor of
the 1920s; the philandering pragmatist of the 1930s; and the
elderly, neurotic outcast of the 1940s. Despite his honourable
intentions, Krauss was all-too-often undermined by his inability to
say no to women, alcohol and the egregious Joseph Goebbels. In this
fictional re-imagining of his life, Krauss motives and decisions
are explored in an attempt to discover why he collaborated with the
Nazis in the way that he did, as well as demonstrating the personal
and political consequences of his actions. As someone who was
influenced by the Nazi regime, and, in turn, influential in
perpetuating their message, Krauss story tells the wider story of
the role of the arts and media in Nazi Germany. Extensively
researched, including contemporary news stories, archived film
material, critical essays on Krauss and translated passages from
his autobiography, Das Schauspiel Meines Lebens, this fictional
reconstruction of Krauss life and career is preceded by a
substantive Introduction by the author, setting the novel in the
context of the genre of Holocaust fiction, emulating and
reminiscent of Christopher Isherwood's Goodbye to Berlin and Thomas
Keneally's Schindler's Ark.
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Belinda Bauer
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