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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Fascism & Nazism
This book is a fictional account of the life of German film and
theatre actor Werner Krauss, eponymous star of the classic silent
film The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari. Upon gaining worldwide
recognition in this film, Krauss was co-opted into the Nazi hate
campaign of the 1930s and 1940s. He featured in the vicious
propaganda film Jud Suss, and he was complicit in giving
anti-Semitic performances onstage, most notably as Shylock in
Shakespeares The Merchant of Venice. The book focuses on three
distinct eras in Krauss life: the struggling, exuberant actor of
the 1920s; the philandering pragmatist of the 1930s; and the
elderly, neurotic outcast of the 1940s. Despite his honourable
intentions, Krauss was all-too-often undermined by his inability to
say no to women, alcohol and the egregious Joseph Goebbels. In this
fictional re-imagining of his life, Krauss motives and decisions
are explored in an attempt to discover why he collaborated with the
Nazis in the way that he did, as well as demonstrating the personal
and political consequences of his actions. As someone who was
influenced by the Nazi regime, and, in turn, influential in
perpetuating their message, Krauss story tells the wider story of
the role of the arts and media in Nazi Germany. Extensively
researched, including contemporary news stories, archived film
material, critical essays on Krauss and translated passages from
his autobiography, Das Schauspiel Meines Lebens, this fictional
reconstruction of Krauss life and career is preceded by a
substantive Introduction by the author, setting the novel in the
context of the genre of Holocaust fiction, emulating and
reminiscent of Christopher Isherwood's Goodbye to Berlin and Thomas
Keneally's Schindler's Ark.
A thrilling biography of Benito Mussolini's favourite daughter, and
a heart-stopping account of the unravelling of the Fascist dream in
Italy 'Engrossing... Moorehead has a spirited turn of phrase, a
keen eye for the telling detail and pungent quote, and a gift for
marshaling complex material' Jenny Uglow, New York Times Book
Review Edda Mussolini was Benito's favourite daughter: spoilt,
venal and uneducated but also clever, brave, and ultimately loyal.
She was her father's confidante during the 20 years of Fascist rule
and married Foreign Secretary Galeazzo Ciano, making them the most
celebrated couple in Roman fascist society. Their fortunes turned
in 1943, when Ciano voted against Mussolini in a plot to bring him
down. In a dramatic story that takes in hidden diaries, her
father's fall and her husband's execution, we come to know a
complicated, bold and determined woman who emerges not just as a
witness but as a key player in some of the twentieth century's
defining moments. 'Vividly told, engrossing history' CLARE MULLEY,
author of The Women Who Flew for Hitler 'Precise, empathic . . . a
profoundly satisfying, albeit wistful, read and . . . a worryingly
relevant one' GUARDIAN
Fascism was one of the twentieth century's principal political
forces, and one of the most violent and problematic. Brutal,
repressive and in some cases totalitarian, the fascist and
authoritarian regimes of the early twentieth century, in Europe and
beyond, sought to create revolutionary new orders that crushed
their opponents. A central component of such regimes' exertion of
control was criminal law, a focal point and key instrument of State
punitive and repressive power. This collection brings together a
range of original essays by international experts in the field to
explore questions of criminal law under Italian Fascism and other
similar regimes, including Franco's Spain, Vargas's Brazil and
interwar Romania and Japan. Addressing issues of substantive
criminal law, criminology and ideology, the form and function of
criminal justice institutions, and the role and perception of
criminal law in processes of transition, the collection casts new
light on fascism's criminal legal history and related questions of
theoretical interpretation and historiography. At the heart of the
collection is the problematic issue of continuity and similarity
among fascist systems and preceding, contemporaneous and subsequent
legal orders, an issue that goes to the heart of fascist regimes'
historical identity and the complex relationship between them and
the legal orders constructed in their aftermath. The collection
thus makes an innovative contribution both to the comparative
understanding of fascism, and to critical engagement with the
foundations and modalities of criminal law across systems.
In Revolutionary Nativism Maggie Clinton traces the history and
cultural politics of fascist organizations that operated under the
umbrella of the Chinese Nationalist Party (GMD) during the 1920s
and 1930s. Clinton argues that fascism was not imported to China
from Europe or Japan; rather it emerged from the charged social
conditions that prevailed in the country's southern and coastal
regions during the interwar period. These fascist groups were led
by young militants who believed that reviving China's Confucian
"national spirit" could foster the discipline and social cohesion
necessary to defend China against imperialism and Communism and to
develop formidable industrial and military capacities, thereby
securing national strength in a competitive international arena.
Fascists within the GMD deployed modernist aesthetics in their
literature and art while justifying their anti-Communist violence
with nativist discourse. Showing how the GMD's fascist factions
popularized a virulently nationalist rhetoric that linked
Confucianism with a specific path of industrial development,
Clinton sheds new light on the complex dynamics of Chinese
nationalism and modernity.
A revelatory look at the residences of Adolf Hitler, illuminating
their powerful role in constructing and promoting the dictator's
private persona both within Germany and abroad Adolf Hitler's
makeover from rabble-rouser to statesman coincided with a series of
dramatic home renovations he undertook during the mid-1930s. This
provocative book exposes the dictator's preoccupation with his
private persona, which was shaped by the aesthetic and ideological
management of his domestic architecture. Hitler's bachelor life
stirred rumors, and the Nazi regime relied on the dictator's three
dwellings-the Old Chancellery in Berlin, his apartment in Munich,
and the Berghof, his mountain home on the Obersalzberg-to foster
the myth of the Fuhrer as a morally upstanding and refined man.
Author Despina Stratigakos also reveals the previously untold story
of Hitler's interior designer, Gerdy Troost, through newly
discovered archival sources. At the height of the Third Reich,
media outlets around the world showcased Hitler's homes to
audiences eager for behind-the-scenes stories. After the war,
fascination with Hitler's domestic life continued as soldiers and
journalists searched his dwellings for insights into his
psychology. The book's rich illustrations, many previously
unpublished, offer readers a rare glimpse into the decisions
involved in the making of Hitler's homes and into the sheer power
of the propaganda that influenced how the world saw him.
The Spanish Civil War, fought between 1936 and 1939, was the first
battle against fascism in Europe. Five months after the victory of
dictator Francisco Franco in Spain the conflict moved to Europe
with the outbreak of the Second World War. Fascism and anti-fascism
again faced each other on the battlefield. Amid the heat of the
Nazi invasions in Europe, anti-fascist resistance groups formed by
ordinary citizens emerged in virtually all European countries.
Although the Franco dictatorship was not directly involved in the
world war, in Spain an anti-Franco resistance movement was
organised in 1939 and lasted until 1952. Although the Spanish
resistance constituted the first and last anti-fascist resistance
movement in Europe, the Spanish case has been consistently
overlooked by international studies. This book inserts the Spanish
anti-Franco resistance into the European context, proposing a new
narrative of anti-fascist resistances in Europe. At the same time,
the book offers a new interpretation of guerrilla phenomena with a
strongly peasant character, as was the case of the resistance in
Spain. The author underlines the importance of primary groups
(kinship, neighbourhood, friendship) and secondary groups
(camaraderie and political loyalties) in the mobilisation and
organisation of armed groups. For this study, Jorge Marco
establishes twelve variables that permit him to distinguish between
'neighbours in arms' and 'modern guerrilla'. The studied
combinations of groups and types demonstrates the plurality of the
identities and cultures of the anti-fascist resistance in Spain.
Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for
Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Spanish by birth, Parisian by adoption, Semprun (1923-2011) was a
legendary figure on the front lines of twentieth-century European
history. During the first half of his life he was an exile of the
Spanish Civil War, a member of the French Resistance, a Nazi camp
survivor, and clandestine agent for the Spanish Communist Party.
After repeatedly risking his life from the 1930s to the 1960s, he
reinvented himself as a prolific writer who turned the
extraordinary material from his own life into a series of
autobiographical novels, beginning with The Long Voyage, his 1963
masterpiece about his deportation to Buchenwald. Semprun was
equally at home amongst the madrilenos of his childhood, fellow
prisoners of the Buchenwald concentration camp, politicians, and
artists and writers, such as his close friend Yves Montand or
Gabriel Garcia Marquez. He is best known internationally as a
prize-winning novelist and memoirist, and an Oscar-nominated
screenwriter. In collaboration with Alain Resnais and Costa-Gavras
he wrote the screenplays for, respectively, La guerre est finie and
Z. In Spain, his extraordinary achievements were recognised when in
1988 he was named Minister of Culture. The research for this
biography draws on archival materials from Spain, France, Germany,
the United States and Russia; it includes many interviews with
family members, close friends, politicians, and artists including
former Spanish Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez, and film director
Costa Gavras. Published in association with the Canada Blanch
Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Spanish by birth, Parisian by adoption, Semprun (1923-2011) was a
legendary figure on the front lines of twentieth-century European
history. During the first half of his life he was an exile of the
Spanish Civil War, a member of the French Resistance, a Nazi camp
survivor, and clandestine agent for the Spanish Communist Party.
After repeatedly risking his life from the 1930s to the 1960s, he
reinvented himself as a prolific writer who turned the
extraordinary material from his own life into a series of
autobiographical novels, beginning with The Long Voyage, his 1963
masterpiece about his deportation to Buchenwald. Semprun was
equally at home amongst the madrilenos of his childhood, fellow
prisoners of the Buchenwald concentration camp, politicians, and
artists and writers, such as his close friend Yves Montand or
Gabriel Garcia Marquez. He is best known internationally as a
prize-winning novelist and memoirist, and an Oscar-nominated
screenwriter. In collaboration with Alain Resnais and Costa-Gavras
he wrote the screenplays for, respectively, La guerre est finie and
Z. In Spain, his extraordinary achievements were recognised when in
1988 he was named Minister of Culture. The research for this
biography draws on archival materials from Spain, France, Germany,
the United States and Russia; it includes many interviews with
family members, close friends, politicians, and artists including
former Spanish Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez, and film director
Costa Gavras. Published in association with the Canada Blanch
Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi Movement casts fresh light on
one of post-war Britain's most notorious fascists, using him to
examine the contemporary history of the extreme right. The book
explores the wide range of neo-Nazi groups that Colin Jordan led,
contributed to and inspired throughout his time as Britain's
foremost promoter of Nazi ideology. In a period stretching from the
close of the Second World War right up to the 2000s, Colin Jordan
became politically engaged with a multitude of Nazi-inspired
extremist groups, either as leader or as a key protagonist.
Moreover, Jordan also developed critical relationships with larger,
competitor extreme-right organisations and parties, including the
Mosley's Union Movement, the National Front and the most recent
incarnation of the British National Party. He fostered a number of
transnational links throughout his years of activism as well,
especially with American neo-Nazis. In recent years, his writings
and somewhat idealised profile have been adopted by more
contemporary extremist organisations, such as the British People's
Party and a rekindled British Movement, who look to Jordan as an
inspirational figure for their own reconfigurations of a National
Socialist agenda. By examining this history, drawing on a wide
range of fresh primary sources, Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi
Movement offers a new analysis on the nature and workings of
Nazi-inspired political extremism in post-war Britain. It is an
important study for anyone interested in the history of fascism,
extreme ideologies and the political and social history of Britain
since the Second World War.
Jazz Italian Style explores a complex era in music history, when
politics and popular culture collided with national identity and
technology. When jazz arrived in Italy at the conclusion of World
War I, it quickly became part of the local music culture. In Italy,
thanks to the gramophone and radio, many Italian listeners paid
little attention to a performer's national and ethnic identity.
Nick LaRocca (Italian-American), Gorni Kramer (Italian), the Trio
Lescano (Jewish-Dutch), and Louis Armstrong (African-American), to
name a few, all found equal footing in the Italian soundscape. The
book reveals how Italians made jazz their own, and how, by the
mid-1930s, a genre of jazz distinguishable from American varieties
and supported by Mussolini began to flourish in northern Italy and
in its turn influenced Italian-American musicians. Most
importantly, the book recovers a lost repertoire and an array of
musicians whose stories and performances are compelling and well
worth remembering.
Here is the story, in his own words, of how Cesare Mori, with the
support of Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini, took on the
might of the Sicilian Mafia. It was a struggle that earned Mori
much criticism of his methods from the liberal media, but much
praise not only from Mussolini himself but from the people of
Sicily who had for decades lived in fear of this criminal secret
society which had become the scourge of ordinary Sicilians. There
was nothing of a flashy nature about the Mafia in Sicily. Operating
in a non-industrialised society, the Mafioso in Sicily made their
wealth not from drugs, prostitution and gambling, but from the
theft of horses and livestock, kidnapping, and the extortion of
money from simple town and country folk and large landowners alike,
and like their American colleagues the Sicilian Mafia enforced
their rule through violence and murder. However, with the Allied
invasion of Sicily in 1943, the U.S. Military enlisted the help of
the American Mafia in re-establishing Mafia activity in Sicily,
with the aim of undermining Fascist rule - a tactic that not only
had far reaching consequences for Sicily, but for the whole of
Italy for decades to come.In another time or place Cesare Mori's
struggle against the Mafia would have been remembered alongside
Elliott Ness, but it is now a story largely forgotten, because,
like much else, it was an achievement of the Mussolini era, and as
such is to be written out of history. Cesare Mori's story of his
struggle against the Mafia not only deserves to be told, but it
provides an insight into Sicilian society and a rural way of life
that has for the most part now disappeared.
'Exquisitely written... haunting... Few books, I think, capture so
well the sense of a life broken for ever by trauma and guilt'
Sunday Times 'An unsparing, honest and insightful memoir, that
shows how private failure becomes national disaster' Hilary Mantel
Twenty years after the end of the war, Horst Kruger attempted to
make sense of his childhood. He had grown up in a quiet Berlin
suburb. Here, people lived ordinary lives, believed in God, obeyed
the law, and were gradually seduced by the promises of Nazism. He
had been 'the typical child of innocuous Germans who were never
Nazis, and without whom the Nazis would never have been able to do
their work'. With tragic inevitability, this world of
respectability, order and duty began to crumble. Written in
accomplished prose of lingering beauty, The Broken House is a
moving coming-of-age story that provides a searing portrait of life
under the Nazis.
Helen Graham here brings together leading historians of
international renown to examine 20th-century Spain in light of
Franco's dictatorship and its legacy. Interrogating Francoism uses
a three-part structure to look at the old regime, the civil war and
the forging of Francoism; the nature of Franco's dictatorship; and
the 'history wars' that have since taken place over his legacy.
Social, political, economic and cultural historical approaches are
integrated throughout and 'top down' political analysis is
incorporated along with 'bottom up' social perspectives. The book
places Spain and Francoism in comparative European context and
explores the relationship between the historical debates and
present-day political and ideological controversies in Spain. In
part a tribute to Paul Preston, the foremost historian of
contemporary Spain today, Interrogating Francoism includes an
interview with Professor Preston and a comprehensive bibliography
of his work, as well as extensive further readings in English. It
is a crucial volume for all students of 20th-century Spain.
The prevailing sentiment of contemporary intellectuals is that the
human condition has never been better. History is regarded as
lengthy episode of oppression that human beings have gradually but
steadily fought to overcome with considerable success. Evidence of
these successes that are commonly offered include increased
material consumption, better health and longer life expectancy,
technological development and, above all, the ongoing triumph of
"democracy" and "human rights." However, the nineteenth and
twentieth century produced an array of dissident thinkers that
expressed a great skepticism of modern civilization. Their
individual critiques were often vastly different from one another.
Yet the common idea that emerges from work of these genuine
intellectual mavericks is one that laments the loss of traditional
societies, and pessimism about the new world that modernity has
brought. Instead, the modern project has been regarded by thinkers
as different as Nietzsche, G.K. Chesterton and Alain De Benoist to
have been a cultural and spiritual degeneration that diminished
rather than elevated the nobility of man. This work by Keith
Preston examines the ideas of these thinkers, and considers the
potential relevance of their insights in the postmodern age.
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