This volume focuses on the dramatic developments in Italian history from 1900 to 1945. It presents a lively discussion of Italy's experiences of modernization, two world wars, and the impact of the totalitarian Fascist experiment. Among the many topics covered by the book are the rise and fall of Fascism, Italy's industrial revolution, changes in everyday life, the Futurist movement in the arts, and Gramsci's political philosophy.

Der Band schliesst an den 1999 in zwei Teilen erschienenen Bd. II: 1934/35 an und dokumentiert wie dieser in reprasentativer Auswahl die Gesamtpolitik der Regierung Hitlers. 212 aufwandig kommentierte Aktenstucke fuhren zu den wesentlichen Problemen, mit denen die Reichsregierung konfrontiert war, und hellen Entscheidungsablaufe im Vorfeld wichtiger Gesetze und Erlasse und ihre Intentionen auf. Dazu wird neben dem Fonds der Reichskanzlei-Akten auch die Uberlieferung der Reichsministerien systematisch herangezogen. Mitberucksichtigt sind unvollendete Projekte, welche die Ziele des Nationalsozialismus oft in besonderer Weise charakterisieren. Im Anhang werden wiederum alle "Fuhrervortrage" des Chefs der Reichskanzlei regestenartig nachgewiesen. Gilt das Olympiajahr 1936 in landlaufiger Sicht als eine Phase relativer Friedfertigkeit und Ruhe, so vermitteln die amtlichen Dokumente das Bild eines Jahres, das in mehrfacher Beziehung unverkennbar Schwellencharakter tragt: Der Vierjahresplan leitete in einen Zustand permanenter Mobilmachung uber, deren erklartes Ziel die kriegerische Ausweitung des deutschen "Lebensraums" war; das Rustungsvolumen begann die Soliditat der Staatsfinanzen vollends zu untergraben; die Aussenhandelskrise weitete sich zur allgemeinen Versorgungskrise, Lohne und Preise wurden nur dank rigider Eingriffe in labiler Balance gehalten; in den durch Staatsauftrage aufgeblahten Branchen schlug die eben erreichte Vollbeschaftigung in Arbeitskraftemangel um. Dagegen stagnierte die angekundigte nationalsozialistische "Rechtserneuerung," wie Hitler auch die Reichs- und Verwaltungsreform einstellte. In der Rassenpolitik erubrigte das Ziel vollstandiger Vertreibung der Juden jeden weiteren Versuch, wenigstens ihren Minderstatus verlassig zu fixieren. Auch mit der Abdrangung der Kirchen aus ihrer offentlichen Stellung machte das Regime nun ernst. Aus der Presse: "Die Dokumentations- und Editionsgrundsatze der gesamten Reihe bewahren sich auch in diesem Band. Er vermittelt mit seiner dichten und somit das diktatoriale System aus der Perspektive einer Schlusselinstitution gut erfassenden Quellenauswahl einen tiefen und exemplarisch zu nennenden Eindruck." Bernd Sosemann in der FAZ vom 08.08.2003"

A unique work that collections, for the first time, a wide variety of materials on both Italian fascism and antifascism. When the historical significance of fascism and antifascism is still being debated in Italy and across Europe, this anthology offers an uncommon and unusually wide-ranging collection of documents. Specialists will appreciate the comprehensive range and concern with historiographical debates; students will benefit from a long introductory essay as well as notes to each selection, a glossary and an extensive 'guide to further reading'. Instructors will appreciate its effectiveness in describing and depicting a wide range of voices - political, literary, popular - that will illuminate the twenty year period of fascism and antifascism in Italy. The general reader will marvel at previously unavailable documents, including letters from women to Mussolini and antifascist graffiti from a Nazi prison in Rome. -- .

First published in 1938 "I Knew Hitler" is the missing link in the literary trail which traces the fortunes of Adolf Hitler from Linz to Berlin. There are surprisingly few personal accounts of life with Hitler from inside the inner circle during the years before he seized power and besides Goebbels' diaries Ludecke is by far the most important of them. Dedicated by its author to the memory of Ernst Roehm, the publication of this brand new edition means that Ludecke's explosive memoir is back in print for the first time in 75 years. Kurt Ludecke was a former confident of Hitler's who had the misfortune to find himself on the wrong side of the political gulf which led to the 1934 blood purge better known outside of Germany as "The Night Of The Long Knives. As the power struggle between the SS and the SA threatened to engulf him, Hitler finally took decisive action and was personally involved in the vicious in fighting which saw the arrest and execution of many senior SA figures including Roehm himself. Ludecke was a man in the wrong place at the wrong time and was actually incarcerated twice on Hitler's orders before finally escaping to Switzerland. For many years this fascinating and highly readable account of life with Hitler's inner circle was dismissed by the academic world as a heavily biased and therefore unreliable as a main primary resource. However a number of recent scholarly assessments have confirmed what most historians suspected all along; Ludecke is in fact an excellent and highly reliable original source. The rehabilitation of Ludecke is a timely development as he provides the only detailed account surrounding the actions of Adolf Hitler into the world of Adolf Hitler as he took the first steps from Landsberg prison to achieve power through the horse trading following the ill starred election of 1933. Ludecke also throws a powerful new light on the events of the Night Of the Long Knives and gives the clearest indication that we have today that there was indeed a genuine SA plot to overthrow Hitler and set the party on a more rigorous route towards a truly National socialist state. Ludecke is indispensible reading for anyone with an interest in the political history of the Third Reich.

This book collects important and representative writings that respond to the Nazi atrocities and death camps. Written by theologians, literary figures, cultural critics, philosophers, and others, these writings survey the major themes in Western culture that the Holocaust raises and the most provocative and influential responses to these themes and to the Holocaust itself.

Britain is celebrated for having avoided the extremism, political violence and instability that blighted many European countries between the two world wars. But her success was a closer thing than has been realized. Disillusionment with parliamentary democracy, outbreaks of fascist violence and fears of communist subversion in industry and the Empire ran through the entire period. Fascist organizations may have failed to attract the support they achieved elsewhere but fascist ideas were adopted from top to bottom of society and by men and women in all parts of the country. This book will demonstrate for the first time the true spread and depth of fascist beliefs - and the extent to which they were distinctly British. Rich in anecdotes and extraordinary characters, Hurrah for the Blackshirts! shows us an inter-war Britain on the high-road to fascism but never quite arriving at its destination.

Professor Scholder's book is a major contribution to our understanding of Christianity under the Nazi regime, in some ways going beyond his definitive history of the German churches under the Third Reich. The volume paints a vivid picture of the problems of living under any kind of totalitarian regime, with a wealth of detailed evidence and insightful judgments. A few illustrations from the book: * After the news of Adolf Hitler's death, Cardinal Bertram of Breslau, the senior German prelate, drafted an order for a requiem mass to be said for Hitler throughout his churches. * Under the Hitler regime any resistance in both Protestant and Catholic churches came largely from individuals; officially the churches were interested above all in maintaining their status quo. * When Germany entered the Spanish Civil War, Hitler offered the churches support if they would join his battle against Bolshevism. Students, historians, and the general reader will be captivated by Scholder's perceptive and challenging interpretations of the churches in Western Europe prior to and during the Second World War which still have relevance for us today.

The Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais stood at the centre of political conflict in the turbulent final years of the French Third Republic. Membership peaked at 750,000 in 1937, and at the time the movement was widely regarded as the counterpart of fascism in Germany and Italy. However, only recently has the view that fascism also has roots in France become a serious topic for debate. From Liberalism to Fascism is based largely on archival research, and shows that contemporary perceptions of the Croix de Feu and the PSF as fascist were in fact correct. Dr Passmore places French fascism in the wider context of the history of French conservatism through a micro-study of a crisis of the liberal-conservative tradition in Lyon. This 1997 book was the first to place the emergence of French fascism in the wider political and social context. In the process, received views of the nature of French society and politics are contested.

Forging Germans explores the German nationalization and eventual National Socialist radicalization of ethnic Germans in the Batschka and the Western Banat, two multiethnic, post-Habsburg borderland territories currently in northern Serbia. Deploying a comparative approach, Caroline Mezger investigates the experiences of ethnic German children and youth in interwar Yugoslavia and under Hungarian and German occupation during World War II, as local and Third Reich cultural, religious, political, and military organizations wrestled over young people's national (self-) identification and loyalty. Ethnic German children and youth targeted by these nationalization endeavors moved beyond being the objects of nationalist activism to become agents of nationalization themselves, as they actively negotiated, redefined, proselytized, lived, and died for the "Germanness" ascribed to them. Interweaving original oral history interviews, untapped archival materials from Germany, Hungary, and Serbia, and diverse historical press sources, Forging Germans provides incisive insight into the experiences and memories of one of Europe's most contested wartime demographics, probing the relationship between larger historical circumstances and individual agency and subjectivity.

Through a series of interviews Schoppmann presents the life stories of ten lesbians who lived through the Nazi era. This book is a bold reminder of the "forgotten victims" of the Third Reich.

The image of Hitler as a demagogic 'pied piper' leading astray the 'little people' of Austria is as misleading as it is powerful. Nazism and the Working Class in Austria is a case study of the ambiguous relationship between state and society in Austria under the Nazis. It places the experience of Austrian industrial workers in the Third Reich in a broader historical context, from the origins of the earliest 'national socialist' movements in the backwaters of the Habsburg empire to the end of the Second World War. Workers did not seriously attempt or even expect to overthrow the Nazi regime in the face of unprecedented surveillance and terror; but neither were they converted, and their oppositional strategies and disgruntled political opinions reveal a truculent workforce, rather than one that was contented and converted.

Since the 1920s, an endless flow of studies has analyzed the political systems of fascism, theseizure of power, the nature of the regimes, the atrocities committed, and, finally, the wars waged against other countries. However, much less attention has been paid to the strategies of persuasion employed by the regimes to win over the masses for their cause. Among these, fascist propaganda has traditionally been seen as the key means of influencing public opinion. Only recently has the "fascination with Fascism" become a topic of enquiry that has also formed the guiding interest of this volume: it offers, for the first time, a comparative analysis of the forms and functions of theater in countries governed by fascist or para-fascist regimes. By examining a wide spectrum of theatrical manifestations in a number of States with a varying degree of fascistization, these studies establish some of the similarities and differences between the theatrical cultures of several cultures in the interwar period.

How populism is fueled by the demise of the industrial order and the emergence of a new digital society ruled by algorithms In the revolutionary excitement of the 1960s, young people around the world called for a radical shift away from the old industrial order, imagining a future of technological liberation and unfettered prosperity. Industrial society did collapse, and a digital economy has risen to take its place, yet many have been left feeling marginalized and deprived of the possibility of a better life. The Inglorious Years explores the many ways we have been let down by the rising tide of technology, showing how our new interconnectivity is not fulfilling its promise. In this revelatory book, economist Daniel Cohen describes how today's postindustrial society is transforming us all into sequences of data that can be manipulated by algorithms from anywhere on the planet. As yesterday's assembly line was replaced by working online, the leftist protests of the 1960s have given way to angry protests by the populist right. Cohen demonstrates how the digital economy creates the same mix of promises and disappointments as the old industrial order, and how it revives questions about society that are as relevant to us today as they were to the ancients. Brilliant and provocative, The Inglorious Years discusses what the new digital society holds in store for us, and reveals how can we once again regain control of our lives.

Separate sections for AS and A2 ensures students have the information they need at the right depth. Exam preparation and advice at the end of each section help students understand what examiners are looking for and what style questions your exam board will set. A more accessible AS format eases the transition from GCSE while the A2 section develops students' skills and helps them rise to the challenge of A Level exams.

An Unsparing Analysis of the Legal Principles and Constitutional Developments of the Third Reich This classic study is widely considered one of the finest analyses of totalitarianism. It was written in Germany in the late 1930s and completed in the United States in 1940, where Fraenkel lived after fleeing the Nazis in 1938. The title derives from Fraenkel's thesis that National Socialism divided the law into two co-existing areas. The first of these, The Normative State, protects the legal order as expressed in statutes, decisions of courts and the activities of administrative agencies. Its counterpart is the Prerogative State, which is governed by the party. It exercised "unlimited arbitrariness and violence unchecked by any legal guarantees" (xiii). As a detailed record of what has happened to the Rechtstaat under totalitarian auspices, this book is without rival.--Fritz Morstein Marx, Harvard Law Review 54 (1940-1941), 1267 Several scholars have published authoritative descriptions of the German political and legal system. Fraenkel's book differs from its predecessors in so far as it represents, to the reviewer, the first attempt to provide a theoretical analysis of the German legal order.--Otto Kirchheimer, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Sep., 1941), 434-436 Ernst Fraenkel 1898-1975], the renowned political scientist, is widely considered the father of the theory of pluralism in Germany. He served in the German Army during the First World War from 1914 to 1918, worked as a labor lawyer with the left-wing political activist Franz Leopold Neumann, and as a Social Democrat and a Jew, fled Germany to the United Kingdom in 1938, and then to the United States in 1939. It is said that the manuscript of this book traveled ahead as contraband. He served as legal counsel to Korea before returning to Germany in 1951. In 1963 he founded The John F. Kennedy Institute in Berlin. CONTENTS Preface Introduction PART I THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF THE DUAL STATE CH. I. The Prerogative State CH. II. The Limits of the Prerogative State CH. III. The Normative State PART II THE LEGAL THEORY OF THE DUAL STATE CH. I. The Repudiation of Rational Natural Law by National-Socialism CH. II. The National-Socialist Campaign Against Natural Law CH. III. National-Socialism and Communal Natural Law PART III THE LEGAL REALITY OF THE DUAL STATE CH. I. The Legal History of the Dual State CH. II. The Economic Background of the Dual State CH. III. The Sociology of the Dual State Abbreviations Notes Appendix Table of Cases Index

This two-part volume combines an accessible overview of contemporary Jewish history with a unique dictionary of Holocaust terms. In addition to assessing the Holocaust specifically, Part 1 of the book discusses the history of European Jewry, anti-Semitism, the rise and fall of Nazism and fascism, World War II, and the postwar implications of the Holocaust. The authors also consider key historiographical and methodological issues related to the Holocaust.Part Two provides a complete dictionary of terms relating to the Holocaust culled from dozens of primary and secondary sources in a range of languages. Included here is a comprehensive set of tables on Aktionen, Aliya Bet, anti-Jewish legislation, anti-semitic organizations, collaboration, concentration camps, Fascism, the Third Reich, the Nazi Party, Jewish and non-sectarian organizations, publications, Judenr te, and resistance movements. Each table is prefaced by a descriptive overview of pertinent issues.Graphs, photographs, and documents supplement the text, and an extensive bibliography as well as separate person, place, and subject indexes make this unique work invaluable as a reference tool.

This is the first book to provide a sustained critical analysis of the literary-aesthetic dimension of French fascism--the peculiarly French form of what Walter Benjamin called the fascist "aestheticizing of politics." Focusing first on three important extremist nationalist writers at the turn of the century and then on five of the most visible fascist intellectuals in France in the 1930s, David Carroll shows how both traditional and modern concepts of art figure in the elaboration of fascist ideology--and in the presentation of fascism as an art of the political.

Carroll is concerned with the internal relations of fascism and literature--how literary fascists conceived of politics as a technique for fashioning a unified people and transforming the disparate elements of society into an organic, totalized work of art. He explores the logic of such aestheticizing, as well as the assumptions about art, literature, and culture at the basis of both the aesthetics and politics of French literary fascists. His book reveals how not only classical humanism but also modern aesthetics that defend the autonomy and integrity of literature became models for xenophobic forms of nationalism and extreme "cultural" forms of anti-Semitism. A cogent analysis of the ideological function of literature and culture in fascism, this work helps us see the ramifications of thinking of literature or art as the truth or essence of politics.

How were the Gestapo able to detect the smallest signs of non-compliance with Nazi doctrines, and how could they enforce their racial policies with such ease? Robert Gellately argues, controversially, that there was a three-way interaction between the Gestapo, the German people, and the implementation of policy; the key factor being the willingness of German citizens to provide the authorities with information about suspected `criminality'.

Provocative and highly controversial, The Nazi Hydra In America presents an overview of the fascist influence in America. While Eisenhower's troops defeated The Third Reich on the battlefields of Europe, the war against fascism was lost on the home front, to the same cadre of American elitists who built Hitler's war machine. At the center of this small confederacy two firms stand out: Brown Brothers & Harriman, and Sullivan & Cromwell. At the very eye of this oligarchy one family name stands above all others. Spanning over 90 years and 4 generations, the Bush family has chosen to ally themselves with Nazism and warmongering at home and abroad, ever willing to advance the Nazi agenda of global corporatism.

The consequences of Germany's twelve-year Nazi regime continue to reverberate and to spark debate among scholars and the general public. In this volume leading scholars present provocative essays probing the nature, history, and aftermath of the Nazi regime, including its connections to the Federal Republic of Germany after the war. The essays address the nature of Nazism as reflected in contemporary perceptions of Nazi Germany in the United States; the origins and character of fascism; the many forms of antisemitism; German scholars' efforts to promote persecution in the Third Reich; the role of ethnic Germans in the anti-Jewish and anti-Slavic policies of the Reich; the actions of German police in the occupation of eastern Europe and in the Holocaust; Hitler's style of leadership; the nazification of the German military high command; and the politics surrounding the memory of Nazism and the Holocaust after 1945. The Impact of Nazism employs diverse approaches, exploits a variety of new and long-available sources, and asks new questions, making clear the profound connections between the Nazis and the world that survived them. Alan E. Steinweis is an associate professor of history and Judaic studies at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. He is the author of Art, Ideology, and Economics in Nazi Germany: The Reich Chambers of Music, Theater, and the Visual Arts. Daniel E. Rogers is an associate professor of history at the University of South Alabama. He is the author of Politics after Hitler: The Western Allies and the German Party System.

Who was the scientific progenitor of eugenic thought? Amir Teicher challenges the preoccupation with Darwin's eugenic legacy by uncovering the extent to which Gregor Mendel's theory of heredity became crucial in the formation - and radicalization - of eugenic ideas. Through a compelling analysis of the entrenchment of genetic thinking in the social and political policies in Germany between 1900 and 1948, Teicher exposes how Mendelian heredity became saturated with cultural meaning, fed racial anxieties, reshaped the ideal of the purification of the German national body and ultimately defined eugenic programs. Drawing on scientific manuscripts and memoirs, bureaucratic correspondence, court records, school notebooks and Hitler's table talk as well as popular plays and films, Social Mendelism presents a new paradigm for understanding links between genetics and racism, and between biological and social thought.

" A History Book Club Alternative Selection No part of the Nazi movement contributed more to Hitler's success than the Sturmabteilung (SA) -- the notorious Brown Shirts. Bruce Campbell offers the first in-depth study in English of the men who held the three highest ranks in the SA. Organized on military lines and fired by radical nationalism, the Brown Shirts saw themselves as Germany's paramilitary saviors. Campbell reveals that the homogeneity of the SA leadership was based not on class or status, but on common experiences and training. Unlike other investigations of the Nazi party, The SA Generals and the Rise of Nazism focuses on the military and political activities of the Brown Shirts to show how they developed into SA Leaders. By tracing the activities, both individual and collective, of these men's adult lives through 1945, Campbell shows where members acquired the experience necessary to build, lead, and administer the SA. These men were instrumental in creating the Nazi concept of "political soldiering," combining military organization with political activism. Campbell's enlightening portrait of the SA, its history, and its relationship to the overall Nazi movement reveals how the organization's leaders reshaped the SA over time to adapt to Germany's changing political concerns.