The Political Economy of Human Rights is an important two volume work, co-authored with Edward Herman – also co-author of the classic Manufacturing Consent – which provides a complete dissection of American foreign policy during the 1960s and '70s, looking at the entire sweep of the Cold War during that period, including events in Vietnam, Cambodia, Indonesia and Latin America. For those looking to develop a broad understanding of American foreign policy during the 20th Century this work has been a vital resource and is now available to a new generation of scholars and activists.

We now live in a Dictatorship; our country is no longer a democracy...there is no freedom Get used to it Soldier will soon have free reign on those without the Verichip to beat them until they worship the Government You will be threatened to be put on the Guillotine if you dont WATCH

A British Fascist in the Second World War presents the edited diary of the British fascist Italophile, James Strachey Barnes. Previously unpublished, the diary is a significant source for all students of the Second World War and the history of European and British fascism. The diary covers the period from the fall of Mussolini in 1943 to the end of the war in 1945, two years in which British fascist Major James Strachey Barnes lived in Italy as a 'traitor'. Like William Joyce in Germany, he was involved in propaganda activity directed at Britain, the country of which he was formally a citizen. Brought up by upper-class English grandparents who had retired to Tuscany, he chose Italy as his own country and, in 1940, applied for Italian citizenship. By then, Barnes had become a well-known fascist writer. His diary is an extraordinary source written during the dramatic events of the Italian campaign. It reveals how events in Italy gradually affected his ideas about fascism, Italy, civilisation and religion. It tells much about Italian society under the strain of war and Allied bombing, and about the behaviour of both prominent fascist leaders and ordinary Italians. The diary also contains fascinating glimpses of Barnes's relationship with Ezra Pound, with Barnes attaching great significance to their discussion of economic issues in particular. With a scholarly introduction and an extensive bibliography and sources section included, this edited diary is an invaluable resource for anyone interested in learning more about the ideological complexities of the Second World War and fascism in 20th-century Europe.

Most people in the United States have been trained to recognize fascism in movements such as Germany’s Third Reich or Italy’s National Fascist Party, where charismatic demagogues manipulate incensed, vengeful masses. We rarely think of fascism as linked to the essence of monopoly-finance capitalism, operating under the guise of American free-enterprise. But, as Michael Joseph Roberto argues, this is exactly where fascism’s embryonic forms began gestating in the United States, during the so-called prosperous 1920s and the Great Depression of the following decade. Drawing from a range of authors who wrote during the 1930s and early 1940s, Roberto examines how the driving force of American fascism comes, not from reactionary movements below, but from the top, namely, Big Business and the power of finance capital. More subtle than its earlier European counterparts, writes Roberto, fascist America’s racist, top-down quashing of individual liberties masqueraded as “real democracy,” “upholding the Constitution,” and the pressure to be “100 Percent American.” The Coming of the American Behemoth is intended as a primer, to forge much-needed discourse on the nature of fascism, and its particular forms within the United States. The book focuses on the role of the capital-labor relationship during the period between the two World Wars, when the United States became the epicenter of the world-capitalist system. Concentrating on specific processes, which he characterizes as terrorist and non-terrorist alike, Roberto argues that the interwar period was a fertile time for the incubation of a protean form of tyranny – a fascist behemoth in the making, whose emergence has been ignored or dismissed by mainstream historians. This book is a necessity for anyone who fears America tipping ever closer, in this era of Trump, to full-blown fascism.

By the time Matthias was in seventh grade, he felt he'd better belong to some group, lest he be alone and vulnerable. The punks and anarchists were identifiable by their tattoos and hairstyles and music. But it was the skinheads who captured his imagination. They had great parties, and everyone seemed afraid of them. "They really represented what it meant to be a strong man," he said. What draws young men into violent extremist groups? What are the ideologies that inspire them to join? And what are the emotional bonds forged that make it difficult to leave, even when they want to? Having conducted in-depth interviews with ex-white nationalists and neo-Nazis in the United States, as well as ex-skinheads and ex-neo-Nazis in Germany and Sweden, renowned sociologist Michael Kimmel demonstrates the pernicious effects that constructions of masculinity have on these young recruits. Kimmel unveils how white extremist groups wield masculinity to recruit and retain members-and to prevent them from exiting the movement. Young men in these groups often feel a sense of righteous indignation, seeing themselves as victims, their birthright upended in a world dominated by political correctness. Offering the promise of being able to "take back their manhood," these groups leverage stereotypes of masculinity to manipulate despair into white supremacist and neo-Nazi hatred. Kimmel combines individual stories with a multiangled analysis of the structural, political, and economic forces that marginalize these men to shed light on their feelings, yet make no excuses for their actions. Healing from Hate reminds us of some men's efforts to exit the movements and reintegrate themselves back into society and is a call to action to those who make it out to help those who are still trapped.

2014 Reprint of 1942 Edition. Exact facsimile of the original edition, not reproduced with Optical Recognition Software. R. G. Collingwood (1889-1943) was a British philosopher and practicing archaeologist best known for his work in aesthetics and the philosophy of history. "The New Leviathan," originally published in 1942, a few months before the author's death, is the book which R. G. Collingwood chose to write in preference to completing his life's work on the philosophy of history. It was a reaction to the Second World War and the threat which Nazism and Fascism constituted to civilization. The book draws upon many years of work in moral and political philosophy and attempts to establish the multiple and complex connections between the levels of consciousness, society, civilization, and barbarism. Collingwood argues that traditional social contract theory has failed to account for the continuing existence of the non-social community and its relation to the social community in the body politic. He is also critical of the tendency within ethics to confound right and duty.

The first book-length presentation on the social origins of the prewar SS leadership, this volume offers a complete picture of the men who, between 1925 and 1939, joined the vanguard of National Socialism and rose to the rank of SS-Fhrer. Herbert Ziegler reveals that the Black Order was composed of people from all walks of life. Young Gymnasium and university graduates rubbed elbows with former gardeners, mechanics, and office clerks, while "old fighters" of the pre-1933 Nazi movement climbed the ladder of SS ranks alongside those who did not find their enthusiasm for Hitler's new order until after the Nazi seizure of power. Within the confines of Heinrich Himmler's new knighthood was created a people's community in microcosm, furnishing many a recruit a vehicle for upward social mobility. Moving beyond earlier explanations of who provided the support for National Socialism, Ziegler describes practices within the SS that were akin to a democracy of personnel selection and that resulted, by 1939, in a leadership corps characterized by social heterogeneity rather than homogeneity. Taking advantage of the detailed information contained in the thousands of SS personnel files located at the Berlin Document Center, and using the tools of statistical analysis, he also probes the connections between social reality and the ideological credos and promises of the Third Reich.

Originally published in 1990.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The first book to present an analysis of Arab response to fascism and Nazism from the perspectives of both individual countries and the Arab world at large, this collection problematizes and ultimately deconstructs the established narratives that assume most Arabs supported fascism and Nazism leading up to and during World War II. Using new source materials taken largely from Arab memoirs, archives, and print media, the articles reexamine Egyptian, Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian, and Iraqi responses in the 1930s and throughout the war. While acknowledging the individuals, forces, and organizations that did support and collaborate with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism focuses on the many other Arab voices that identified with Britain and France and with the Allied cause during the war. The authors argue that many groups within Arab societies-elites and non-elites, governing forces, and civilians-rejected Nazism and fascism as totalitarian, racist, and, most important, as new, more oppressive forms of European imperialism. The essays in this volume argue that, in contrast to prevailing beliefs that Arabs were de facto supporters of Italy and Germany-since "the enemy of my enemy is my friend"-mainstream Arab forces and currents opposed the Axis powers and supported the Allies during the war. They played a significant role in the battles for control over the Middle East.

If only John Charnley had avoided politics his life would have been far easier. But in the 1930s young men like Charnley considered standing on the sidelines an act of cowardice. Hunger stalked the back streets of Britain and the slow drift towards another world war that would cost 50-million lives had already begun. Charnley could still have led an easy life and risen high in the ranks of respectability if he had chosen more conventional outlets for his political protest. But the chance reading of Oswald Mosley's dramatic resignation speech from the Labour Government and a fateful encounter with a street newspaper seller combined to propel him along dangerous and unorthodox paths. He became one of Mosley's Blackshirts and after many hair-raising adventures spent part of the war he sought to avert behind the barbed wire of a British political prison camp. What might have urged caution in other men only drove Charnley on further: after the war he rallied to Mosley's standard once again. He was back with a vengeance. Towards the end of his days, John Charnley looked back and described it all, both the good and the bad, for his hatred of hypocrisy would allow no whitewash of what he considered to be his own shortcomings. In this book he tells us the inside story of life in the Mosley Movement and of his comrades and companions - men and women still shrouded in mystery after more than half a century - a swashbuckling company of political mutineers engaged in a 'revolt against destiny'. Most of the events in Charnley's turbulent career took place in his homelands of Yorkshire and Lancashire. But for him life was to be no bed of roses.

In this second installment of his autobiography (following Kind dieser Zeit), Klaus Mann describes his childhood in the family of Thomas Mann and his circle, his adolescence in the Weimar Republic, and his experiences as a young homosexual and early opponent of Nazism. He also describes how, after the Reichstag elections of September 1930, friends and family began to discuss the looming prospect of emigration and exile. When Stefan Zweig published an article claiming that democracy was ineffective, Klaus replied: "I want to have nothing, nothing at all to do with this perverse kind of `radicalism.'" After hearing one of his working-class lovers in a storm trooper's uniform say, "They are going to be the bosses and that's all there is to it," Klaus fled to Paris in March of 1933. He became one of one hundred thousand German refugees in France, losing his publisher, friends and associates, and readers in the process. He describes finding a German Jewish publisher in Amsterdam and the difficulties of starting a journal of emigre writing. In 1934, his German passport expired and he was forced to renew temporary travel documents every six months. The President of Czechoslovakia offered citizenship to the entire Mann family in 1936 but then Hitler invaded that country and Klaus emigrated to the United States. Despite statelessness, bouts of syphilis and drug abuse, neither his pace of travel nor publication slowed. His novel Der Vulkan is among the most famous books about German exiles during World War II but it sold only 300 copies. Klaus stopped reading and writing German in the U.S. "The writer must not cling with stubborn nostalgia to his mother tongue," he writes in The Turning Point. He must "find a new vocabulary, a new set of rhythms and devices, a new medium to articulate his sorrow and emotions, his protests and his prayers." This extraordinary memoir, an eyewitness account of the rise of Nazism by an out gay man, was Klaus Mann's first book written in English.

Hidden behind the veil of their secret society the group known as the Illuminati have still managed to garner great attention and acclaim. They have been blamed for everything imaginable such as being the igniting force behind the French Revolution and being the real masterminds behind the 9/11 attacks. They have even been credited with assassinating both Presidents Lincoln and Kennedy, because these two celebrated presidents made the unfortunate mistake of trying to usurp their unquestionable power. The so called conspiracy theorists say that they are hell bent on ushering in their new world order which consists of the establishment of a one world government, a one world army and destroying the sovereignty of every nation. They are said to be implementing their New World Order through organizations they are identified with as being part of like The Bilderberg Group, The Council on Foreign Relations, The Trilateral Commission, The Club of Rome and many others. There are prominent families who are also said to be part of the Illuminati like the Rockefellers and the Rothschilds. But are these assertions valid? Does popular society have it right or have they simply misunderstood this secret group? Have they been given a bad rap? In his revealing book entitled Who Are The Illuminati: The Secret Societies, Symbols, Bloodlines and The New World Order author Frank White takes a critical look at this powerful underground secret society, who they are and what their intentions are in a world filled with scorn for them. He explores not only the true facts about the group, but also the urban legends attributed to them, some of which are true and others of which have been greatly exaggerated. For example, do they really control the world and everyone else are just slaves to their whims and madness? Do they have a stranglehold on the entertainment and music industries and are the popular stars just puppets carrying out their agenda to the masses? Did they really order the murder of pop superstar Michael Jackson? These questions and many more will be answered in this explosive book.

I purposefully made this booklet short. It is not written for people who are interested in attacking the White race. I wrote it for young people already in the movement or those thinking about joining. It will be a small miracle to get any of them to read a short criticism of "the movement" and impossible to get them to read a long one. I have tons of criticism for racism, but these are a few points I think people in the movement or on the fringes will understand. Perhaps, I'll write more in the future, but this will do for now. Hopefully, it will save young people from wasting a portion of their lives in hatesville.

Savitri Devi (1905-1982) became known as the high priestess of "esoteric Hitlerism" for her unique synthesis of National Socialism, Hindu mythology, and the Indo-European cyclical view of history in her 1958 book The Lightning and the Sun. In 1978, Savitri Devi recorded ten hours of interviews on her life, her thought, and her experiences in the National Socialist movement both before and after World War II. And Time Rolls On, the edited transcripts of those hard-to-find recordings, is an ideal introduction to this brilliant and controversial thinker. This Second, Revised Edition corrects a few mistakes in the first edition and makes this important work available to new audiences. Quotes from And Time Rolls On: "I embraced Hinduism because it was the only religion in the world that is compatible with National Socialism. And the dream of my life is to integrate Hitlerism into the old Aryan Tradition, to show that it is really a resurgence of the original Tradition. It's not Indian, not European, but Indo-European. It comes from back to those days when the Aryans were one people near the North Pole. The Hyperborean Tradition." "It suddenly dawned on me, sometime in April 1929 . . . and in Palestine of all places, that this foreign German leader who wanted all Germans in one state and wanted the abolition of the treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain, really wanted more than that, much more. And much more meaning: the freedom of Europe, the freedom of the Aryan race, from any kind of Jewish spiritual overlordship. He's the one who's going to free us from that. Well if he's that, then he's not only the Germans' leader, he's my leader too. Mein Fuhrer. And from that day, I felt, not that I was becoming a National Socialist-I never became one-but that I had always been one, without knowing it. That's what I felt. And I started thinking of going to Germany and joining the movement. It was the movement of liberation." "I'm for a multi-racial world in which each race keeps to itself, in harmony with the other races. Like in a garden, you have flowerbeds of roses and flowerbeds of carnations and irises and different other flowers. They don't intermarry. They stay separate, and each one has its beauty. . . . I'm against colonialism for the reason that colonialism infects the master as well as the slave. It even infects the master more." Savitri Devi is one of the most original and influential National Socialist thinkers of the post-World War II era. Born Maximine Julia Portaz in Lyons, France, she was of English, Greek, and Italian ancestry and described her nationality as "Indo-European." She earned Master's degrees in philosophy and chemistry and a Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Lyons. Her books include A Warning to the Hindus (1939), L'Etang aux lotus (The Lotus Pond) (1940), A Son of God: The Life and Philosophy of Akhnaton, King of Egypt (1946), later republished as Son of the Sun (1956), Akhnaton: A Play (1948), Gold in the Furnace (1952), The Lightning and the Sun (1958), Pilgrimage (1958), Impeachment of Man (1959), Long-Whiskers and the Two-Legged Goddess (1965), Souvenirs et reflexions d'une Aryenne (Memories and Reflections of an Aryan Woman) (1976), and Forever and Ever: Devotional Poems (2012).

A revelatory and controversial volume which attempts to balance the truths and historical accusations of Fascist sympathies against Plaid Cymru and its leaders during the 1930's and the Second World War.Cyfrol ddadlennol a dadleuol sy'n pwyso a mesur gwirionedd y cyhuddiadau hanesyddol o gydymdeimlad a Ffasgaeth yn erbyn Plaid Cymru a'i harweinwyr yn ystod yr 1930au a'r Ail Ryfel Byd."

This early work by G. K. Chesterton was originally published in 1915. Gilbert Keith Chesterton was born in London in 1874. He studied at the Slade School of Art, and upon graduating began to work as a freelance journalist. Over the course of his life, his literary output was incredibly diverse and highly prolific, ranging from philosophy and ontology to art criticism and detective fiction. However, he is probably best-remembered for his Christian apologetics, most notably in Orthodoxy (1908) and The Everlasting Man (1925). We are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.

Right-wing extremism has become a popular topic, attracting a large number of scholars. The success of scholarly forums like the Standing Group on Extremism & Democracy of the European Consortium of Political Science (ECPR), whose members come from more than 50 countries, confirms this. This volume focuses on the contemporary far Right in Europe and covers some neglected, yet fundamental, geo-political areas. With different methodological approaches, the contributors examine the far Right in an interdisciplinary perspective, reflecting recent developments and parties that are operating in a new globalized arena. They additionally uncover how the so-called Europeanization of national spaces is affecting the single domestic manifestations of many political phenomena as, for instance, the rise of ethno-regionalist movements (e.g. the Italian Northern League) as well as the migrationA" of racist cultures and movements across state borders.

An Experimental Political System.The parliament is an institution that represents the circuit of power. A new political system exists in the minds of the thinkers.The triangle of councils of the wise, the military and the industrialists will have the control of the state and will be placed above everyone else.The parliament in this fantastic system will represent the ideas and the will of these 3 groups or social classes.To achieve victory we have to take the military on our side

STEAL THIS BOOK, NOT MY VOTE is the first-hand account of the corporate takeover of the State of Wisconsin that began in January 2011 and continues today. From inside the Capitol, learned exactly what is going on as citizens are being arrested and locked out of their own government. Find out how you can help reform election systems and bring checks and balances back to government from town halls across America to the floors of Congress in Washington DC.