Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

This book is deliberately named after the famous Liberal Yellow Book of 1928. The reason for this is that we are seeking to articulate a Liberalism of the people, that speaks to modern Scotland, that offers a radical and practical inspiration for the future that will offer hope to young people, a personal future and place to those damaged by the aftermath of the banking crisis, and a mission to make our country a more equal and buoyant one, not fractured by social division, hopelessness and inequality. The Little Yellow Book is also intended to be something of a counterblast to the philosophy offered by the Orange Book of 2004. The Orange Book is well within the Liberal tradition and contains much of value to which Liberal Democrats can subscribe. But the belief that the private sector should be the driver of public services, that health services can be traded in a free market like widgets, that Government is a worse service-provider than monopoly private interests - these are not propositions we take to or regard as particularly Liberal. On the contrary, we believe that a society where MPs, the media, the banks and the big institutions have all successively been found wanting points to the crying need for a more rigorous sense of public and personal ethics, and for a strengthened concept of the public interest - ideas which have been central to Liberalism since the days of Gladstone.

There is now a plethora of internet of things (IoT) devices on the market that can connect to the internet and the desired environment to produce sufficient and reliable data that is required by the government administration for a variety of purposes. Additionally, the potential benefits of incorporating artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning into governance are numerous. Governments can use AI and machine learning to enforce the law, detect fraud, and monitor urban areas by identifying problems before they occur. The government can also use AI to easily automate processes and replace mundane and repetitive tasks. AI, IoT, and Blockchain Breakthroughs in E-Governance defines and emphasizes various AI algorithms as well as new internet of things and blockchain breakthroughs in the field of e-governance. Covering key topics such as machine learning, government, and artificial intelligence, this premier reference source is ideal for government officials, policymakers, researchers, academicians, practitioners, scholars, instructors, and students.

The early Stuart House of Lords has long been neglected in favour of its more eye-catching cousin, the House of Commons. Its contribution to parliamentary life and the role played by its members have all too often remained obscure. These volumes, based on detailed manuscript research in over 120 archives and including more than 280 biographies, represent the first scholarly attempt to remedy these deficiencies. Minor and middle-ranking peers emerge from the shadows for the first time, while figures of central political importance, such as Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury, Prince Charles and George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham, are depicted in a new and fresh light. Accompanying the biographical volumes is a ground-breaking Introductory Survey which examines key themes, among them the changing functions and importance of the upper House. Taken together, these volumes will transform our understanding of early Stuart Parliaments.

This book, which committed itself to approach scientific research and objectivity, explores the Egyptian policy in a highly stage of delicacy, where the rigorous debate has been for so long at its peak arguing in who will lead Egypt after the end of President Hosni Mubarak's ruling era in the Autumn of 2011. Would it be his son Gamal, or somebody else? Knowingly, Egypt is a country enriched with significant patriotic nationals branded with very high-fidelity. The Book deeply highlights the character of Gamal Mubarak, the youngest son of President Hosni Mubarak. A lot of signals about his personal biography and life story have been casted. What kind of relationship had he to manipulate towards the people of his country as well as the world around him, what his forecasting vision for the future of Egypt by far and the future of peace with Israel particularly would look like, should he destined to be the next president. The book continues to explore the political depth of the man, what his relationship and tactics would be with the diversified conflicts of religious groups and affiliates as a chronic dilemma in his country. Could the image the Western media has been depicting about him help to boost the young man any further? And conclusively, the eventual answer for the most puzzling question; Is Gamal Mubarak really going to rule Egypt or not?! Yet again the book has not undermined all of the opposition fronts and factions in Egypt. A reasonable deal of light has been spread upon each of them; their history, their demands, their agenda and political manifesto in connection with all aspects of political and social life. The political and religious leaders and significant journalists have as well been considered as national unmistakeable or bypassed power with the right of contest to governing the turmoil country. The intention of publishing the book in English is mainly behind the endeavour of offering a close access to the Non-Arabic speakers for learning something about the world of politics in the Orient. It is a goal and sincere wish of the Author to participate in serving his country. It is an honest desire to introduce a fraction of what is occurring at the political level in Egypt, hopefully an excessive effort will follow in the near future. In view of that the hopes will remain pinned on all will be able to achieve meaningful and valuable cocktail of cross-fertilized notions to deepen the development of understanding in human relations between The East and The West.

Radio broadcast transcriptions from Station XERA from April to May of 1939. Author Gerald Burton Winrod (1900-1957) was an evangelist, political activist, and anti-semite.

Veering from the hilarious to the tragic, Andrew Mitchell's tales from the parliamentary jungle make for one of the most entertaining political memoirs in years. From his prep school years, straight out of Evelyn Waugh, through the Army to Cambridge, the City of London and the Palace of Westminster, Mitchell has passed through a series of British institutions at a time of furious social and political change - in the process becoming rather more cynical about the British Establishment. Here, he reflects on the perils and pleasures of loyalty, whether to a party, to individuals or to one's own principles. He brilliantly lifts the lid on the dark arts of the government Whips' Office ('Whipping, like stripping, is best done in private') and reveals how he accidentally started Boris Johnson's political career and later naively backed him to be Prime Minister - an act which rebounded on him spectacularly. Mitchell also writes candidly about the Plebgate fiasco, which led to four police officers being sacked for gross misconduct and in one case imprisoned, while Mitchell himself faced a bill of millions of pounds in legal fees after losing his libel case. Engagingly honest about his ups and downs in politics, Beyond a Fringe is crammed with hilarious political anecdotes and irresistible insider gossip from the heart of Westminster.

We are now more than half a century removed from height of the rights revolution, a time when the federal government significantly increased legal protection for disadvantaged individuals and groups, leading in the process to a dramatic expansion in access to courts and judicial authority to oversee these protections. Yet while the majority of the landmark laws and legal precedents expanding access to justice remain intact, less than two percent of civil cases are decided by a trial today. What explains this phenomenon, and why it is so difficult to get one's day in court? No Day in Court examines the sustained efforts of political and legal actors to scale back access to the courts in the decades since it was expanded, largely in the service of the rights revolution of the 1950s and 1960s. Since that time, for political, ideological, and practical reasons, a multifaceted group of actors have attempted to diminish the role that courts play in American politics. Although the conventional narrative of backlash focuses on an increasingly conservative Supreme Court trying to gut the developments of the New Deal and Civil Rights eras, and of conservative activists mobilizing to pressure Congress to do the same, there is another very important element to this story, in which access to the courts for rights claims has been scaled back by efforts that target the 'rules of the game,' the institutional and legal procedures that govern what constitutes a valid legal case, who can be sued, how a case is adjudicated, and what remedies are available through courts. These more hidden, procedural changes are pursued by far more than just conservatives, and they often go overlooked. No Day in Court explores the politics of these strategies and the effect that they have today for access to justice in the U.S.

This book studies gender differences in language used in the 113th United States Congress (January 2013-January 2015). The corpus was composed of all uninterrupted speeches of 100 words or more, which amounted to 672 speeches by the female and 2,983 by the male politicians. The speeches were analysed to determine language categories used by the politicians, including word count, grammatical categories, different topics, and punctuation categories, to study the differences in language use by the male and the female politicians. They were also used in examining some intragroup differences and correlations between variables. Several major gender differences emerged. The female politicians were shown to be more formal, critical and task-focused, while the male politicians were more socially oriented and elaborative, occupying the floor more than the female politicians. While the female politicians worked on establishing themselves as independent politicians, the male politicians embraced their collective identities. Also, the female politicians focused on raising the awareness of different health issues and providing support for patients and their families, the male politicians focused on the consequences and possible solutions to the problems. The analysis includes implications for political discourse, and gender disparities within that discourse, and will be of interest to researchers in both politics and political science, and in gender and diversity.

Cultural Writing. German language text. Witty, charming, and full of philosophical verve, this book discloses the paradoxes and non-sequiturs informing Germans' love-hate relationship to America and Americans. Mit Witz, Charme und philosophischem Biss deckt Misha Waiman die Ungereimtheiten und Paradoxien der Hassliebe der Deutschen zu Amerika und den Amerikanern auf.

* Develop and consolidate understanding using practice questions targeting each Assessment Objective * Build key skills with worked examples * Prepare for assessment using exam-style questions * Study independently with answers available online

Over a decade before Margaret Thatcher swept to power, another Englishwoman was running Britain from 10 Downing Street: Marcia Williams was the first ever female political adviser to a Prime Minister, and she was said to have a powerful grip on her boss. Historian Ben Pimlott called the relationship between Marcia and Prime Minister Harold Wilson 'the most famous and mysterious partnership in modern political history'. Labour Home Secretary Roy Jenkins said Marcia had the best brain and the highest courage of all Wilson's advisers. But the young, ambitious men she worked with believed she had the Prime Minister firmly in her control. They said she humiliated him in public and screamed at him behind closed doors. According to them, Wilson was terrified of Marcia and caved in instantly to her eccentric demands. There were strong suggestions that all this was the legacy of a passionate affair when Harold met Marcia back in the '50s. 'Not so,' said Harold and Marcia, and Harold's wife Mary agreed. There is no doubt Marcia was outspoken, forthright and by the standards of the time deeply unconventional. But her political skills were unmatched, and certainly in the Wilson governments of the '60s she guided him to success with a cool hand. This first ever biography of Marcia Williams examines the accusations and assumptions that were a constant accompaniment to her political career.

The inevitable is coming fast. We know it in our bones—and it’s past time to face it.

The highly anticipated follow-up to Hospicing Modernity: how we activate responsibility, nurture care, and grow up in the face of collapse—includes reflections, exercises, and promptsClimate collapse, social crisis, the decline of modernity: colonialism, capitalism, and our full-faced denial have ushered in an urgent new era. Hospicing Modernity asked us to grow up, step up, and show up for our communities and the living Earth. Outgrowing Modernity helps us make sense of where we’re going—and deepen what’s possible—in a time of endings.

Vanessa Machado De Oliveira helps us face the logics and workings of modernity, bringing us to clear-eyed terms with its expiration. She explores the impacts of colonialism as neurocolonization: an oppressive function of modernity that rewires how we think, act, imagine, and adapt. These impacts are wide-ranging and run deep: they cut us off from our natural ways of building community and seeking pleasure. They choke our ability to cope with trauma and embrace complexity. And they trap us in a state of artificial comfort and denial that keeps us from collectively growing up—even when our existence demands it.

This book invites you to interrupt 5 lies that neurocolonization instills in us—beliefs (and behaviors) that have condition us to think we’re owed the following, regardless of others or the planet:

• Moral and epistemic self-righteous authority
• Unrestricted, unaccountable autonomy
• Arbitrating truth, law, and common sense
• Affirming one's virtues, innocence, and purity
• Exploitative appropriation and accumulation of various forms of capital

A timely account of empathy, politics, and leadership, showing how greater understanding and connection can foster trust, community, and innovation

Empathy has become a cliché of contemporary politics, often espoused but rarely understood. Yet the capacity to understand other worldviews is neither easy nor comfortable. Seeing through others’ eyes requires strength, courage, integrity, and an ability to reason across the harshest political divides—and, in a time of heightened marginalization, disconnection, and polarization, empathy in our leaders and across society is vitally important.

Claire Yorke offers the first account of empathy in politics and leadership, drawing on examples from across the world. Including model leaders like Nelson Mandela and Jacinda Ardern, as well as figures on the right such as Donald Trump who mobilize different forms of empathy, Yorke asks what distinguishes empathetic leaders from the rest, and examines why empathy is essential for a more human-centred politics. Demonstrating empathy’s radical potential and disputing its connotations of weakness, this book shows how we can build a political ecosystem that fosters belonging and engagement—and cultivate the necessary dialogue to find common ground.