This book analyzes the civil war in Yemen and how intervening external actors have shaped the trajectory of the conflict. The work examines the conflict in Yemen as a testing ground for expectations about the autonomy and control of proxies by external patrons and the direct consequences for civilian victimization and duration of war. Like other proxy wars, the international dimensions of the war made the conflict in Yemen subject to the geopolitical interests of intervening powers. The longstanding power rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran over Middle East supremacy resulted in a competitive intervention in Yemen, where the initial belligerents of the civil war-the Houthi and the Hadi regime-were used as proxies by Tehran and the Gulf coalition led by Riyadh, respectively. Their intervention ultimately translated into a prolonged and destructive conflict. The often contradictory and self-interested patronage strategies by the coalition's two central patrons, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, undermined their broader goal of containing Iran. However, Iran's support for the Houthis enabled them to bait and bleed the Gulf coalition. Lastly, in an effort to balance against Iran, the United States underwrote the military campaign of the Gulf states with military hardware and personnel, thereby further prolonging the conflict and humanitarian disaster. This book concludes that intervention by external patrons both protracted the civil war and made it far more destructive for the civilian population. This book will be of much interest to students of proxy wars, Middle Eastern conflict, and security studies in general.

This book develops a novel approach to peace and conflict studies, through an original application of the philosophy of Jacques Derrida to the post-conflict politics of Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on new readings of the peace agreements and the post-conflict political systems, the book goes beyond accounts that present a static picture of 'fixed divisions' in these cases. By exploring how formal electoral politics and the informal political spheres of artistic, cultural, judicial and protest movements already contest the politics of division, the book argues that the post-conflict political systems in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina are in a process of deconstruction. The text adds to the Derridean lexicon by developing the idea of a 'deconstructive conclusion', which challenges historical understandings of conflicts at the same time as challenging their consequences in the present. The study provides a critical contribution to peacebuilding and International Relations literature, by demonstrating how Derridean concepts can be utilised to provide fresh understandings of conflict and post-conflict situations, as well as allowing for political interventions to be made into these processes.

This book offers a nuanced and detailed examination of two of the most important current debates about contemporary Russia's international activity: is Moscow acting strategically or opportunistically, and should this be understood in regional or global terms? The book addresses core themes of Russian activity - military, energy and economic - but it offers an unusual multi-disciplinary analysis to these themes. Monaghan incorporates both regional and thematic specialist expertise to give a fresh perspective to each of these core themes. Underpinned by detailed analyses of the revolution in Russian geospatial capabilities and the establishment of a strategic planning foundation, the book includes chapters on military and maritime strategies, energy security and economic diversification and influence. This serves to highlight the connections between military and economic interests that shape and drive Russian strategy. -- .

A truly international, authoritative A–Z guide to five centuries of propaganda, in both wartime and peacetime, which covers key moments, techniques, concepts, and some of the most influential propagandists in history. This fascinating survey provides a comprehensive introduction to propaganda, its changing nature, its practitioners, and its impact on the past five centuries of world history. Written by leading experts, it covers the masters of the art from Joseph Goebbels to Mohandas Gandhi and examines enormously influential works of persuasion such as Uncle Tom's Cabin, techniques such as films and posters, and key concepts like black propaganda and brainwashing. Case studies reveal the role of mass persuasion during the Reformation, and wars throughout history. Regional studies cover propaganda superpowers, such as Russia, China, and the United States, as well as little-known propaganda campaigns in Southeast Asia, Ireland, and Scandinavia. The book traces the evolution of propaganda from the era of printed handbills to computer fakery, and profiles such brilliant practitioners of the art as Third Reich film director Leni Riefenstahl and 19th-century cartoonist Thomas Nast, whose works helped to bring the notorious Boss Tweed to justice.

This concise history of the major military reforms in the Soviet Union in the twentieth century fills an essential gap in scholarly studies on the subject and provides a model for analyzing past and future doctrine, force structure and technology, and command and control tactics. This study should be a benchmark for measuring and identifying reforms in three key periods. It is intended for historians and analysts in military affairs; political scientists; and scholars dealing with Soviet, Russian, and the new independent states in the region. This invaluable history analyzes three periods of fundamental reform. The Frunze reforms of the mid-1920s laid the institutional basis for the Red Army, enabling it to develop into an integrated and professional army. The post-World War II reforms and the process of demobilization and mobilization permitted the Soviet Union to remain a nation under arms without hobbling its economy. The revolution in military affairs in the Krushchev era illustrated Soviet accommodation to technological changes in warfare. And finally, the process of reform and imperatives for reform are evident in the Gorbachev programs of perestroika and glasnost, which were cut short. The case studies are made against a backdrop of external and internal politics and economics. Currently the centralized Soviet structures are disintegrating along lines by which they were developed earlier. Whatever the future, military reform and reorganization will relate closely to past practice. There are many similarities between past and present challenges and many lessons to be learned.

In an age of unprecedented world-wide prosperity, forty per cent of Africa's 600 million people exist on less than US $1 per day, and a third of its 53 states are affected by conflict.
The African Union (AU) is intended, in part, to mark a new beginning where Africans are more focused on the current issues they confront. In particular, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) has been hailed by African leaders as an important new initiative in development that asks the Africans themselves to assume responsibility for fostering democracy, good governance, and conflict resolution.
Now is therefore an appropriate time to examine the prospects for African development and conflict resolution. Does NEPAD represent an approach that could at least provide some hope to ending Africa's poor economic performance and does it and the AU represent a new approach towards conflict resolution? Will NEPAD have a marked impact on the quality of political, economic and corporate governance in Africa? Or are NEPAD and the AU just two more grand proposals destined to die rather quickly?
This book provides a brief review of African development and security over the past three decades. It assesses the progress made by South Africa since 1994 and describes current Western approaches to Africa with a focus on how much opportunity these stances provide for countries south of the Sahara to develop comprehensive new ideas to address their problems. The book reviews NEPAD and the AU to gauge the potential of these initiatives to take advantage of Western policies and to address Africa's structural problems. It suggests what must be done for African countries to reverse their growth and security trajectories by asking if any African country will establish the prerequisites for sustained high-level growth.

This nineteenth edition of the SIPRI Yearbook presents detailed information on arms and arms control issues in a form that is both concise and standardized for ease of use. The Yearbooks attract world-wide attention and are used by governments, arms control negotiators, United Nations delegations, members of parliament, scholars, students, and citizens as unique and indispensable reference works. The SIPRI Yearbook 1988 continues SIPRI's review of the latest developments in nuclear weapons, nuclear explosions, world military expenditure, the international arms trade, chemical and biological weapons, conventional weapon technology, the military use of outer space, and ongoing armed conflicts. Efforts to control the arms race are described, and the status of negotiations and agreements is analysed. In addition to these regular features and statistics, this latest SIPRI Yearbook contains special studies on the INF Treaty, the ABM Treaty review, the Iran-Iraq war and the role of the United Nations, and the UN Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. The comprehensive coverage offered by the SIPRI Yearbook 1988 makes it an invaluable sourcebook for anyone seeking authoritative, factual information on issues of armaments and disarmament and thus to anyone interested in strategic studies, peace studies, and international relations.

Korea has had a long, great civilization, with four "golden ages." Destruction caused by foreign powers has failed to extinguish the Korean spirit for survival. Korea, at least its southern part, is at the threshold of another golden age, despite the handicap of being a divided nation. To understand Korea's present situation, one must look back at many thousands of years of Korean history. The purpose of this study is to look squarely at that history, including the atrocities committed against Koreans by several countries, especially Japan in the periods of 1592-1598 and 1895-1945. Some of the questions addressed in this study are: How did Koreans rebuild their country time after time, following destruction by foreign invaders? How could Koreans, in recent years, rebuild their economy in such a short time? What motivates them? Why is North Korea so different from South Korea? What is the potential of Korea in the twenty-first century? Why do Koreans have such difficulty unifying their country?

What makes people act against their own national identity?How real are the concepts of nationalism and patriotism? In what ways does the media control our perception of history in the making?This ground-breaking work addresses these important questions through an examination of the Algerian war of 1954-62 and the significant French resistance to their own leaders during the bitter conflict. Through the use of extensive interviews, it provides powerful insights into the clash of values that accompanied the war. In exploring the events and experiences that led a small minority of French people to reject colonialism in the wake of the Algerian conflict, Memories of Resistance focuses on the importance of political allegiances and ideologies, and the motivations for resisting them. The complex issues of identity and shared memory are examined to provide an indispensable analysis of loyalty and self-identity in the wider political context of the world. The book also debates the changing ways in which the media influences perceptions of, and attitudes towards, world events. Third World liberation ideas, personal experiences of French colonialism, memory and the significance of anti-Nazi resistance and political allegiances are all discussed in this wide-ranging and illuminating study.Memories of Resistance represents a major contribution to the theory and practice of oral history, which is fast becoming one of the most popular and dynamic areas of historical research and will be essential reading for anyone studying French colonial history.

Sir William Robertson served as the professional head of the British army and as the constitutional military adviser to both Asquith and Lloyd George from December 1915 to February 1918. This account, based on many new sources, critically examines his leadership of the general staff as the burden of fighting the main body of the German army shifted to the British. This study sheds light on the origins and conduct of the Somme and Passchendaele offensives, and the efforts to coordinate the Allied war effort, especially the controversial effort to subordinate Haig to General Nivelle and the creation of the Supreme War Council with its inter-allied staff. The civil-military conflict over the conduct of the war, especially the growing divide between Robertson and Lloyd George, receives special attention. The previously unexplored tension between Robertson and Haig who formed the most important military partnership in British history is also examined. This account represents the untold story of the higher direction of the war in Britain.

This book offers an original and distinct analysis of NATO's post-Cold War evolution. Unlike so much of the available literature, it is not focused on what in the author's opinion NATO should be doing now that the Cold War is over. Rather, the author offers a comprehensive analysis and overview of the extent to which NATO can undertake new roles, tasks and missions in light of the extent to which it has retained significance and vitality as an international institution. The book's originality also lies in the way in which the author discusses NATO's adaptation within a framework provided by international relations theory, and in particular concepts which stress the role and importance of transnational political processes and international regimes. So far these have been little used in the analysis of military security relations and institutions. The book will be of interest to those researching and teaching international relations, European politics and security studies, as well as all those seeking a better understanding of the post-Cold War survival and development of a key international security institution.

This book asks the reader to reassess the Cold War not just as superpower conflict and high diplomacy, but as social and cultural history. It makes cross-cultural comparisons of the socio cultural aspects of the Cold War across the East/West block divide, dealing with issues including broadcasting, public opinion, and the production and consumption of popular culture.

As the activities of individuals, organizations, and nations increasingly occur in cyberspace, the security of those activities is becoming a growing concern. Political, economic and military leaders must manage and reduce the level of risk associated with threats from hostile states, malevolent nonstate actors such as organized terrorist groups or individual hackers, and high-tech accidents. The impact of the information technology revolution on warfare, global stability, governance, and even the meaning of existing security constructs like deterrence is significant. These essays examine the ways in which the information technology revolution has affected the logic of deterrence and crisis management, definitions of peace and war, democratic constraints on conflict, the conduct of and military organization for war, and the growing role of the private sector in providing security. This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal Contemporary Security Policy. John Arquilla, Naval Postgraduate School Walter S. Baer, RAND Graduate School, California Matt Bishop, University of California, Davis Damon Coletta, United Sta

Author Jeffrey Ahern had longed to serve in the Army since he was thirteen years old. He attained that goal, and in Sons of Hope he narrates the story of his service as an infantry platoon leader during Operation Iraqi Freedom III and IV.

Sons of Hope is based on the daily diary entries kept while he was assigned to Delta Company, 3rd Battalion, 172 Infantry (Mountain) from January 2005 to May 2006. Ahern's story begins with the mobilization training the platoon and company endured at Fort Stewart, Georgia, and then Fort Irwin, California, leaving the United States in May 2005. He provides details on the platoon's counterinsurgency operations, daily patrols, nightly raids, the constant fear of IEDs and suicide bombers, and the never ending search for an unseen enemy.

A vivid and detailed account, Sons of Hope provides insight into what life was like for a frontline soldier in Iraq conducting offensive operations. It communicates the importance of the sacrifices soldiers and their families have made in the last decade of war.

From the battles of the great warrior Tecumseh to the escapades of flying ace Billy Bishop to the tragedy of troops killed by friendly fire in Afghanistan, this book traces the Canadian experience of war through the centuries.

The first book that presents the so called Hitler-Library. It sheds new light on the readings of Hitler and on his techniques how to read a book. He played the role of the ideal reader of Schopenhauer, nevertheless his remarks destroy the image of the contemporary Hitler-cult, mainly if we see how he re-read his Mein Kampf. Hitler is presented in this book as a reader and it verifies the explication of his personality (Hitler as a follower of Wagner, Hitler as a philosopher, Hitler as crazy, Hitler as a clever politician, Hitler as a hero): it gives the picture of a half-educated gangster.