This is the first in a new series of annual omnibus editions which are intended to be of interest to both the specialist and general reader concerned with international relations and security issues. The period in which the essays included in this volume appeared coincided with two of the most remarkable developments of the twentieth century: the collapse of communism as part of the wider intellectual retreat of collectivist ideas and the related and parallel disintegration of the Soviet empire. The results of these vast changes have created a tumultuous atmosphere in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union--and exacerbated economic and ethnic conflicts. These essays provide a unique commentary on the developments and factors which have led to this amazing process of political change and a genuine struggle for pluralism in formerly communist nations.

Among the subjects covered in this edition are Gorbachev and perestroika, Soviet foreign policy, openness and freedom of movement, the secret services of Eastern Europe and the USSR, the security implications of the 1992 European Community coalition, French defense policy, British Conservatives and defense, Romania under Ceausescu, and Yugoslavia's worsening internal crisis. This important contribution to the study of the present situation will be valuable to political scientists, those studying international relations and current affairs, and others who want to understand what is happening in Europe.

Sharing Security is a unique and comprehensive study of a key yet often neglected feature of modern international society. It begins by assessing how political theory can contribute to an understanding of international burdensharing. It then analyses in turn why some Western states contribute more than others to common defences, the European Union budget and overseas development aid. It highlights the particular burdensharing problems involved in global regimes, focusing on the UN's continuing financial crisis and the costs of combating global warming. It argues that today's burdensharing disparities continue to be shaped by the particular character of the international settlement at the end of the Second World War.

This book offers an original assessment of the ways in which the sociocultural code of blood revenge and its modern remnants shape irregular warfare. Despite being a common driver of communal violence, blood revenge has received little attention from scholars. With many civil wars and insurgencies occurring in areas where the custom lingers, strengthening our understanding of blood revenge is essential for discerning how conflicts change and evolve. Drawing upon extensive multidisciplinary evidence, this book is the first in the literature on civil war and insurgency to analyse the impact of blood revenge and its modern remnants on irregular warfare. Even when blood revenge undergoes erosion, its unregulated version still shapes the social fabric of insurgency, although in different ways than its institutionalised counterpart. At times of political instability, the presence of a culture of retaliation weighs heavily on the dynamics of violent mobilisation, target selection, recruitment, and disengagement. The book brings in evidence from dozens of conflicts, providing unprecedented insights into how a better understanding of blood revenge can improve military blueprints for irregular warfare. This book will be of much interest to students of insurgency, terrorism, military and strategic studies, anthropology, and sociology, as well as to decision-makers and irregular warfare professionals.

Being nearly ten years old when Pearl Harbor was bombed in 1941, Bernard G. Bowyer soon became fascinated with everything about World War II. When the U.S. Marines landed on Guadalcanal in 1942, Bowyer suddenly knew what he wanted to do with the rest of his life: become a United States Marine.

Bowyer enlisted at the age of seventeen and soon began a lifetime adventure. Over twenty-one years, he served at several stateside duty stations, including South Carolina, California, and Virginia, and multiple overseas assignments, including Africa, Japan, and Australia. He served a tour in Vietnam from 1967-1968 where he also was involved in the Tet offensive.

With hard work and determination Bowyer worked his way through the ranks and retired as a captain in 1970. He subsequently became affiliated with the Marine Corps League, a veteran's organization which enabled him to maintain the camaraderie he experienced when on active duty.

Full of vivid details of Bowyer's experiences in battle, his relationship with comrades, and his staunch patriotism, Duty, Honor, and Privilege is the powerful, true story of one man's fulfillment of a childhood dream to become one of the few-and one of the proud.

Describing the fate of South Africa's drive, which began in 1949, to associate itself with Britain, France, Portugal and Belgium in an African defence pact, this book describes how South Africa had to settle for an entente rather than an alliance, and how even this had been greatly emasculated by 1960. In light of this case, the book considers the argument that ententes have the advantages of alliances without their disadvantages and concludes that this is exaggerated. There is also discussion of the background to the "fourth" secret Simonstown Agreement. Other books by the author include "The Politics of the South Africa Run: European Shipping and Pretoria", "Return to the UN" and "International Politics".

Exploring the contemporary sources, scope and intensity of nationality conflicts in the context of a disintegrating Soviet Empire, the authors address themselves to the resurgence of ethnicity and nationalism within the former Soviet imperium, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Bulgaria and China, and the consquences of perestroika and glasnost. Kumar Rupesinghe has also written "Conflict Resolution in Uganda" and "Ethnic Conflicts and Human Rights". Olga Vorkunova is also the author of "Konflikti v 'Tretem Mire' i Zapad" (conflict in the "Third World" and the West) and "Skandinavia i Mezhdunarodnie Konflikti" (Scandinavia and international conflict).

In this edited volume, experts on conflict resolution examine the impact of the crises triggered by the coronavirus and official responses to it. The pandemic has clearly exacerbated existing social and political conflicts, but, as the book argues, its longer-term effects open the door to both further conflict escalation and dramatic new opportunities for building peace. In a series of short essays combining social analysis with informed speculation, the contributors examine the impact of the coronavirus crisis on a wide variety of issues, including nationality, social class, race, gender, ethnicity, and religion. They conclude that the period of the pandemic may well constitute a historic turning point, since the overall impact of the crisis is to destabilize existing social and political systems. Not only does this systemic shakeup produce the possibility of more intense and violent conflicts, but also presents new opportunities for advancing the related causes of social justice and civic peace. This book will be of great interest to students of peace studies, conflict resolution, public policy and International Relations.

The intensification of the Iranian and North Korean nuclear crises has created new fears that deteriorating security conditions in the Middle East, Northeast Asia, and other regions will lead additional countries to seek their own nuclear arsenals in the years to come. This special issue examines the factors that are likely to shape nuclear weapons proliferation over the next decade. The internationally recognized authors of this issue, many of whom are prominent scholars and others of whom have held influential governmental positions with responsibility for countering nuclear proliferation, bring to light the conditions and events that might drive new countries to pursue nuclear weapons; the indicators and cautionary signs that can provide early warning that a country is interested in building nuclear bombs; and the policy and military measures that can be adopted to prevent or at least dissuade new proliferators. The introductory chapter develops a novel analytical approach focusing on the role of nuclear myths and mythmakers and the subsequent chapters draw on this approach to help analysts better understand and policy makers better manage nuclear proliferation over the next ten years.

This is a story of one courageous American warrior who volunteers to go into combat after a four-year break. Joseph Monforte Jr has been on a soul-searching journey driven by fate and circumstance. He has endured a tough path to walk during his journey. From an uncertain childhood, to an honorable career in the military. He has faced the odds and crushed the obstacles that have stood in his way. Determined to shed his demons and test his character he finds himself in Iraq, fighting the War on Terror. Near death experiences and bloody battles have opened his eyes to a new world. Along his combat experience he sheds those demons but finds new ones. Joseph Monforte Jr had to fight to make his dreams come alive. An experience that leaves his journey fulfilled. Returning from combat, he finds himself divorced, wounded, broke, and alone. In the wake of all these tribulations a new life was found. Fate has proven his dreams time and time again. Who would have thought combat would heal his heart, soul, and mind? This is a true tail of glory and the hells to be seen before it's found. In search of glory

At the height of the Vietnam War, American society was so severely fragmented that it seemed that Americans may never again share common concerns. The media and other commentators represented the impact of the war through a variety of rhetorical devices, most notably the emotionally charged metaphor of "the wound that will not heal." References in various contexts to veterans' attempts to find a "voice," and to bring the war "home" were also common. Gradually, an assured and resilient American self-image and powerful impressions of cultural collectivity transformed the Vietnam war into a device for maintaining national unity. Today, the war is portrayed as a healed wound, the once "silenced" veteran has found a voice, and the American home has accommodated the effects of Vietnam. The scar has healed, binding Americans into a union that denies the divisions, diversities, and differences exposed by the war. In this way, America is now "over" Vietnam.

In The Scar That Binds, Keith Beattie examines the central metaphors of the Vietnam war and their manifestations in American culture and life. Blending history and cultural criticism in a lucid style, this provocative book discusses an ideology of unity that has emerged through widespread rhetorical and cultural references to the war. A critique of this ideology reveals three dominant themes structured in a range of texts: the "wound," "the voice" of the Vietnam veteran, and "home." The analysis of each theme draws on a range of sources, including film, memoir, poetry, written and oral history, journalism, and political speeches. In contrast to studies concerned with representations of the war as a combat experience, The Scar That Binds opens and examines an unexplored critical space through a focus on the effects of the Vietnam War on American culture. The result is a highly original and compelling interpretation of the development of an ideology of unity in our culture.

In contrast to the Cold War era the new European order is characterised by uncertainty, fluidity and new security challenges including separatism, ethnic conflict and intra-state conflict. This book examines the process of change and its implications for: transatlantic relations, institutional development, regional stability and NATO's rationale. Balkan instability forms a major theme of the work illustrating the challenge for policy-makers. The book concludes with a discussion of NATO enlargement and relations with Russia.

When not at war, armies are often used to control civil disorders, especially in eras of rapid social change and unrest. But in nineteenth century Europe, without the technological advances of modern armies and police forces, an army's only advantages were discipline and organization-and in the face of popular opposition to the regime in power, both could rapidly deteriorate. Such was the case in France after the Napoleonic Wars, where a cumulative recent history of failure weakened an already fragile army's ability to keep the peace. After the February 1848 overthrow of the last king of France, the new republican government proved remarkably resilient, retaining power while pursuing moderate social policies despite the concerted efforts of a variety of radical and socialist groups. These efforts took numerous forms, ranging from demonstrations to attempted coups to full-scale urban combat, and culminated in the crisis of the June Days. At stake was the future of French government and the social and economic policy of France at large. In Controlling Paris, Jonathan M. House offers us a study of revolution from the viewpoint of the government rather than the revolutionary. It is not focused on military tactics so much as on the broader issues involved in controlling civil disorders: relations between the government and its military leaders, causes and social issues of public disorder, political loyalty of troops in crisis, and excessive use of force to control civil disorders. Yet somehow, despite all these disadvantages, the French police and armed forces prevented regime change far more often than they failed to do so.

This study demonstrates that the Six Day War, which transformed the Middle East, split the left and gave birth to Neo-conservatism, was an unintended consequence of the Vietnam War. In 1967 Moscow created a Middle Eastern crisis in response to Washington's escalation in Vietnam. America's Asian focus had left her Atlantic vulnerable to Soviet penetration. Israel refused to plant her flag in Saigon, American rabbis led the peace movement and the President threatened to withdraw his support from Israel. The Palestinians embarked on a Vietnamism-inspired "people's war," and Moscow interpreted Israeli retaliation as support for US policy in Vietnam. This Six Day War turned Israel into a Soviet nuclear target and transformed some liberals into Neo-conservatives.

This paper explains how Iran developed its nuclear programme to the point where it threatens to achieve a weapons capability within a short time frame, and analyses Western policy responses aimed at forestalling that capability. Key questions are addressed: will the world have to accept an Iranian uranium-enrichment programme, and does having a weapons capability mean having the Bomb? For nearly two decades, Western strategy on the Iran nuclear issue emphasised denial of supply. Since 2002, there has also been a demand-side dimension to the strategy, aimed at changing Iran's cost-benefit calculations through inducements and pressure. But the failure of these policies to prevent Iran from coming close to achieving a nuclear-weapons capability has promoted suggestions for fallback strategies that would grant legitimacy to uranium enrichment in Iran in exchange for intrusive inspections and constraints on the programme. The paper assesses these 'second-best' options in terms of their feasibility and their impact on the proliferation risks of diversion of nuclear material and knowledge, clandestine development and NPT break-out, and the risk of stimulating a proliferation cascade in the Middle East and beyond. It concludes that the risks are still best minimised by reinforcing the binary choice presented to Iran of cooperation or isolation, and strengthening denial of supply.

For many soldiers, there is a war after the war. After experiencing the horrifying aspects of war, many soldiers are afflicted with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, termed by some as "cancer of the soul."

In "Angel of Death," John Blehm tells of his wartime experiences and the thirty-eight years he has been suffering from PTSD. The book is a combination of an original work, "Death Angel," and an additional nine chapters written ten years after the first edition. These chapters chronicle Blehm's journey with PTSD and the way he found peace through his faith in God."Angel of Death" is written with the help of his wife, Karen, and is for soldiers and their families who wonder if they will ever reconnect with society. It is written for those who are asked to lay down their weapons and return to civilian life but seem to have lost the necessary pieces for this transition. It is a message of hope for those who have lost it and cannot seem to come back, and it is the testimony of a tortured soul who has found peace within.

From Hayseed to Jet Pilot and Beyond was written after prompting from the author's children, relatives, and friends to write a book about his colorful life experiences. The initial tales recount life on a small Iowa farm in the 30's. Johnny relates how his life was 'forever changed' by World War II with his aspirations of becoming a pilot fulfilled by entering the Army Air Corps Aviation Cadet program. After the War, he remained in the Air Force as a military pilot, flying over 20 types of planes. With humorous insight he recounts his adventures in many countries and describes his part in making history in the eras of World War II, the Berlin Airlift, NATO, and the Cold War. After retirement from the Air Force, Johnny began a new career as an economic development executive with Northern Natural Gas Company in Omaha. In this position, he called on some of the most senior executives of companies throughout the U.S., promoting the northern plains as a place to do business. Woven in his biography are tales of his many travels, including fascinating, first-hand experiences that occurred while traveling in Europe, New Zealand, Australia, Russia and elsewhere.

This edited volume is the first detailed exploration of the last phase of the Cold War, taking a critical look at the crisis of detente in Europe in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The transition from detente to a new phase of harsh confrontation and severe crises is an interesting, indeed crucial, phase of the evolution of the international system. This book makes use of previously unreleased archival materials, moving beyond existing interpretations of this period by challenging the traditional bipolar paradigm that focuses mostly on the role of the superpowers in the transformation of the international system. The essays here emphasize the combination and the interplay of a large number of variables- political, ideological, economic and military - and explore the topic from a truly international perspective. Issues covered include human rights, the Euromissiles, the CSCE (Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe), the Revolution in Military Affairs, economic growth and its consequences.

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement.

The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles.