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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900 > General
"England's Last Hope" studies how the part-time auxiliary
Territorial Force was raised, clothed, trained, housed and
administered during the crucial years of its development in the
years before the Great War. As such, it fills a fundamental gap in
the understanding of how the force's units were able to take the
field as part of the BEF in 1914.
The German Empire, its structure, its dynamic development between 1871 and 1918, and its legacy, have been the focus of lively international debate that is showing signs of further intensification as we approach the centenary of the outbreak of World War I. Based on recent work and scholarly arguments about continuities and discontinuities in modern German history from Bismarck to Hitler, well-known experts broadly explore four themes: the positioning of the Bismarckian Empire in the course of German history; the relationships between society, politics and culture in a period of momentous transformations; the escalation of military violence in Germany's colonies before 1914 and later in two world wars; and finally the situation of Germany within the international system as a major political and economic player. The perspectives presented in this volume have already stimulated further argument and will be of interest to anyone looking for orientation in this field of research.
As Cyprus experienced British imperial rule between 1878 and 1960, Greek and Turkish nationalism on the island developed at different times and at different speeds. Relations between Turkish Cypriots and the British on the one hand, and Greek Cypriots and the British on the other, were often asymmetrical with the Muslim community undergoing an enormous change in terms of national/ethnic identity and class characteristics. Turkish Cypriot nationalism developed belatedly as a militant nationalist and anti-Enosis movement. This book explores the relationship between the emergence of Turkish national identity and British colonial rule in the 1920s and 1930s.
Centred on the dramatic premiership of Terence O'Neill, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads examines the most hopeful decade for Ulster Unionism this century. O'Neill's bold ambition to reach out to catholics inspired optimism but also massive political instability. Though concerned with the drama and personalities of high politics, this book has much to say on popular attitudes in one of the world's most politicised societies. New light is shed on Paisleyism, discrimination and the civil rights movement.
The period between 1917 and 1957, starting with the birth of the USSR and the American intervention in the First World War and ending with the Treaty of Rome, is of the utmost importance for contextualizing and understanding the intellectual origins of the European Community. During this time of 'crisis,' many contemporaries, especially intellectuals, felt they faced a momentous decision which could bring about a radically different future. The understanding of what Europe was and what it should be was questioned in a profound way, forcing Europeans to react. The idea of a specifically European unity finally became, at least for some, a feasible project, not only to avoid another war but to avoid the destruction of the idea of European unity. This volume reassesses the relationship between ideas of Europe and the European project and reconsiders the impact of long and short-term political transformations on assumptions about the continent's scope, nature, role and significance.
Questions arose after 1945, and have persisted, about the ownership of properties which had belonged to Jewish communities before the Second World War, to Holocaust victims and survivors, and to Jewish expellees from the Middle East and North Africa. Studies of these properties have often focused on their symbolic values, their places in cultures of memory and identity construction, and measures of justice achieved or denied. This collection explores contesting conceptions of ownership and property claims advanced in the post-war years. The authors focus considerably upon how conflicts over these properties both shaped and reflected shifting and competing ideas about Jewish belonging. They show their outcomes to have had considerable consequences for the lived experiences of both Jews and non-Jews around the world. This is because the properties in questions always maintained their worth as material assets, just as they could also impart financial liabilities and other responsibilities to their stewards, regardless of the morality of their title. The unique decision to include studies of European, Middle Eastern, and North African communities into one volume represents an attempt to achieve a more globally sensitive language for thinking about these histories, especially at their points of contact and mutual-reference. This book was originally published as a special issue of Jewish Culture and History.
This vivid recreation of family life as experienced in Nazi Germany during and after the Second World War tells the stories of mothers and fathers, sons and daughters, parents and children, in their own words. From desperate last letters sent to their loved ones by doomed soldiers at Stalingrad, to diaries kept by women trying to keep their families alive as the cities they lived in were devastated by constant bombing raids, this book presents a new and often unfamiliar account of family life under the most extreme conditions. Far from disintegrating under the strain, as many historians have argued, this book shows that the German family maintained and even strengthened the emotional bonds that tied its members together. Entering the war shaped, moulded and directed by the massive pressures brought to bear on it by Nazism's attempt to recast German society in its own image, the German family resisted these pressures and emerged at the end of the war in a new and stronger form, surviving the manifold problems of reunion and readjustment to the postwar, post-Nazi world with a surprising degree of resilience.
Although the United States has been a friend to Israel from the beginning and Israel has in return been an important American ally in the region, relations between the two nations have never been without difficulties. This study traces U.S.-Israeli relations from the 1930s to the early 1960s and examines the roles played by both Israelis and Americans in the formation of an independent Israel. Taking into account economic, political, social, and military factors, Druks devotes particular attention to elements of Israel's dependence on and independence from the United States during crucial phases of relations. These include the Holocaust and the failure to rescue European Jewry; Roosevelt and the promise of independence; establishment and recognition; Washington's ongoing relations with the new nation; the 1956 Sinai War; and President John F. Kennedy's enlightened approach towards Israel and the Middle East. On the U.S. side, Druks analyzes the defining roles played by the various presidents involved, the efforts of Congress, the influence of the media, and the contributions of Americans in general. Discussion of the Israeli side of the equation includes the impact of Israeli leaders, society, and the parliamentary democratic process. The work is based on materials from public and private archives in the U.S. and Israel, published governmental documents, as well as personal diaries. In addition, the author includes interviews with such key figures as Harry S Truman, W. Averell Harriman, Roger P. Davies, Yitzhak Rabin, Benjamin Netanyahu, Yitzhak Shamir Moti Gur, Moshe Arens, and Ezer Weizman.
In "Moving the Maasai" Lotte Hughes tells the scandalous story of
how the Maasai people of Kenya lost the best part of their land to
the British in the 1900s. Drawing upon unique oral testimony and
extensive archival research, she describes the many intrigues
surrounding two enforced moves that cleared the highlands for
European settlers, and a 1913 lawsuit in which the Maasai attempted
to reclaim their former territory, and explains why recent events
have brought the story full circle.
It has often been assumed that Europeans invented and had the exclusive monopoly over courtly and romantic love, commonly considered to be the highest form of relations between men and women. This view was particularly prevalent between 1770 and the mid-twentieth century, but was challenged in the 1960s when romantic love came to be seen as a universal sentiment that can be found in all cultures in the world. However, there remains the historical problem that the Europeans used this concept of love as a fundamental part of their self-image over a long period (traces of it still remain) and it became very much caught up in the concept of marriage. This book challenges the underlying Eurocentrism of this notion while exploring in a more general sense the connection between identity and emotions.
In the spring of 1933, German society was deeply divided - in the Reichstag elections on 5 March, only a small percentage voted for Hitler. Yet, once he seized power, his creation of a socially inclusive Volksgemeinschaft, promising equality, economic prosperity and the restoration of honor and pride after the humiliating ending of World War I persuaded many Germans to support him and to shut their eyes to dictatorial coercion, concentration camps, secret state police, and the exclusion of large sections of the population. The author argues however, that the everyday practice of exclusion changed German society itself: bureaucratic discrimination and violent anti-Jewish actions destroyed the civil and constitutional order and transformed the German nation into an aggressive and racist society. Based on rich source material, this book offers one of the most comprehensive accounts of this transformation as it traces continuities and discontinuities and the replacement of a legal order with a violent one, the extent of which may not have been intended by those involved.
Oswald Mosley has been reviled as a fascist and lamented as the lost leader of both Conservative and Labour Parties. Concerned to articulate the demands of the war generation and to pursue an agenda for economic and political modernization his ultimate rejection of existing institutions and practices led him to fascism.
The Soviet attempt to propagandise the "new Soviet woman" through the magazines "Rabotnitsa" and "Krest'yanka" from the 1920s to the end of the Stalin era is explored here. Women were expected to play a full role in the construction of socialism, but they also had to reproduce the population. Balancing work and family did not prove easy in a climate of shifting economic and demographic priorities, and the periodic changes made to the model are charted here.
European imperialism was extraordinarily far-reaching: a key global
historical process of the last 500 years. It locked disparate human
societies together over a wider area than any previous imperial
expansion; it underpinned the repopulation of the Americas and
Australasia; it was the precursor of globalization as we now
understand it. Imperialism was inseparable from the history of
global environmental change. Metropolitan countries sought raw
materials of all kinds, from timber and furs to rubber and oil.
They established sugar plantations that transformed island
ecologies. Settlers introduced new methods of farming and displaced
indigenous peoples. Colonial cities, many of which became great
conurbations, fundamentally changed relationships between people
and nature. Consumer cultures, the internal combustion engine, and
pollution are now ubiquitous.
The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was established in January 1913, as a militant expression of Ulster Unionist opposition to the Third Home Rule Bill. It built on the foundations of pre-existing paramilitary activity and, at its height in early 1914, reached a strength of 100,000. During the Great War the UVF provided the basis of the 36th (Ulster) Division and in 1920 the force was partially reformed to counter the I.R.A. threat to the new Northern Ireland state. Academic historians have tended to overlook Ulster Loyalism. This book provides the first comprehensive study of the UVF in this period considering in detail the composition of the officer corps, the marked regional recruiting differences, the ideologies involved, the arming and equipping of the UVF and the contingency plans made by UVF Headquarters in the event of Home Rule being imposed on Ulster. Using previously neglected sources, Timothy Bowman demonstrates that the UVF was better armed and worse trained, with the involvement of fewer British army officers than previous historians have allowed. He suggests that the UVF was quite capable of seizing control of Ulster and installing the Ulster Provisional Government in the event of Home Rule being implemented in 1914, but provided few benefits to the 36th (Ulster) Division and failed to reform in any meaningful way in 1920. This book will be essential reading for military and Irish historians and their students, and will interest any general reader interested in modern paramilitary forces.
The years between Oklahoma statehood in 1907 and the 1971 reemergence of the Cherokee Nation are often seen as an intellectual, political, and literary ""dark age"" in Cherokee history. In Stoking the Fire, Kirby Brown brings to light a rich array of writing that counters this view. A critical reading of the work of several twentieth-century Cherokee writers, this book reveals the complicated ways their writings reimagined, enacted, and bore witness to Cherokee nationhood in the absence of a functioning Cherokee state. Historian Rachel Caroline Eaton (1869-1938), novelist John Milton Oskison (1874-1947), educator Ruth Muskrat Bronson (1897-1982), and playwright Rollie Lynn Riggs (1899-1954) are among the writers Brown considers within the Cherokee national and transnational contexts that informed their lives and work. Facing the devastating effects on Cherokee communities of allotment and assimilation policies that ultimately dissolved the Cherokee government, these writers turned to tribal histories and biographies, novels and plays, and editorials and public addresses as alternative sites for resistance, critique, and the ongoing cultivation of Cherokee nationhood. Stoking the Fire shows how these writers - through fiction, drama, historiography, or Cherokee diplomacy - inscribed a Cherokee national presence in the twentieth century within popular and academic discourses that have often understood the ""Indian nation"" as a contradiction in terms. Avoiding the pitfalls of both assimilationist resignation and accommodationist ambivalence, Stoking the Fire recovers this period as a rich archive of Cherokee national memory. More broadly, the book expands how we think today about Indigenous nationhood and identity, our relationships with writers and texts from previous eras, and the paradigms that shape the fields of American Indian and Indigenous studies.
This text focuses on the collapse of the post-war consensus in the mid-1970s crisis and the emergence of a new consensus in the 1990s. The author follows this process through six key policy areas including civil service reform, privatization, macro-economic management and relations with Europe. The text is designed for students following courses in modern history, politics and public policy, as well as general readers with an interest in current affairs.
Explore the Lives and Relationship of Two Great Leaders: Churchill and Roosevelt! Two captivating manuscripts in one book: - Winston Churchill: A Captivating Guide to the Life of Winston S. Churchill - Franklin Roosevelt: A Captivating Guide to the Life of FDR Any general biography of Churchill and Roosevelt will provide an overview of their greatest achievements, but Winston and Franklin had other goals and desires that are often ignored and forgotten. What were they? They both had a family-a childhood and children of their own-and a phenomenal political career. This book will examine their relationship as well as their individual lives.
This book uses evidence-based primary source analysis to provide students with the historical perspective necessary to think critically about the romantic memories, stubborn stereotypes, misperceptions, deliberate falsehoods, distorted myths, and old grudges that distort our popular perceptions of the 1960s. Twenty-first century Americans routinely use the 1960s as a metaphor, a sort of convenient shorthand, for the cultural wars-that continuous clash over differing values, beliefs, attitudes, and lifestyles-still bitterly polarizing the nation. Therefore, understanding the 1960s cultural revolution is critical to understanding ourselves. What this book contributes to that conversation is needed historical perspective with evidence-based primary source analysis. Ten chapters shed light on ordinarily overlooked aspects of the period, challenge stubborn misconceptions, and explore the enduring legacy of the 1960s. Primary source material-both written and visual-is drawn from archival holdings, newspapers, published proceedings, oral histories, and memoirs in order to present a balanced, accessible examination of mistaken beliefs and the historical truths. Features 10 chapters, arranged topically and chronologically, covering 10 misconceptions related to the 1960s cultural revolution Highlights source material drawn from archival holdings, newspapers, published proceedings, oral histories, and memoirs Includes photographs that make the material accessible across a wide range of grade levels Explores how the 1960s cultural revolution continues to influence America in such examples as LGBTQ Pride, Black Lives Matter, Me Too, environmentalism, disability rights, and modern conservatism
Mary Parrish was reading in her home when the Tulsa race massacre began on the evening of May 31, 1921. Parrish's daughter, Florence Mary, called the young journalist and teacher to the window. "Mother," she said, "I see men with guns." The two eventually fled into the night under a hail of bullets and unwittingly became eyewitnesses to one of the greatest race tragedies in American history. Spurred by word that a young Black man was about to be lynched for stepping on a white woman's foot, a three-day riot erupted that saw the death of hundreds of Black Oklahomans and the destruction of the Greenwood district, a prosperous, primarily Black area known nationally as Black Wall Street. The murdered were buried in mass graves, thousands were left homeless, and millions of dollars worth of Black-owned property was burned to the ground. The incident, which was hidden from history for decades, is now recognized as one of the worst episodes of racial violence in the United States. The Nation Must Awake, published for a wide audience for the first time, is Parrish's first-person account, along with the recollections of dozens of others, compiled immediately following the tragedy under the name Events of the Tulsa Race Disaster. With meticulous attention to detail that transports readers to those fateful days, Parrish documents the magnitude of the loss of human life and property at the hands of white vigilantes. The testimonies shine light on Black residents' bravery and the horror of seeing their neighbors gunned down and their community lost to flames. Parrish hoped that her book would "open the eyes of the thinking people to the impending danger of letting such conditions exist and in the 'Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave.' " Although the story is a hundred years old, elements of its racial injustices are still being replayed in the streets of America today. Includes an afterword by Anneliese M. Bruner, Parrish's great-granddaughter, and an introduction by the late historian John Hope Franklin and Scott Ellsworth, author of The Ground Breaking: An American City and Its Search for Justice.
This volume of essays by a number of the foremost experts in the
field examines the varieties of anti-fascism in inter-war Britain.
Anti-fascism between the wars is still most frequently associated
with the extreme left and its violent street confrontations with
Mosley's British Union of Fascists. By extending the scope of
anti-fascism to include center and right-wing opinion, and a wide
range of institutions, this book breaks new ground. Chapters
examine the state, political parties of left and right, the media,
the churches, the involvement of women, and the responses of
intellectuals. It also discusses the impact of European
anti-fascist exiles and the legacy of anti-fascism on the post-war
British Establishment.This volume examines the varieties of
anti-fascism in inter-war Britain. Ordinarily anti-fascism is
defined in terms of anti-fascist activism. By extending the scope
of the concept, this book breaks new ground. Chapters examine
political parties, the state, the media, women, the churches, and
intellectuals.
Tracing sexual violence in Europes twentieth century from the Armenian genocide to Auschwitz and Algeria to Bosnia, this pathbreaking volume expands military history to include the realm of sexuality. Examining both stories of consensual romance and of intimate brutality, it also contributes significant new insights to the history of sexuality. |
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