This study investigates the connection between the regulation of opium and the exercise of imperial power in colonial Burma. It traces the opium industry from the British annexation of the Burmese territories of Arakan and Tenasserim in 1826 to the end of the colonial era, arguing that this connection was multi-dimensional. The British regime regulated opium to facilitate labour extraction, and the articulation of a rationale for opium policy was inextricable from the articulation of a rationale for colonial rule more generally. Evolving discourses about race invoked opium consumption. Finally, Burma's position in multiple transnational and imperial networks informed its colonial opium policy.

Should Hoover have taken more aggressive action to combat the Great Depression? Did Roosevelt's New Deal go too far? Should Truman have ordered the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima? These and other controversial issues stamped the presidencies of Herbert Hoover, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman, and the crises they addressed marked a series of watersheds in American history. This rich resource of primary documents and commentary is a one-stop source for debating the central issues that shaped the Hoover, Roosevelt, and Truman presidencies. In their own words, these presidents articulate their positions on the key issues of their presidencies. Juxtaposed to their statements are relevant and interesting original source statements by the opposition. These opposing documents, along with introductions which place the issues in political context, will enable students to debate the great issues of the day.

This resource covers thirty-seven key issues and initiatives of the Hoover, Roosevelt, and Truman presidencies. The entry on each issue contains an overview of the issue and discussion of opposing viewpoints, followed by a statement from the president and the text of an opponent's dissenting point of view. Among the issues covered are Hoover's legislative attempts to deal with the Great Depression; Roosevelt's formation of New Deal agencies, his effort to pack the Supreme Court, and the actions he took that led the United States into war; Truman's momentous decision to drop the bomb, his efforts to rebuild Europe after the war, his firing of General MacArthur, and his efforts to deal with labor disputes. The section on each president concludes with suggested reading for further study. An introductory overview to the period and a timeline place the issues in chronological context.

Eglantyne Jebb was a teacher, social investigator and founder of the Save the Children Fund. Her "Declaration of the Rights of the Child," adopted by League of Nations, shows evolution from Charity Organization Society model to philosophy of international mutual responsibility, childrens rights and humanitarianism.

The history of criminal justice in modern Germany has become a vibrant field of research, as demonstrated in this volume. Following an introductory survey, the twelve chapters examine major topics in the history of crime and criminal justice from Imperial Germany, through the Weimar and Nazi eras, to the early postwar years. These topics include case studies of criminal trials, the development of juvenile justice, and the efforts to reform the penal code, criminal procedure, and the prison system. The collection also reveals that the history of criminal justice has much to contribute to other areas of historical inquiry: it explores the changing relationship of criminal justice to psychiatry and social welfare, analyzes representations of crime and criminal justice in the media and literature, and uses the lens of criminal justice to illuminate German social history, gender history, and the history of sexuality.

The debate on Italian regionalism has received renewed impetus from the disintegration of the First Republic and the emergence of the Northern League. In this important study, leading scholars of Italian history, politics, sociology and linguistics examine the nature of Italian regionalism since the formation of the modern Italian nation state. This is the first English-language book to explore the Italian concept of regionalism in all its ramifications.Topics include: the nature and problems of Italian regionalism in context; the historical background of the period up to 1945; critical overviews of regionalism since the establishment of the Republic; the relationship between dialect, language and Italian regionalism; and an examination of the origins of the Northern Leagues, their growing power, and their contribution to the crisis of the Republic. Contributors: Adrian Lyttelton, John Davis, Anna Laura Lepschy, Giulio Lepschy, Martin Clark, Percy Allum, Ilvo Diamanti, Joseph Farrell, David Hine, Anna Cento Bull, Miriam Voghera

The central idea behind this book is that the globalisation and politicisation of traditional religious identities is a historical phenomenon with deep roots in the 19th-20th centuries. Tracing the emergence of 'Religious Internationals' as a distinctive new phenomenon in world history, it transforms our understanding of the place of religion in the modern world. Leading historians and social scientists break new ground by comparing the historical experiences of different faith communities in an age of globalization without comparing them as religions. In-depth case studies focus on the internationalist dimensions of Buddhism, Christianity (Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant), Hinduism, Judaism and Islam. Individually, they illuminate the complex processes whereby communities of believers became communities of opinion. Collectively, they shed new light on the origins and nature of global civil society, highlighting the role of religion as one of its motor forces from the start.

The author of such classic works as The Republican Roosevelt, V Was for Victory, and Years of Discord, John Morton Blum is one of a small group of intellectuals who for more than a quarter of a century dominated the writing of American political history. Writing now of his own career, Blum provides a behind-the-scenes look at Ivy League education and political power from the 1940s to the 1980s.

Blum insightfully recounts a long and distinguished journey that began at Phillips Academy, where he first realized he could make a career of teaching and writing history. He tells how young men were socialized to the values of the Northeastern establishment in those years before World War II, and how as a non-practicing Jew he learned to over-come bigotry both at Andover and at Harvard, which then had no Jewish professors.

In 1957 Blum joined the faculty of Yale University's history department, widely regarded as the nation's best, where he became both influential and popular and where his students included one future U.S. president as well as others who aspired to the office. He reveals much about the inner workings of Ivy League education and tells of controversies over the Vietnam War and the Black Panthers, his role in Eugene McCarthy's presidential campaign, and how he searched for common ground between reactionary faculty and radical students.

More than a recounting of a singular life, Blum's story explains how political history was researched and written during the second half of the twentieth century, describing how the discipline evolved, gained ascendancy, and was challenged as historical fashions changed. It also offers revealing glimpses of such prominent academics as Kingman Brewster, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., C. Vann Woodward, and William Sloan Coffin.

Over a distinguished career, Blum witnessed considerable change in elite educational institutions, where minorities and women were grossly underrepresented when he first entered academia. In a memoir brimming with insight and laced with humor, he looks back at the academy--"not a refuge from reality but an alternative reality"--as he reflects upon his intellectual journey and his contributions to the study and writing of twentieth-century American history.

These essays by nine distinguished historians deal with prominent personalities in German history over the last two centuries; and they are dominated by two themes. First, they trace the growth and flowering of German culture in areas like print and architecture and painting and how this transformed relationships and procedures in everyday life. Second, they follow the rise of a political consciousness on the part of the Germans, and the consequences this consciousness had for nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries. In throwing light on the art of Schinkel and Liebermann, on the undertakings of Lichtwark, on the policies of Bismarck, and on the ordeals of Rathenau and Hitler and Beck and Faulhaber and Brandt, these nine essays offer a salutary guidepost to a past that is as rich as it is terrifying.

The Andersons have committed themselves to a 20-year struggle to address wrongs that Denise suffered while employed at GM. Hired in 1982, under the 1973 Rehabilitation Act, a predecessor of the 1990 ADA, she suffered an on-the-job injury, but was disallowed to return to work after her medical release. Their journey was financially & emotionally costly, pursuing redress thru the federal courts, EEOC & the union. The book presents violations of the human/civil rights of a disabled American citizen. It is a testament to the strength & endurance of the Andersons. Dora Anderson, "The Rosa Parks of the Disabled Movement," has become the symbol for the supporter of the American disabled citizen. Endorsers Americans love an "underdog" story, even more, a happy ending, which is so glaringly absent in the Anderson book. The intent of the ADA was to balance the scales of opportunity, but as their saga reveals, those scales are badly tilted. They have been thru too much now to expect a happy ending, but a just one can still be written. All it takes is a nation that prizes the opportunity to do the right thing. Barry Marrow, Oscar Award-Winning Co-Writer for Rain Man & Producer "The Union" has played a key role in the economic life of the American working class. This book highlights the growing patterns of certain "union boses" sacrificing their rank & fiile on the alter of survival & political access, forcing a confrontation. At a time when unions need a stronger member driven leadership, we are in a sensitive moment when the real uniion leadership, the workers, must make their presence known & ensure the future of a much needed source of political strength & economic power in working classcommunities across the country. Odette Machado, Pres., Health/Humanitarian Employees Alliance Rights & Trades

Why did the Armenian genocide erupt in Turkey in 1915, only seven years after the Armenian minority achieved civil equality for the first time in the history of the Ottoman Empire? How can we explain the Rwandan genocide occurring in 1994, after decades of relative peace and even cooperation between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority? Addressing the question of how the risk of genocide develops over time, On the Path to Genocide contributes to a better understand why genocide occurs when it does. It provides a comprehensive and comparative historical analysis of the factors that led to the 1915 Armenian genocide and the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, using fresh sources and perspectives that yield new insights into the history of the Armenian and Rwandan peoples. Finally, it also presents new research into constraints that inhibit genocide, and how they can be utilized to attempt the prevention of genocide in the future.

The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05 has been widely seen as a historical turning-point. For the first time in modern history an Asian and a European country competed on equal terms, overturning the prevailing balance of power. Based on a wide range of original source material in Russian, Japanese and other languages, this book goes beyond the military and international political grand narratives to examine the war's social, cultural, literary and intellectual impact in their historical context. In Japan the war reinforced the country's self-image as a 'coming' nation, while in Russia, combined with the revolution of 1905 and later political and social upheaval, it was seen as separating the old regime from the new. Throughout the world, 'spirit' was seen to be a decisive factor, and cultural considerations determined the war's interpretation. Featuring contributions by established scholars in the fields of military history and the history and literature of both Russia and Japan, this book offers for the first time a comparative perspective on the symbolic meaning of the conflict.

As one of the heroes of the 1917 February Revolution and then Prime Minister at the head of the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky was passionately, even fanatically, lauded as a leader during his brief political reign. Symbolic artefacts - sculptures, badges and medals - featuring his likeness abounded. Streets were renamed after him, his speeches were quoted on gravestones and literary odes dedicated to him proliferated in the major press. But, by October, Kerensky had been unceremoniously dethroned in the Bolshevik takeover and had fled to Paris and then to the US, where he would remain exiled and removed from his former glory until his death. The breakneck trajectory of his rise and fall and the intensity of his popularity were not merely a symptom of the chaos of those times but offer a window onto a much broader historical phenomenon which did not just begin with Lenin and Stalin - the cult of the leader. In this major new study of the Russian leadership cult, Boris Kolonitskii uses the figure of Kerensky to show how popular engagement with the idea of the leader became a key component of a cultural re-imagining of the political landscape after the fall of the monarchy. A parallel revolution was taking place on the level of creating a resonant political vocabulary where one had not existed before, and it was in the shared exercise of bestowing and dissolving authority that a politicised way of seeing began to emerge. Kolonitskii plots the unfurling of this symbolic revolution by examining the tapestry of images woven by Kerensky and those around him, and, in so doing, exposes his vital role in the development of nascent Soviet political culture. This highly original portrait of a revolutionary sheds new light on the cult of Kerensky that developed around this charismatic leader during the months following the overthrow of the tsar. It will be of value to students and scholars of Russian history and to those interested in political culture.

"Tragedy at Graignes" tells the story of Captain Bud Sophian, the only US Army officer who did not flee Graignes, France, as the Waffen SS overran the American positions and stormed the village. Sophian was a surgeon, and he refused to abandon the fourteen wounded paratroopers in his care. He surrendered by waving a white flag at the door of the badly shelled Norman church where his aid station was located. He hoped for fair prisoner treatment in accordance with the Geneva Convention of 1929. The German troops instead committed unspeakable atrocities, leaving many of the American prisoners mutilated in grotesque heaps. All of the American prisoners, including Sophian, were killed.

Captain Sophian's judgment and actions in the US Army were the culmination of the rich and challenging life he led prior to the Second World War. Bud's correspondence with his sister and other Sophian archival materials tell the story of this compelling life. These letters are reproduced verbatim in "Tragedy at Graignes: The Bud Sophian Story" so that Bud and other authors may speak directly to you and to the historical record.

Spain since 1939 provides students with a comprehensive guide to one of the most exciting historical narratives of the twentieth century: Spain's development from poverty and isolation after the Civil War to its current role as a key player on the European and world stages. Incorporating the most relevant existing research, Stanley Black covers the modern political, cultural and social events that have shaped Spain's evolution through to the present day. This essential introduction charts momentous periods such as: * the violence and repression of the post-war years * the durability of the dictatorship of general Franco * one of the most successful transitions to democracy * the post-transition boom and integration into the European Union. As this fresh new study shows, Spain's history continues to fascinate as it transforms itself into one of the most dynamic and progressive societies in Europe while battling with economic vulnerability, the phenomenon of mass immigration, and the painful buried legacy of its Civil War past.

The "Dictionary of Labour Biography" has an outstanding reputation as a reference work for the study of nineteenth and twentieth-century British history. Volume XII maintains this standard of original and thorough scholarship. Each entry draws on primary sources, engages with the most recent historiography and is supported by an appropriate bibliography. The coverage emphasizes the ethnic and national diversity of British labor, the contribution of women, and neglected political traditions including Trotskyism. Special notes on Keep Left and the Nenni Telegram offer new insights into the politics of the 1940s.

The origins of the Second World War remain clouded in Churchillian mythology. Sixty years on, Peter Neville's controversial book provides an essential reassessment of the appeasement myths by examining a central yet understudied figure. Sir Nevile Henderson has been vilified as 'our Nazi Ambassador in Berlin' by historians and popular memory alike. He has remained in disgrace despite the widespread historical rethinking of appeasement in recent years. Yet there has never before been a book-length study of Henderson despite his central role as Britain's Ambassador. Peter Neville's important reassessment draws upon primary documents to overturn orthodox interpretations. While Henderson's analysis of the Nazi regime was seriously flawed, history has vastly overstated his influence. In presenting the first full and close analysis of what Henderson himself called 'the failure of a mission', the author has made a pathbreaking contribution to the history of appeasement.

This book argues that traditional images and practices associated with shame did not recede with the coming of modern Britain. Following the authors' acclaimed and successful nineteenth century book, Cultures of Shame, this new monograph moves forward to look at shame in the modern era. As such, it investigates how social and cultural expectations in both war and peace, changing attitudes to sexual identities and sexual behaviour, new innovations in media and changing representations of reputation, all became sites for shame's reconstruction, making it thoroughly modern and in tune with twentieth century Britain's expectations. Using a suite of detailed micro-histories, the book examines a wide expanse of twentieth century sites of shame including conceptions of cowardice/conscientious objection during the First World War, fraud and clerical scandal in the interwar years, the shame associated with both abortion and sexual behaviour redefined in different ways as 'deviant', shoplifting in the 1980s and lastly, how homosexuality shifted from 'Coming Out' to embracing 'Pride', finally rediscovering the positivity of shame with the birth of the 'Queer'.

This book provides a comprehensive examination of British policy during the Ruhr occupation crisis of 1922-4. It explores Britain's attitude to reparations and to broader questions of post-war European reconstruction and stability, revealing the dilemmas caused by Britain's underlying strategic and economic weakness after the First World War. It highlights the difficulties Britain encountered when dealing with her European neighbors and provides a valuable insight into the complexity of British foreign policy during this brief but crucial period.

This biographical study analyzes the careers and thinking of a dozen union leaders of Irish descent who contributed significantly to the union movement. The work demonstrates the pragmatic approach of the majority of these leaders arising from disappointing experience with radical ideas embraced in their youth. Their object was cohesion among diverse nationalities in the work force to build strong national unions able to eliminate destructive wage competition in ever-widening markets. Beginning with background on Irish immigration, the study follows developments from the 1870s and extends through those who were active in the 1950s on both coasts and in the mid-west. It is the first book written for scholars and others dealing with Irish-American unionists in depth.

Babbitts and Bohemians is a fresh and informed account of the 1920s, a decade that seems almost mythical to some. Elizabeth Stevenson finds that the true twenties was a society of contrast. On the one hand, it was an era of sameness and political conformity, but on the other hand, it was also a time of cultural revolt. In places labeled Main Street and Middletown the citizenry followed a conventional pattern. At the same time, while most of America enjoyed the good life of this period, bohemians in Greenwich Village and expatriates in Paris were fervently scornful of it. The author explores the new sense of self and the world during this period, especially evident in the writings of Sinclair Lewis, Sherwood Anderson, Robert Frost, H. L. Mencken, Glenway Wescott, William Faulkner, and others. Stevenson writes about numerous facets of the 1920s: the brilliant entertainers, Harlem's brief period of glory, the worsening conditions in the South, the hero worship of Babe Ruth and Charles Lindbergh, and the stockmarket crash in 1929 that brought an abrupt end to the golden years. In the new introduction, the author reflects on her personal experience and discusses how the 1920s affected her family. She goes on to talk about how living in the tumultuous 1960s prompted her to write Babbitts and Bohemians. While she concedes that there were some not so glorious times during the 1920s, she still considers it a period where the vitality of life exhibited itself in all sorts of interesting and entertaining new ways. Elizabeth Stevenson succeeds admirably in conveying the spirit and the history of the era: the people and the mood that shaped the times; the political, international, and economic apathy; the conformity and rebellion of a decade unlike any other before or since. Babbitts and Bohemians will be enjoyed by all, especially historians, sociologists, and political scientists.

Exam Board: Edexcel Level: A level Subject: History First teaching: September 2015 First exams: June 2017 This book: covers the essential content in the new specifications in a rigorous and engaging way, using detailed narrative, sources, timelines, key words, helpful activities and extension material helps develop conceptual understanding of areas such as evidence, interpretations, causation and change, through targeted activities provides assessment support for both AS and A level with sample answers, sources, practice questions and guidance to help you tackle the new-style exam questions. It also comes with three years' access to ActiveBook, an online, digital version of your textbook to help you personalise your learning as you go through the course - perfect for revision.