These essays by no means cover all areas of interest in long-term care programs, but they offer new insights (and intriguing questions for future research) about how differently policies in this important area can be carried out in different countries.

This collection examines the intersections and dynamics of bordering processes and citizenship politics in the Global North and Australia. By taking the political agency of migrants into account, it approaches the subject of borders as a genuine political and socially constructed phenomenon and transcends a state-centered perspective.

This book lays out the foundation of a privacy doctrine suitable to the cyber age. It limits the volume, sensitivity, and secondary analysis that can be carried out. In studying these matters, the book examines the privacy issues raised by the NSA, publication of state secrets, and DNA usage.

An introductory survey of the government's role in America's continuing drive for equality. Today's lingering inequalities, particularly the "American dilemma" of racism, runs throughout U.S. history. Equal Protection provides readers with a historical overview of the controversies over the issue of equality, an understanding of how government-and, particularly, the courts and Congress-has reacted to these controversies, and the role these issues have played in shaping U.S. society. This volume follows the push for equal treatment regardless of age, gender, disabilities, economic status, or sexual orientation. It focuses on legislation such as the Americans with Disabilities Act, and political initiatives and movements such as The Great Society, the ERA, and the War on Poverty. Here are American's interpretations of equal rights, then and now. Includes a section of A-Z entries covering people, laws, events, judicial decisions, statutes, and concepts related to equal protection in the United States Primary source documents include court decisions, executive orders, and legislation that shaped the status of equal protection in our society today

How far does the idea of academic freedom extend to professors in an era of racial reckoning? The protests of summer 2020, which were ignited by the murder of George Floyd, led to long-overdue reassessments of the legacy of racism and white supremacy in both American academe and cultural life more generally. But while universities have been willing to rename some buildings and schools or grapple with their role in the slave trade, no one has yet asked the most uncomfortable question: Does academic freedom extend to racist professors? It's Not Free Speech considers the ideal of academic freedom in the wake of the activism inspired by outrageous police brutality, white supremacy, and the #MeToo movement. Arguing that academic freedom must be rigorously distinguished from freedom of speech, Michael Berube and Jennifer Ruth take aim at explicit defenses of colonialism and theories of white supremacy-theories that have no intellectual legitimacy whatsoever. Approaching this question from two angles-one, the question of when a professor's intramural or extramural speech calls into question his or her fitness to serve, and two, the question of how to manage the simmering tension between the academic freedom of faculty and the antidiscrimination initiatives of campus offices of diversity, equity, and inclusion-they argue that the democracy-destroying potential of social media makes it very difficult to uphold the traditional liberal view that the best remedy for hate speech is more speech. In recent years, those with traditional liberal ideals have had very limited effectiveness in responding to the resurgence of white supremacism in American life. It is time, Berube and Ruth write, to ask whether that resurgence requires us to rethink the parameters and practices of academic freedom. Touching as well on contingent faculty, whose speech is often inadequately protected, It's Not Free Speech insists that we reimagine shared governance to augment both academic freedom and antidiscrimination initiatives on campuses. Faculty across the nation can develop protocols that account for both the new realities-from the rise of social media to the decline of tenure-and the old realities of long-standing inequities and abuses that the classic liberal conception of academic freedom did nothing to address. This book will resonate for anyone who has followed debates over #MeToo, Black Lives Matter, Critical Race Theory, and "cancel culture"; more specifically, it should have a major impact on many facets of academic life, from the classroom to faculty senates to the office of the general counsel.

"Klein's excellent survey of these realities and dynamics will remain an important brief for decision-makers in the future."--"The Journal of Israeli History"

"A book of considerable weight and an important contribution to the growing genre of political studies in Jerusalem."
-- Michael Dumper," Journal of Palestine Studies"

Jerusalem, which means "city of peace," is one of the most bitterly contested territories on earth. Claimed by two peoples and sacred to three faiths, for the last three decades the city has been associated with violent struggle and civil unrest. As the peace negotiations between the Palestinians and Israelis reach their conclusion, the final, and most difficult issue is the status of Jerusalem. How and to what extent will these two nations share this city? How will Christians, Muslims and Jews in Jerusalem and around the world redefine their relationship to Jerusalem when the dust settles on the final agreement? Will the Israelis and Palestinians even be able to reach an agreement at all?

Menachem Klein, one of the leading experts on the history and politics of Jerusalem, cuts through the rhetoric on all sides to explain the actual policies of the Israelis and Palestinians toward the city. He describes the "facts on the ground" that make their competing claims so fraught with tension and difficult to reconcile. He shows how Palestinian national institutions have operated clandestinely since the Israelis occupied the eastern half of the city, and how the Israelis have tried to suppress them. Ultimately, he points the way toward a compromise solution but insists that the struggle for power and cultural recognition will likely continue to be apermanent feature of life in this complicated, multi-cultural city.

This book explores the role of education in the formation of the Singapore developmental state. The book provides a historical study of citizenship education in Singapore, whereby a comparative study of history, civics and social studies curricula, and the politics and policies that underpin them are examined.

This volume gathers together chapters that address the theme of implementing fundamental labour rights in China. It explores the legal framework as well as key institutions and other actors along with the socio-economic context involved in interpretation, implementation, enforcement and overall promotion of fundamental labour rights in China. As a collection of chapters, it assembles comparative and mutually complementary perspectives and insights by distinguished scholars from China, Europe and the United States. With its broad perspective on implementation, the book discusses the most topical challenges to realizing fundamental labour rights in China. China was among the founding members of the ILO. With the regulatory approach of the ILO, fundamental labour rights have gained a new foothold as a key pillar in managing the social dimension of globalization. The development of fundamental labour rights protection in China can be viewed as part of a larger development within China's domestic economic and social transition as well as its integration into the global economic system. While China has ratified four of the eight ILO core conventions, the challenge of effective implementation and enforcement in the domestic context remains. With its in-depth research on fundamental labour rights in the particular cultural context of the Chinese experience, this book studies Chinese labour law from multiple perspectives, at the same time examining the wider role of international labour standards in developing Chinese law and society. This volume is a remarkable enlargement of existing scholarship on international labour standards, on the one hand, and fundamental labour rights in China on the other. These chapters thoroughly analyse the legal and institutional framework for implementing labour law in China. Among the topics covered are fundamental labour rights including freedom from forced labour, prohibition of use of child labour and non-discrimination. In addition, this volume benefits from socio-historical observations on the cultural logics that inform implementation of fundamental labour rights in China in which the history and current development of Chinese labour law are equally reflected with substantive depth.

On January 10, 1966, Klansmen murdered civil rights leader Vernon Dahmer in Forrest County, Mississippi. Despite the FBI's growing conflict against the Klan, recent civil rights legislation, and progressive court rulings, the Imperial Wizard promised his men: ""no jury in Mississippi would convict a white man for killing a nigger."" Yet this murder inspired change. Since the onset of the civil rights movement, local authorities had mitigated federal intervention by using subtle but insidious methods to suppress activism in public arenas. They perpetuated a myth of Forrest County as a bastion of moderation in a state notorious for extremism. To sustain that fiction, officials emphasized that Dahmer's killers hailed from neighboring Jones County and pursued convictions vigorously. Although the Dahmer case became a watershed in the long struggle for racial justice, it also obscured Forrest County's brutal racial history. Patricia Michelle Boyett debunks the myth of moderation by exploring the mob lynchings, police brutality, malicious prosecutions, and Klan terrorism that linked Forrest and Jones Counties since their founding. She traces how racial atrocities during World War II and the Cold War inspired local blacks to transform their counties into revolutionary battlefields of the movement. Their electrifying campaigns captured global attention, forced federal intervention, produced landmark trials, and chartered a significant post-civil rights crusade. By examining the interactions of black and white locals, state and federal actors, and visiting activists from settlement to contemporary times, Boyett presents a comprehensive portrait of one of the South's most tortured and transformative landscapes.

Lewicki examines how current salient discourses of citizenship conceptualize democratic relations and frame the 'Muslim question' in Germany and Great Britain. Citizenship is understood not as a static or monolithic regime, but as being reproduced through competing discourses that can facilitate or inhibit the reduction of structural inequalities.

This book traces the development of the discourse used by the pro-life movement since the 1970s, and its relationship to public policy efforts at the state and federal level. The pro-life movement's successes, both in legislative efforts to limit access to abortion as well changing the public's perception of the pro-life movement, is surprising given American's continued support of some level of access to abortion. Using a multi-method approach, the authors argue that these successes are a result of a dynamic and responsive movement, which has adapted both its discourse and public policy efforts since Roe v. Wade. With the Hobby Lobby ruling in 2014, the movement has successfully created its newest strategy, integrating claims of religious liberty to protect individuals and corporate entities. The book's examination of the pro-life strategy highlights its current and future impact on human rights, reproductive rights, and right-wing politics.

The WROCLAW COMMENTARIES address legal questions as well as political consequences related to freedom of, and access to, the arts and (old/new) media; questions of religious and language rights; the protection of minorities and other vulnerable groups; safeguarding cultural diversity and heritage; and further pertinent issues. Specialists from all over Europe and the world summarise and comment on core messages of legal instruments, the essence of case-law as well as prevailing and important dissenting opinions in the literature, with the aim of providing a user-friendly tool for the daily needs of decision or law-makers at different juridical, administrative and political levels as well as others working in the field of culture and human rights.

This volume brings together a range of practical and theoretical perspectives on responsibility in the context of refugee and migrant integration. Addressing one of the major challenges of our time, a diverse group of authors shares insights from history, philosophy, psychology, cultural studies, and from personal experience. The book expands our understanding of the complex challenges and opportunities that are associated with migration and integration, and highlights the important role that individuals can and should play in the process. Interview with the authors: https://youtu.be/HDkaN_PBBF8

The free movement of labour will be one of the key elements of the Single Market soon to be implemented, One would therefore expect that efforts would have been made to harmonize social policies, especially on the legal status of workers. But the existing EC Treaty contains no provision and the Community Charter of the Fundamental Social Rights of Workers of 1989 fails to fill the gap. The Charter delegates the socio-political responsibility in almost all points to the member states. Yet the constitutions of most refer to general human rights only. The author here stresses the importance of economic and social human rights which, like human rights in general, have their roots in the Enlightenment, especially in the works of Montesquieu, Adam Smith and Kant.

Since its founding in 1910--the same year as another national organization devoted to the economic and social welfare aspects of race advancement, the National Urban League--the NAACP has been viewed as the vanguard national civil rights organization in American history. But these two flagship institutions were not the first important national organizations devoted to advancing the cause of racial justice. Instead, it was even earlier groups -- including the National Afro American League, the National Afro American Council, the National Association of Colored Women, and the Niagara Movement - that developed and transmitted to the NAACP and National Urban League foundational ideas about law and lawyering that these latter organizations would then pursue.
With unparalleled scholarly depth, Defining the Struggle explores these forerunner organizations whose contributions in shaping early twentieth century national civil rights organizing have largely been forgotten today. It examines the motivations of their leaders, the initiatives they undertook, and the ideas about law and racial justice activism they developed and passed on to future generations. In so doing, it sheds new light on how these early origins helped set the path for twentieth century legal civil rights activism in the United States.

In a departure from the mainstream methodology of a positivist-oriented jurisprudence, Collective Rights provides the first legal-theoretical treatment of this area. It advances a normative-moral standpoint of 'value collectivism' which goes against the traditional political philosophy of liberalism and the dominant ideas of liberal multiculturalism. Moreover, it places a theoretical account of collective rights within the larger debate between proponents of different rights theories. By exploring why 'collective rights' should be differentiated from similar legal concepts, the relationship between collective and individual rights and why groups should be recognised as the third distinctive type of right-holders, it presents the topic as connected to the larger philosophical debate about international law of human rights, most notably to the problem of universality of rights.

Between Freedom and Bondage looks at the fluctuations of black suffrage in the ante-bellum North, using the four states of New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and Rhode Island as examples. In each of these states, a different outcome was obtained for blacks in their quest to share the vote. By analyzing the various outcomes of state struggles, Malone offers a framework for understanding and explaining how the issue of voting rights for blacks unfolded between the drafting of the Constitution, and the end of the Civil War.

Prompted by the 'affective turn' within the entire spectrum of the social sciences, this books brings together the twin disciplines of political psychology and the political sociology of emotions to explore the complex relationship between politics and emotion at both the mass and individual level with special focus on cases of political tension. A role call of contributors from across the world and at the forefront of academic research in both disciplines combine the historical, cultural and socio-psychological conceptualizations of the political sociology of emotions with the study of opinion-making and electoral choice that characterises political psychology which previous studies have considered in isolation. The result is a compelling collection that sheds new light on the role of emotion in politics through analysis that covers both the micro and macro levels and as such is important reading for students and scholars of both political psychology and the sociology of emotions.

"This exciting collection not only documents the varied organizing experiences of women in American politics, it provides original and provocative analyses of the challenge owmen present to mainstream ideas of political representation, the role of the state, and the nature of power. The scope and depth of this volume are remarkable, and the prose lucid enought to make this bookd widely accessible. A must-read for all interested in women's political empowerment."
--Urvashi Vaid, author of "Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation"

"This innovative book illustrates both the complexity of women's activism and how that activism must transform our understanding of politics. It is an invaluable resource for the courses in U.S. politics and political participation that, at the same time, introduces the work of exciting young scholars."
--Martha Ackelsberg, Smith College

"Expanding the boundaries of conventional political studies, Women Transforming Politics provides perspectives and analyses which are vital for a truly democratic society."
--Joy James, author of "Resisting State Violence" and "Transcending the Talented Tenth"

As the largest political constituency in the United States, women present a radical challenge to the foundations of our political system. The integration of women into political life fundamentally changes the nature of American politics, necessitating a reassessment of the definition of politics, the nature of political action and the purpose of public life.

Women Transforming Politics: An Alternative Reader redefines the field of women and politics. By displacing the experiences of white, middle and upper class elitewomen as central, this volume brings to light the lives and actions of poor and working class women, women of color, and others defined as marginal. Covering topics as diverse as community organizing by South Asian women in New York, the governing styles of Chicana/Latina elected officials in California, the labor struggles of working-class women in Tennessee, the participation pattern of poor African-American women in Ohio, and the challenge of reproductive and sexual rights in international feminist politics, each essay provides a new and more expansive way to think about politics.

Contributors representing a wide range of professions including political science, sociology, history, law, grassroots organizing and cultural work challenge us to expand the range of experiences and acts considered political. Combining classic essays by renowned figures with groundbreaking work by a new generation of scholars, the publication of Women Transforming Politics will change forever the study of politics in the United States.

This book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the provisions of the 'Malabo Protocol'-the amendment protocol to the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights-adopted by the African Union at its 2014 Summit in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. The Annex to the protocol, once it has received the required number of ratifications, will create a new Section in the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights with jurisdiction over international and transnational crimes, hence an 'African Criminal Court'. In this book, leading experts in the field of international criminal law analyze the main provisions of the Annex to the Malabo Protocol. The book provides an essential and topical source of information for scholars, practitioners and students in the field of international criminal law, and for all readers with an interest in political science and African studies. Gerhard Werle is Professor of German and Internationa l Crimina l Law, Criminal Procedure and Modern Legal History at Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin and Director of the South African-German Centre for Transnational Criminal Justice. In addition, he is an Extraordinary Professor at the University of the Western Cape and Honorary Professor at North-West University of Political Science and Law (Xi'an, China). Moritz Vormbaum received his doctoral degree in criminal law from the University of Munster (Germany) and his postdoctoral degree from Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin. He is a Senior Researcher at Humboldt-Universitat, as well as a coordinator and lecturer at the South African-German Centre for Transnational Criminal Justice.

This text provides insights into the field of international human rights politics - the protection of children and their rights - by looking at the negotiations leading to the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Click here to see a video interview with Emelio Betances. Click here to access the tables referenced in the book. Since the 1960s, the Catholic Church has acted as a mediator during social and political change in many Latin American countries, especially the Dominican Republic, Bolivia, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. Although the Catholic clergy was called in during political crises in all five countries, the situation in the Dominican Republic was especially notable because the Church's role as mediator was eventually institutionalized. Because the Dominican state was persistently weak, the Church was able to secure the support of the Balaguer regime (1966–1978) and ensure social and political cohesion and stability. Emelio Betances analyzes the particular circumstances that allowed the Church in the Dominican Republic to accommodate the political and social establishment; the Church offered non-partisan political mediation, rebuilt its ties with the lower echelons of society, and responded to the challenges of the evangelical movement. The author's historical examination of church-state relations in the Dominican Republic leads to important regional comparisons that broaden our understanding of the Catholic Church in the whole of Latin America.