Who is entitled to be a citizen? What rights and duties does citizenship involve? These political questions are being asked today with a renewed urgency, both by practising politicians and by scholars. These essays by distinguished contributors examine the changing frontiers of modern citizenship. They look at the way citizenship is being reshaped within the nation state, in relations between women and the state, under the impact of economic crisis and recession, and in the face of new multinational political forces.

This book defends the thesis that Kant's normative ethics and his practical ethics of sex and marriage can be valuable resources for people engaged in the contemporary debate over same-sex marriage. It does so by first developing a reading of Kant's normative ethics that explains the way in which Kant's notions of human moral imperfection unsocial sociability inform his ethical thinking. The book then offers a systematic treatment of Kant's views of sex and marriage, arguing that Kant's views are more defensible than some of his critics have made them out to be. Drawing on Kant's account of marriage and his conception of moral friendship, the book argues that Kant's ethics can be used to develop a defense of same-sex marriage.

Black conservatism is no oxymoron. Recent polls have indicated that an increasing number of black Americans identified themselves as conservatives, favoring smaller government, lower taxes, tougher crime laws, welfare reform, and personal initiative. While applauding the moral and legal victories of the Civil Rights Movement, the conservative spokespeople in this dynamic new collection reject the claims of inequities and what they consider to be the self-serving agenda of the present civil rights establishment. National leaders such as Justice Clarence Thomas and former Representative Gary Franks and writers such as Shelby Steele and Glenn Loury appear either as contributors or as subjects in this volume. They emphasize the grassroots aspects of black conservatism with a reliance on common sense and common humanity. The strength of the black conservative voice lies in the growth of its numbers and social influence. As more African-Americans shift to the right and embrace conservative ideology, they are signalling what may be one of the most politically significant trends in American public life as the 20th century draws to a close. This provocative collection of essays shatters the myth that black Americans are uniformly left of center and that conservatism is an ideology with a white face. Unique in its personal and political portrait of black conservatives in America, this book shows the remarkable diversity of ideas from one of the most talked-about political movements to emerge in recent years.

"The New India" looks critically at various constructions of the Indian citizen from 1991 to 2007, the period when economic liberalization became established government policy. Liberalization generated complex social and economic tensions, and Chowdhury reveals howthese tensions shaped images of the citizen in cultural narratives of the time--in films, literary texts, corporate advertisements, political documents, and citizens' responses to the privatization of public space. Examining differing images of citizenship and its rules and rituals in these narratives, Chowdhury sheds light on the complex interactions between culture and political economy in the New India.

In September 1993 a unique dialogue took place. Humanists from around the country gathered in Salt Lake City, Utah, to exchange ideas with Mormons on the topics of feminism, freedom of conscience, academic freedom in Mormon universities, and clashes between "dissident intellectuals" and Mormon church authorities. Of particular concern in the discussion was the recent excommunication of members of the Mormon church and the departure of two professors from Brigham Young University for allegedly expressing ideas at variance with church teachings. Ironically, despite such conflicts, Mormons officially and individually endorse freedom of conscience; the dignity of the human right to exercise free agency is a principle rooted in the Mormon as well as the humanist tradition. On this basis for mutual understanding, the dialogue between the two diverse cultures of Mormonism and humanism proceeded. George D. Smith has collected twelve essays, all but one of which were presented at the Utah conference, for this thought-provoking volume. Among the subjects covered are ecclesiastical abuse and the excommunicated "September Six", academic freedom at Brigham Young University, the politics of exclusivity, and free inquiry in a religious context. Paul Kurtz, editor of Free Inquiry, introduces the discussion with an overview of "Humanism and the Idea of Freedom". The volume concludes with a 1939 essay by noted American journalist Walter Lippmann entitled "The Indispensable Opposition".

This book is devoted to the study of the interplay between religious rules and State law. It explores how State recognition of religious rules can affect the degree of legal diversity that is available to citizens and why such recognition sometime results in more individual and collective freedom and sometime in a threat to equality of citizens before the law. The first part of the book contains a few contributions that place this discussion within the wider debate on legal pluralism. While State law and religious rules are two normative systems among many others, the specific characteristics of the latter are at the heart of tensions that emerge with increasing frequency in many countries. The second part is devoted to the analysis of about twenty national cases that provide an overview of the different tools and strategies that are employed to manage the relationship between State law and religious rules all over the world.

The collapse of socialist regimes across Southeastern Europe changed the rules of the political game and led to the transformation of these societies. The status of women was immediately affected. The contributors to this volume contrast the status of women in the post-socialist societies of the region with their status under socialism.

"A very readable book containing the best arguments thus far opposing campaign finance reform."
-- "Choice"

"Martin Redish's accomplishment is that he not only has written a strong critique of te proposals to extend governmental regulation of free speech, but he has also given First Amendment defenders a base from which to attack existing restrictions on communication. Money Talks illustrates and upholds why the Founders prohibited Congress from making any law thta abridges the freedom of speech."--"Regulation"

Many have argued that soft money and special interests are destroying the American electoral system. And yet the clarion call for campaign finance reform only touches on the more general belief that money and economic power have a disastrous impact on both free expression and American democracy. The nation's primary sources of communication, the argument goes, are increasingly controlled by vast corporate empires whose primary, or even exclusive motive is the maximization of profit. And these conglomerates should simply not be granted the same constitutional protection as, say, an individual protester.

And yet neither the expenditure of money for expressive purposes nor an underlying motive of profit maximization detracts from the values fostered by such activity, claims Martin H. Redish. In fact, given the modern economic realities that dictate that effective expression virtually requires the expenditure of capital, any restriction of such capital for expressive purposes will necessarily reduce the sum total of available expression. Further, Redish here illustrates, the underlying motive of those who wish to restrict corporate expression is disagreement with thenature of the views they express.

Confronting head-on one of the sacred cows of American reformist politics, Martin H. Redish here once again lives up to his reputation as one of America's most original and counterintuitive legal minds.

It is an undeniable fact that corporations participate in human rights abuses throughout the world. Yet there is disagreement among scholars, politicians and business actors about the best approaches to preventing and responding to those abuses and whether it would be feasible to adopt a treaty on the matter.This book explores the potential adoption of a treaty on business and human rights, first proposed by Ecuador and South Africa. Would such a treaty be practicable and what should its content be - should it regulate direct corporate obligations or extraterritorial obligations? How can experiences of other international legal regimes and developments in regional systems inform the global debate on business and human rights?The Future of Business and Human Rights informs the reader - academics, practitioners and policy makers - about the current debate that is at centre of legal and diplomatic discussion.

This book addresses key transformations in citizenship politics in the EU, ember states. The contributors argue that the anti-discrimination agenda set out in the Treaty of Amsterdam has had an impact on traditional patterns of national integration of ethnic minorities and migrants in Europe. Comparing transformations in French and British politics of citizenship, the book focuses in particular upon the religious dimension of discrimination and Islam in Europe.

In Red Internationalism, Salar Mohandesi returns to the Vietnam War to offer a new interpretation of the transnational left's most transformative years. In the 1960s, radicals mobilized ideas from the early twentieth century to reinvent a critique of imperialism that promised not only to end the war but also to overthrow the global system that made such wars possible. Focusing on encounters between French, American, and Vietnamese radicals, Mohandesi explores how their struggles did change the world, but in unexpected ways that allowed human rights to increasingly displace anti-imperialism as the dominant idiom of internationalism. When anti-imperialism collapsed in the 1970s, human rights emerged as a hegemonic alternative channeling anti-imperialism's aspirations while rejecting systemic change. Approaching human rights as neither transhistorical truth nor cynical imperialist ruse but instead as a symptom of anti-imperialism's epochal crisis, Red Internationalism dramatizes a shift that continues to affect prospects for emancipatory political change in the future.

In Breaking Barriers, Judge Freddie Pitcher Jr. describes how he made history in Baton Rouge by becoming the first African American to be elected to judgeships at three different levels of the court system. Pitcher recounts his early years in Valley Park-a segregated and semi-rural neighborhood-where one of his cousins, a civil rights attorney, served as his role model and inspired him to become both a lawyer and an agent of change. Pitcher depicts what it was like to grow up in the segregated South and how racial discrimination fueled his drive to challenge the norms of the Baton Rouge judiciary later in life. Pitcher discusses how he forged together Black political organizations, the Black church community, and a group of white attorneys into a campaign coalition that ultimately helped him overcome the racial barriers that prevented Black people from ascending to the judiciary in Baton Rouge. He details the strategy used to win seats on both the Baton Rouge City Court and the 19th Judicial District Court at a time when many said a Black candidate could not win a city- or parish-wide election. He describes many of the challenges he faced as the first and only Black judge in Baton Rouge while highlighting some of the notable cases he tried and sharing his beliefs about judging and the judicial process. Pitcher's story of rising from "the bench to the bar to the bench"-from the bench outside the local grocery store that he and his friends frequented as young boys, to the Louisiana bar, to the judicial bench-is informative and inspiring, shedding light on the perseverance and determination required of early African American candidates to overcome the many roadblocks to full participation in the political process related to the judiciary.

This book explores two main themes. First, the claim that these welfare, education, health and equality can be accorded the status of rights. Second, and relatedly, the issue of whether they are justiciable, that is, can they be the subject of adjudication and enforcement through traditional legal mechanisms? This book provides a timely and wide-ranging exploration of these topical and controversial issues.

This exemplary contribution to the literature on ethnic studies examines the issues surrounding Mexican-American political empowerment in the United States. The chapters, originally contributions to a symposium at the University of Texas in El Paso, are uniformly engaging, rigorous in their analysis, and richly suggestive in their conclusions. This exceptionally fine collection discusses the political history of Mexican-Americans, the role of their interest groups, educational models, local bureaucracies, and electoral strategies. Noteworthy are the barriers to Chicano authority found in Los Angeles and Texas. Strongly recommended. Library Journal This timely book is among the first to be published that directly addresses the political empowerment of Hispanics. The contributors concern themselves not only with the progress and problems of political empowerment, but also with the prospects of future empowerment--the political strategies and agendas for the next decade. Conducted by a group of scholars well known for their research on Chicano politics, the studies suggest that while substantial progress has been made in opening political doors to Mexican Americans, most of their political potential has yet to be realized. The volume begins with an overview of the history of Mexican-American political empowerment from 1850 to the present. Institutional, procedural, and ideological barriers to success in American politics for Mexican- Americans are reviewed. An examination of two major politics for paradigms for educational achievement reflect different views on educational success and failure. The bureaucracy of local government and its sensitivity in increasing political representation in Los Angeles, the development of political organization and leadership, and future legal issues are covered. In the conclusion, the various perspectives of the contributors are synthesized to point the way to the next level of Mexican-American empowerment, and ultimately, to a general theory of political integration.

This book examines racial and ethnic discrimination in the labour markets and workplaces of western Europe. Scholars from ten different countries set out the experience and implications of this exclusion for two main groups: the more established second and third generations of postwar migrant descent, and the 'new' migrants, including seasonal and undocumented workers and refugees, who are vulnerable to extreme exploitation and unregulated working environments. The book finishes by addressing the implications of these issues for trade unions and employers in Europe.

Contemporary development debates in Latin America are marked by the pursuit of economic growth, technological improvement and poverty reduction, and are overshadowed by growing concerns about the preservation of the environment and human rights. This collection's multidisciplinary perspective links local, national, regional and transnational levels of inquiry into the interaction of state and non-state actors involved in promoting or opposing natural resource development. Taking this approach allows the book to contemplate the complex panorama of competing visions, concepts and interests grounded in the mutual influences and interdependencies which shape the contemporary arena of social-environmental conflicts in the region.

During the transition to democracy, states have used various mechanisms to address previous human rights abuses including domestic trials, truth and reconciliation commissions and internationalized tribunals. This volume analyzes the transitional justice choices made by four countries: Argentina, Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), Sierra Leone and East Timor. For each country, there is a chapter which provides a historical overview concerning the causes of the conflict and two subsequent chapters which highlight a different method of transitional justice implemented. The volume highlights the opportunities and the constraints faced by states and the international community to provide accountability for human rights violations.

Harcum maintains that the proper assumptions about human nature are established by their relative utility in solving existing human problems. In order to facilitate solutions to familiar problems of daily living, the author advocates a definition of the science of psychology that includes the concepts of human freedom and intrinsic dignity. The author emphasizes the importance of the free will concept to behavioral scientists and practitioners as well as to citizens of the general population who, perhaps without realizing it, are forced users of behavioral science. The author's intention is to show that our cherished beliefs in the concepts of freedom and dignity are consistent with scientific principles and thus will become a vital part of a scientifically designed culture.

The war on drugs is a war on ordinary people. Using that premise, historian Richard Lawrence Miller analyzes America's drug war with passion seldom encountered in scholarly writing. Miller presents numerous examples of drug law enforcement gone amok, as police and courts threaten the happiness, property, and even lives of victims-some of whom are never charged with a drug crime, let alone convicted of one. Miller not only argues that criminal justice zealots are harming the democracy they are sworn to protect, but that authoritarians unfriendly to democracy are stoking public fear in order to convince citizens to relinquish traditional legal rights. Those are the very rights that thwart implementation of an agenda of social control through government power. Miller contends that an imaginary drug crisis has been manufactured by authoritarians in order to mask their war on democracy. He not only examines numerous civil rights sacrificed in the name of drugs, but demonstrates how their loss harms ordinary Americans in their everyday lives. Showing how the war on drug users fits into a destruction process that can lead to mass murder, Miller calls for an end to the war before it proceeds deeper into the destruction process. This is a book for anyone who wonders about the value of civil liberties, and for anyone who wonders why people seek to destroy their neighbors. Using voluminous examples of drug law enforcement victimizing blameless people, this book demonstrates how the loss of civil liberties in the name of drugs threatens law-abiding Americans at work and at home.

During the last 15 years Latin American governments reformed their constitutions to recognize indigenous rights. The contributors to this book argue that these changes pose fundamental challenges to accepted notions of democracy, citizenship, and development in the region. Using case studies from Mexico, Guatemala, Bolivia, and Peru, they analyze the ways in which new legal frameworks have been implemented, appropriated and contested within a wider context of accelerating economic and legal globalization, highlighting the key implications for social policy, human rights, and social justice.

"Given Bunche's eventual rise to prominence as a black leader, and the criticism his integrationist politics engendered from black nationalists, it is particularly revealing to read this early work."--"Booklist"

"A timely and penetrating appreciation of Ralph Bunche's benchmark study of the African American leadership class in the early decades of the last century."
--David Levering Lewis, Julius Silver University Professor and Professor of History, NYU

"Jonathan Holloway has performed a wonderful service in editing and introducing Bunche's "A Brief and Tentative Analysis of Negro Leadership," For scholars and teachers in the field it has long been a source of frustration that this material has not been available. Bunche's insights and interpretations provide an important perspective on a key moment in the shaping of modern black American politics, and Holloway's introduction very usefully situates Bunche and his analysis in the context of the time."
--Adolph Reed, Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania and author of "W.E.B. Du Bois and American Political Thought: Fabianism and the Color Line"

"Ralph Bunche's stature as one of the key African American intellectuals of the twentieth-century continues to grow. Jonathan Holloway has done a great service by bringing Bunche's unpublished work on leadership to light. Skillfully guiding the reader, Holloway's introduction and editorial notes provide a perfect balance of information and interpretation, adding much to our understanding of this important and yet often neglected figure."
--Nikhil Pal Singh, author of "Black is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy"
"Thiswork is a welcome addition to African American studies as well as to social and cultural history."
--"CHOICE"

"Provides key insight into Black leadership at the dawn of the modern Civil Rights Movement, and forces a reconsideration of Bunche's legacy as a reformer and the historical meaning of his early involvement in the Civil Rights Movement."--"Ebony"

A world-renowned scholar and statesman, Dr. Ralph J. Bunche (1903-1971) began his career as an educator and a political scientist, and later joined the United Nations, serving as Undersecretary General for seventeen of his twenty-five years with that body. This African American mediator was the first person of color anywhere in the world to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. In the mid-1930s, Bunche played a key role in organizing the National Negro Congress, a popular front-styled group dedicated to progressive politics and labor and civil rights reform.

A Brief and Tentative Analysis of Negro Leadership provides key insight into black leadership at the dawn of the modern civil rights movement. Originally prepared for the Carnegie Foundation study, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, Bunche's research on the topic was completed in 1940. This never-before-published work now includes an extended scholarly introduction as well as contextual comments throughout by Jonathan Scott Holloway.

Despite the fact that Malcolm X called Bunche a "black man who didn't know his history," Bunche never wavered from his faith that integrationist politics paved the way for racial progress. This new volume forces a reconsideration of Bunche's legacy as a reformer and the historical meaning of his early involvementin the civil rights movement.