Discussion over the impact of economic aid and development programs in Africa has become much more than an economics debate. In order to produce more effective and humane programs of adjustment for Africa and other developing regions, debate must encompass not only economic impacts but also political, social, and human consequences. This second volume in the Consortium on Human Rights Development's special studies on adjustment programs in Africa combines theory with empirical evidence and economic with political analysis to provide the most comprehensive multi-disciplinary coverage to date on IMF and World Bank adjustment programs in Africa. Building a link between structural adjustment and human rights in Africa, it makes a case for economic and political justice through sustainable development.

Contributing to the literature on comparative criminal procedure and Latin American law, this book examines the effects of adversarial criminal justice reforms on victim's rights by specifically analyzing the Colombian criminal justice reform of the early 2000s. This research focuses on the production, interpretation, and implementation of rules and institutions by exploring how different actors have employed the concept of victims and victims' rights to promote their agendas in the context of criminal justice reforms. It also analyzes how the goals of these agendas have interplayed in practice. By the early 2000s, it seemed that the Colombian criminal justice system was headed towards a process characterized by broader victim participation, primarily because of the doctrine of the Constitutional Court on victims' rights. But in 2002, the Colombian Attorney General promoted a more adversarial criminal justice reform. This book argues that this reform represented a sudden and unpredicted reversal of the Constitutional Court's doctrine on victim participation, even though one of the central justifications for the reform was the need to satisfy human rights standards and adhere to the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court on victims' rights. In the criminal justice reform of the early 2000s and its subsequent modifications, the promotion of a dichotomous interpretation of the adversarial model-which conceived the criminal process as a competition between prosecution and defense-served to limit victim participation. This study examines how conceptions of victims' rights emerged out of the struggles between different and at times competing agendas. In the Colombian process of reform, victims' rights have been invoked both as a justification for criminal sanctions and as an explanation for crime prevention and restorative justice. After assessing quantitative and qualitative data, this book concludes that punitive approaches to victims' rights have prevailed over restorative justice perspectives. Furthermore, it argues that punitiveness in the criminal justice system has not resulted in more protection for victims. Ultimately, this research reveals that the adversarial criminal justice reform of the early 2000s has not substantially improved the protection of victims' rights in Colombia.

This book examines the employment arrangements of professional athletes in the Premier League football competition, the National Basketball Association competition and rugby union played at an international level. It describes the organisation and regulatory frameworks of these three professional team sports and highlights the legal, economic and regulatory factors that influence the final form of an athlete's working conditions. It provides a comparative analysis between the sports on issues such as the role of collective bargaining, wage regulation, salary caps, nationality restrictions, eligibility, player movement and the acquisition of a player's intellectual property. It discusses the approaches adopted in each sport for balancing the interests of labour and management, the problem of controlling private regulatory power in professional sport, and considers the extent to which legal or government intervention is required in an athlete's employment relationship. National law can assist players in a domestic league to secure an involvement in the determination of working conditions but it has a more limited effect in a competition organised by an international governing body. This book argues that social regulation through soft law processes at an international level may benefit athletes, consumers and sport globally. It provides a useful case example for comparison with the organisation of other professional team sports in Europe, North America and Australasia. This book is important reading for scholars and practitioners in the fields of international sports law, employment law, competition law, European law and human rights law. It is also highly recommended for students at undergraduate and postgraduate levels taking modules and courses in Sports Law or Sports Business Management. Dr. Leanne O'Leary is a dual-qualified solicitor, Senior Lecturer in Law and member of the Centre for Sports Law Research at Edge Hill University in the United Kingdom. This book appears in the ASSER International Sports Law Series, under the editorship of Prof. Dr. Ben Van Rompuy and Dr. Antoine Duval.

In his major new work Chandran Kukathas offers, for the first time, a book-length treatment of this controversial and influential theory of minority rights. The author argues that the free society should not be seen as a hierarchy of superior and subordinate authorities but an archipelago of competing and overlapping jurisdictions.The idea of a liberal archipelago is defended as one which supplies us with a better metaphor of the free society than do older notions such as the body politic, or the ship of state. In challenging most of the existing theories of the multicultural society and answering his past critics, Kukathas has produced the book that no one with an interest in multiculturalism can afford to ignore.

Exploring the most topical issues around migration and integration in relation to Britain, this book, now in paperback, examines people smuggling and the elite labour migration that is becoming a feature of Britain. It also examines the concepts of social capital, social cohesion and Britishness that are being used to critique multiculturalism.

Women are disproportionately affected by HIV and AIDS. By focusing on the pandemic at its epicenter in Southern Africa, this book explores the gendered power inequalities driving women's vulnerability to HIV and provides suggestions of how to individually and collectively address women's oppression.

Written by a distinguished group of social scientists, the essays address critical aspects of the global refugee situation. The contributors analyze the current problem from the perspectives of law, ethics, and social science, paying particular attention to the linkages and conflicts between international and national refugee issues and concerns. Arguing that a serious gap exists between the obligations undertaken by government delegations to the various refugee conventions and what is actually required to meet the needs of the displaced, the contributors issue a call for concerted international action to address the refugee challenge, explore alternatives to existing policies, and suggest choices consistent with the goal of human dignity for all. Following an introductory chapter on the nature of the refugee problem, the volume is divided into four parts. The contributors first explore international responses to the refugee problem examining such issues as the rights of refugees under international law, the problem of accountability, and conflicting trends in Western European refugee policies. In a section devoted to the United States response, topics covered include U.S. refugee policy in Africa, Central American refugees, the role of Congress and the courts, and trends in U.S. immigration law and policy. The following chapters address the response of citizens and church-affiliated groups while the concluding section examines ways in which countries can act both to avert the flow of refugees and provide more effective protection for those that need it. An excellent set of readings for courses in international relations and international law, this volume is an important step towards the solution of the international refugee crisis.

George Luther Stearns became John Brown's single most important financial backer. He personally owned the 200 Sharps rifles Brown brought to Harper's Ferry. Massachusetts Governor John Andrew asked Stearns to recruit the first northern state African-American regiment, the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, recently made famous by the Hollywood movie Glory. Stearns was made a major and made Assistant Adjutant General for the Recruitment of Coloured Troops. He recruited over 13,000 African-Americans and established schools for their children and found work for their families. After Emancipation, he worked tirelessly for African-American civil rights. Friends and associates included the Emersons and the Alcotts, Thoreau, Lydia Maria Child, Charles Sumner, Andrew Johnson, and Frederick Douglass.

Do participatory processes open a political space to marginalized groups & individuals? Or do they co-opt & coerce groups to reinforce existing inequitable relations? In an innovative comparative study which breaks with tradition this book explores these questions by looking at Malawi & Ireland.

While it is true that genocide prevention is not what tends to land on the front pages of national newspapers today, it is what prevents the worst headlines from ever being made. However, despite the post-Holocaust consensus that "never again " would the world allow civilians to be victims of genocide, the reality is that history is closer than ever to repeating itself. As many as 170 million civilians across the world have been victims of genocide and mass atrocity in the 20th century. Now that we have entered the 21st century, little light has arisen from the darkness as civilians still find themselves under brutal attack in the Sudan, Burma, Syria, the Central African Republic, Burundi, and a score of other countries in the world as they find themselves beset by state fragility and extremist identity politics. Drawing on over two decades of primary research and scholarship from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives, Confronting Evil: Engaging Our Responsibility to Prevent Genocide is grounded in the belief that preventing mass atrocity is an achievable goal, but only if we have the collective will to do so. This groundbreaking book from one of the foremost leaders in the field presents a fascinating continuum of research-informed strategies to prevent genocide from ever taking place; to avert further atrocities once mass murder occurs; and to prevent further turmoil once a society learns how to rebuild itself. Dr. James Waller challenges each of us to accept our responsibilities as global citizens - in whichever role and place we find ourselves - and to think critically about one of the world's most pressing human rights issues in which there are no sidelines, only sides.

From the mid-19th century through World War I, Turner societies were among the most important secular organizations in German immigrant communities in America. Brought to the United States by refugees from the failed Revolution of 1848 in Germany, the Turner movement became a home for German abolitionists, workers' rights advocates, and other reformers. This book is the result of a project to locate the surviving documentation on the Turner movement. With an annotated bibliography, descriptions of archival collections, historical sketches of more than 150 Turner societies, and an annotated list of all societies in the United States, this research guide opens up new opportunities for examining the influence of the Turners.

This book is the result of a project to locate the surviving documentation on the Turner movement, little of which was found in libraries or archives at the time the project began. The book shows that the extent of the movement, the range of its interests and activities, and the richness of its publishing record were much greater than has been appreciated. With an annotated bibliography, descriptions of archival collections, historical sketches of more than 150 societies, and an annotated list of all societies found in the United States, the research guide opens up new opportunities for examining the influence of Turners and German-Americans on the development of American society.

The revival of America's civic life is one of the most popular proposals to cure the host of social and political ills that plague contemporary life. The thinking is that many of our social problems, including drug abuse, crime, divorce, and welfare dependency, are the products of an individualistic culture that no longer joins together to solve its collective problems. Individualism has devolved into selfishness and private rights take precedent over any collective good. As one analyst states, our once demanding virtues have turned into relativized values, and the loss of social demands allow people to act in ways destructive of the general welfare.

Denning examines in detail today's civic virtue debate and the main proponents of this agenda. He argues that the conservative focus on moral behavior excludes other essential factors that contribute to social changes that affect America's civic behavior. Instead of recalling some halcyon civic benchmark, he addresses today's problems in the context of the social changes that contribute mixed results to America's collective action. One fundamental change gives greater power to people--in the Jeffersonian tradition--to determine how they choose to govern themselves. Equally important, after a brief review of what happens in today's local communities across the country, Denning challenges the diatribe that America lacks civic virtue. Moreover, as America struggles with growing economic inequality, its civic life mirrors the growing disparity in wealth. As suburbia displays some hallmarks of traditional civic activity, inner cities develop civic activities out of utter necessity to fend off the ills of crime, drugs, poverty, and economic desperation.

This book has its roots in a conference on recent developments in Nordic and German constitutional law that took place in Berlin in 2002 at the Nordic Cultural Centre.That conference was organised within the project "Konstitutionalism, demokrati och den nordiska valfardsstaten" (Constitutionalism, Democracy and the Nordic Welfare State), financed by the Joint Committee for Nordic Research Councils for the Humanities and the Social Sciences (NOS-HS). The volume contains the edited and updated papers which emerged from this meeting of minds. They offer insight into some of the new, exciting strands of constitutional thought that are currently present in the Nordic doctrine, where many new paths have been opened in recent years. The contrast with the situation two decades ago is indeed striking. As far as German and European law are concerned, some of the most important theoretical issues in the doctrine are analysed in a number of particularly rewarding and inspiring contributions.

This study seeks to explain the impact of historical narratives on the inclusiveness and pluralism of citizenship models. Drawing on comparative historical analysis of two post-imperial core countries, Turkey and Austria, it explores how narrative forms operate to support or constrain citizenship models.

This comparative study of terrorism and counter-measures and their effect upon democratic practices and traditions is published under the auspices of the University of New Brunswick Centre for Conflict Studies in Canada. David A. Charters, Editor, has brought together a team of well-known experts to assess the nature of international terrorism in recent years and the possible effect of anti-terrorist policies and counter-measures upon democratic processes and civil liberties in Britain, Germany, Israel, Italy, France, and the United States. Their findings challenge current notions about terrorism and its consequences. A selected bibliography points to some of the most important sources of information on terrorism today.

An examination of the long-ignored vicious side to the legend of Brazilian President Getulio Dornelles Vargas, this is the tale uncovered by the first civilian to spend months in the secret police archives of Rio de Janeiro. Rose has utilized new eyewitness testimony and insider information in offering explanations to several events that proved pivotal in Brazil during the 1930s and 1940s. During Vargas's tenure, the quality and quantity of human rights abuses reached unprecedented heights. Violence, as a means of coercing the public, was evident in all sectors of the security apparatus. Several tools of torture developed during the hunt for communists are still in use today. Almost by definition, politicians have to offer a semblance of providing something for each different sector of society. Vargas was better at this than his predecessors in that with ease he proudly wore the various vestments of dictator, fascist, democrat, and populist as necessary. For the poor, he was the paternalistic benefactor; for the middle class, he was the one who brought stability; and for the wealthy, he supported the status quo. This ability to juggle forces and interests was grounded in his security apparatus. Beginning with the unsuccessful Communist Revolution of 1935, the nation's police forces redefined and in some cases reinvented the torture that had occurred in Brazil from colonial times onward. The harshness of their methods was matched only by the ardor of their example for coming generations.

Continuum's Reader's Guides are clear, concise and accessible introductions to classic works of philosophy. Each book explores the major themes, historical and philosophical context and key passages of a major philosophical text, guiding the reader toward a thorough understanding of often demanding material. Ideal for undergraduate students, the guides provide an essential resource for anyone who needs to get to grips with a philosophical text. First published in 1859, John Stuart Mill's On Liberty has exerted an enormous influence on philosophical and political thought ever since. Mill, also famous for his writings on utilitarianism, argues that individual liberty is of paramount importance and that any infringements of it must be kept to an absolute minimum. Mill himself described his brief but brilliant book as asserting 'one very simple principle . . . that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering in the liberty of any of their number, is self-protection.' Of course, drawing out the implications of this principle has proved to be anything but simple, and the various interpretations of Mill's doctrine have spawned countless debates and mountains of secondary literature. Numerous moral and political theorists have drawn on Mill's work, including Berlin, Rawls and Raz, and his ideas remain as relevant as ever today.

This monograph analyses the historical evolution of the laws of occupation as a special branch of international humanitarian law (IHL), focusing on the extent to which this body of law has been transformed by its interaction with the development of international human rights law. It argues that a large part of the laws of occupation has proved to be malleable while being able to accommodate changing demands of civilians and any other persons affected by occupation in modern context. Its examinations have drawn much on archival research into the drafting documents of the instruments of IHL, including the aborted Brussels Declaration 1874, the 1899/1907 Hague Regulations, the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Additional Protocol I. After assessing the complementary relationship between international human rights law and the laws of occupation, the book examines how to provide a coherent explanation for an emerging framework on the rights of individual persons affected by occupation. It engages in a theoretical appraisal of the role of customary IHL and the Martens clause in building up such a normative framework.

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This book considers the international law applicable to maritime interception operations (MIO) conducted on the high seas and within the context of international peace and security, MIO being a much-used naval operational activity employed within the entire spectrum of today's conflicts. The book deals with the legal aspects flowing from the boarding and searching of foreign-flagged vessels and the possible arrest of persons and confiscation of goods, and analyses the applicable law with regard to maritime interception operations through the legal bases and legal regimes. Considered are MIO undertaken based on, for instance, the UN Collective Security System (maritime embargo operations), self-defence and (ad-hoc) consent, and within the context of legal regimes various views are provided on the right of visit, the use of force and the use of detention. This volume, which has contemporary naval operations as its central focus and structures the analysis as a sub-discipline of the international law of military operations, will be of great interest both to academics, practitioners and policy advisors working or involved in the field of military and naval operations, and to those professionals wanting to learn more about the international law of military operations, naval operations, and the law of the sea and maritime security. Martin Fink is a naval and legal officer in the Royal Netherlands Navy.

Founded in1912, the African National Congress worked tirelessly to promote democracy and protect the rights of South Africa's black population. Using a combination of armed struggle and conciliation, the ANC formed broad political alliances that ensured its victory in the 1994 general election and established Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. When he cast his own vote in this historic election, Mandela is said to have paid his respects at the memorial to John Dube (the first president of the ANC), proclaiming, "Mission accomplished, Mr. President." Eighty years after the ANC's founding, its dreams had finally been realized. In The Founders: The Origins of the ANC and the Struggle for Democracy in South Africa, author Andre Odendaal examines the creators of South Africa's early civil rights movement. This unique book chronicles the astonishing achievements of the pioneering intellectuals and activists who, from the 1860s onwards, led the struggle for black political rights in southern Africa's new colonial societies. Using a variety of sources, Odendaal demonstrates how the founders combined African humanism-or Ubuntu-with Western democratic constitutionalism and Christian beliefs to shape a new political vision that countered colonial and apartheid ideas. The Founders brings to life the remarkable generation of Africans who first developed the framework, form, and content of the freedom struggle in South Africa and is essential reading for those who wish to understand the context that produced Nelson Mandela and his famous African National Congress.

Underpinning contemporary political debates and organizational restructuring is a serious rethinking of rights and responsibilities in the roles of governments, communities, companies, and individuals in a civil society. "International Rights and Responsibilities for the Future" provides a foundation for these debates by focusing on the need to reintegrate rights and responsibilities with contributions by authorities engaged in the process. A wide range of notable figures weigh in on the subject: Audrey R. Chapman argues for a revisioning of human rights as an instrument through which interrelated persons shape and reshape a social covenant defining reciprocal rights and responsibilities. Philippa Strum contends that the idea of individual responsibility to the community is central to rights and contract theory, as articulated in the Western tradition. Amitai Etzioni presents the communitarian view of too many rights, too few responsibilities. And David Boaz gives the libertarian view that one fundamental right is the right to live your life as you choose so long as you don't infringe on the equal rights of others. Particular attention is given to the arguments for a new international bill of rights and the issues of peace and security, information and knowledge technologies, the Global Society and knowledge-based development, criminal justice, human rights education, and sustainable development.

Spanning the eight decades between the American Revolution and the Civil War, Bethel focuses on the lives of African Americans living in the nominally free northern and western states. Examining race and the construction of a politicized racial identity, this book explores how a group of fundamentally marginalized people crafted a uniquely New World ethnic identity which informed popular African American historical consciousness. The vision of freedom and historical consciousness this population crafted shaped post-1865 African American participation in Reconstruction, formed the spiritual and ideological foundation for the modern Pan-African movement and provided the historical legacy for the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.

"The Free and Open Press ought to be required reading whenever anyone questions the meaning of the Founding Fathers, the framers of the Constitution, or other early American icons of liberty."
--"Journalism History"

"Robert W. T. Martin revitalizes a debate over the status of press rights in eighteenth-century America that had grown tiresome over the past 20 years...all scholars of American political thought and constitutional development should read this book."
--"American Political Science Review"

"Martin uses a number of fresh quotations and a helpful arranging and packaging of many ideas on a momentous topic."
-- "American Historical Review"

"Martin is not the first to examine that familiar topic, but his is the most heavily contextualized discussion of the topic yet and the most ambitious in scope."
--"The Journal of American History"

"In a welcome contrast to many recent studies (and museum exhibitions), Martin sees a clear, prima facie party distinction on the issue of press freedom."
--"William and Mary Quarterly"

The current, heated debates over hate speech and pornography were preceded by the equally contentious debates over the "free and open press" in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Thus far little scholarly attention has been focused on the development of the concept of political press freedom even though it is a form of civil liberty that was pioneered in the United States. But the establishment of press liberty had implications that reached far beyond mere free speech. In this groundbreaking work, Robert Martin demonstrates that the history of the "free and open press" is in many ways the story of the emergence and first realexpansions of the early American public sphere and civil society itself.

Through a careful analysis of early libel law, the state and federal constitutions, and the Sedition Act crisis Martin shows how the development of constitutionalism and civil liberties were bound up in the discussion of the "free and open press." Finally, this book is a study of early American political thought and democratic theory, as seen through the revealing window provided by press liberty discourse. It speaks to broad audiences concerned with the public square, the history of the book, free press history, contemporary free expression controversies, legal history, and conceptual history.