Antony Alcock recounts four stages in the history of regional cultural minority protection: protection of religious minorities and the rise of cultural nationalism before 1914; attempts to assimilate minorities between the wars together with the League of Nations' system of protection; neglect of the complex issues in minority protection after 1945, leading in many cases to violence; and finally the renaissance of cultural minorities in the west, while in the east the new states after the fall of communism have had difficulties in coming to terms with their minorities.

Moore argues that there is a fundamental incompatibility between race and governance. She examines the formal procedures used to enact the thirteen major civil rights laws and the policy concessions necessitated by the use of those procedures and notes the impact of the divisive nature of the politics of race upon procedure and substance.

Her analysis of 40 years of congressional civil rights lawmaking reveals that whenever race is introduced into the normal policy process, that process breaks down. In its place emerges an abnormal policy process--one that is inordinately demanding with respect to skill, input, and support/votes. She concludes that the substantive provisions of policies produced by this process are too weak to reduce huge racial disparities in education, housing, and employment. The reason race regularly generates abnormal process and policies is that it is too contentious for the standard governmental apparatus. This apparatus is designed to redress problems and issues undergirded by some measure of consensus. Race lacks such a consensual undercurrent and, therefore, is incompatible with standard governance processes. A provocative analysis of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with American racial politics, minorities, and party politics.

This collection of essays by John Stuart Mill includes his masterwork of political philosophy On Liberty, together with other notable and acclaimed works. A famed philosopher, essayist and economist, John Stuart Mill has since the nineteenth century been revered for his succinct insights on matters of society. He developed the philosophy of utilitarianism, which remains a subject of serious study to this day. This compilation contains four principle works by Mill: On Liberty - the classic essay by Mill, and his most known. In this treatise Mill attempts to reconcile the need for civilized control and authority with the human need for personal liberty and expression. Individuality is, according to Mill, precursor to many of the higher pleasures of existence - a just society must therefore make provisions for such to occur, while remaining sufficiently ordered.

Facing the threats posed by dedicated suicide bombers who have access to modern technology for mass destruction and who intend to cause maximum human suffering and casualties, democratic governments have hard choices to make. On the one hand, they must uphold the basic values of democratic societies based on due process and human rights. On the other, they need to pre-empt the kind of destruction inflicted upon New York, Madrid, London, and Bali. The premise of this book is that for intelligence organizations to be able to face up to the challenges of global terrorism, they must think outside the box and utilize all of their resources effectively and creatively. To overcome the enemy, we must also secure the peace. Winning the hearts and minds of the terrorists' pool of potential recruits will be essential to cutting off the supply of suicide bombers. The support and cooperation of the people in countries where the terrorists strike must be sustained by ensuring they have confidence in the government and intelligence services. If a government and its intelligence services become so focused on pre-empting terrorist attacks that they infringe on the rights of their citizens and encroach on democratic norms, they unwittingly fall into a trap set by Al Qaeda and its kind. These organizations aim to destroy the democratic way of life so cherished in the West, and to incite the Muslim populations in democratic countries and their non-Muslim fellow citizens into a vicious circle of mutual hatred and violence. This book therefore addresses not only the question of how intelligence organizations can improve their efficacy in pre-empting terrorist outrages, but also the wider issue of removing the forces that sustain global terrorism as a scourge of the 21st century. The general public in the target countries and recruiting grounds must also be persuaded that—despite their rhetoric—the terrorists are not engaged in a holy war. Ultimately, the brand of global terrorism promoted by Osama bin Laden and his associates is meant to satisfy their own vanity and aspirations toward semi-divine status; the organization they have formed for this purpose is merely a global syndicate that commits serious crimes of a particularly heinous nature. Intelligence services of various countries need to find convincing evidence to prove this point. But it is up to governments, civil society, and the media in different parts of the world to work together if the evidence unearthed by national intelligence services is to be accepted by the general public. Unless the emotional or quasi-religious appeal of the global terrorists can be removed, the simple arrest of bin Laden and his close associates—or even the destruction of Al Qaeda as an organization—will not be sufficient to prevent others from rising to replace them.

What rallies or inspires people to champion the different causes surrounding filtering or free expression? How do people vary in their views on what the First Amendment guarantees? This book encourages students to think critically about the pros and cons of censorship. The profiles of individuals who are active in free speech debates show that while there aren't always black and white answers, there are numerous ways to take a firm stand on the issues.

Readers will be introduced to a wide variety of people, from feminists arguing both sides of the debate over pornography, to those who believe no one can clearly define what is harmful and what is not. The book also presents people motivated by religious convictions to censor material they consider negative or detrimental. Fifty individual stories about activists on frontlines, fighting for what they believe, bring the controversies surrounding filtering and freedom of expression into sharp focus, offering a rich platform for consideration and debate.

This book considers the international law applicable to maritime interception operations (MIO) conducted on the high seas and within the context of international peace and security, MIO being a much-used naval operational activity employed within the entire spectrum of today's conflicts. The book deals with the legal aspects flowing from the boarding and searching of foreign-flagged vessels and the possible arrest of persons and confiscation of goods, and analyses the applicable law with regard to maritime interception operations through the legal bases and legal regimes. Considered are MIO undertaken based on, for instance, the UN Collective Security System (maritime embargo operations), self-defence and (ad-hoc) consent, and within the context of legal regimes various views are provided on the right of visit, the use of force and the use of detention. This volume, which has contemporary naval operations as its central focus and structures the analysis as a sub-discipline of the international law of military operations, will be of great interest both to academics, practitioners and policy advisors working or involved in the field of military and naval operations, and to those professionals wanting to learn more about the international law of military operations, naval operations, and the law of the sea and maritime security. Martin Fink is a naval and legal officer in the Royal Netherlands Navy.

This book examines the employment arrangements of professional athletes in the Premier League football competition, the National Basketball Association competition and rugby union played at an international level. It describes the organisation and regulatory frameworks of these three professional team sports and highlights the legal, economic and regulatory factors that influence the final form of an athlete's working conditions. It provides a comparative analysis between the sports on issues such as the role of collective bargaining, wage regulation, salary caps, nationality restrictions, eligibility, player movement and the acquisition of a player's intellectual property. It discusses the approaches adopted in each sport for balancing the interests of labour and management, the problem of controlling private regulatory power in professional sport, and considers the extent to which legal or government intervention is required in an athlete's employment relationship. National law can assist players in a domestic league to secure an involvement in the determination of working conditions but it has a more limited effect in a competition organised by an international governing body. This book argues that social regulation through soft law processes at an international level may benefit athletes, consumers and sport globally. It provides a useful case example for comparison with the organisation of other professional team sports in Europe, North America and Australasia. This book is important reading for scholars and practitioners in the fields of international sports law, employment law, competition law, European law and human rights law. It is also highly recommended for students at undergraduate and postgraduate levels taking modules and courses in Sports Law or Sports Business Management. Dr. Leanne O'Leary is a dual-qualified solicitor, Senior Lecturer in Law and member of the Centre for Sports Law Research at Edge Hill University in the United Kingdom. This book appears in the ASSER International Sports Law Series, under the editorship of Prof. Dr. Ben Van Rompuy and Dr. Antoine Duval.

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How does a state, tarnished with a racist, violent history, emerge from the modern civil rights movement with a reputation for tolerance and progression "Old South, New South, or Down South?: Florida and the Modern Civil Rights Movement" exposes the image, illusion, and reality behind Florida's hidden story of racial discrimination and violence. By exploring multiple perspectives on racially motivated events, such as black agency, political stonewalling, and racist assaults, this collection of nine essays reconceptualizes the civil rights legacy of the Sunshine State. Its dissection of local, isolated acts of rebellion reveals a strategic, political concealment of the once dominant, often overlooked, old south attitude towards race in Florida.

This book provides a major new examination of the current dilemmas of liberal anti-racist policies in European societies, linking two discourses that are normally quite separate in social science: immigration and ethnic relations research on the one hand, and the political economy of the welfare state on the other. The authors rephrase Gunnar Myrdal's questions in An American Dilemma with reference to Europe's current dual crisis - that of the established welfare state facing a declining capacity to maintain equity, and that of the nation state unable to accommodate incremental ethnic diversity. They compare developments across the European Union with the contemporary US experience of poverty, race, and class. They highlight the major moral-political dilemma emerging across the EU out of the discord between declared ideals of citizenship and actual exclusion from civil, political, and social rights. Pursuing this overall European predicament, the authors provide a critical scrutiny of the EU's growing policy involvement in the fields of international migration, integration, discrimination, and racism. They relate current policy issues to overall processes of economic integration and efforts to develop a European 'social dimension'. Drawing on case-study analysis of migration, the changing welfare state, and labour markets in the UK, Germany, Italy, and Sweden, the book charts the immense variety of Europe's social and political landscape. Trends of divergence and convergence between single countries are related to the European Union's emerging policies for diversity and social inclusion. It is, among other things, the plurality of national histories and contemporary trajectories that makes the European Union's predicament of migration, welfare, and citizenship different from the American experience. These reasons also account in part for why it is exceedingly difficult to advance concerted and consistent approaches to one of the most pressing policy issues of our time. Very few of the existing sociological texts which compare different European societies on specific topics are accessible to a broad range of scholars and students. The European Societies series will help to fill this gap in the literature, and attempt to answer questions such as: Is there really such a thing as a 'European model' of society? Do the economic and political integration processes of the European Union also imply convergence in more general aspects of social life, such a family or religious behaviour? What do the societies of Western Europe have in common with those further to the East? This series will cover the main social institutions, although not every author will cover the full range of European countries. As well as surveying existing knowledge in a manner useful to students, each book will also seek to contribute to our growing knowledge of what remains in many respects a sociologically unknown continent. The series editor is Colin Crouch.

This edited collection introduces conceptual innovations that critically engage with understanding refugee movements as part of the broader category of 'poor people's movements'. The empirical focus of the work lies on the protest events related to the so-called 'long summer of migration' of 2015. It traces the route followed by the migrants from the places of first arrival to the places of passage and on to the places of destination. Through qualitative and quantitative data, the authors map, within a cross-national comparative perspective, the wide set of actions and initiatives that are being created in solidarity with refugees who have made their journey seeking asylum to the European Union, either travelling across the Mediterranean Sea or through South Eastern Europe. It explores these cases from the perspective of social movement studies alongside critical studies on migration and citizenship.

This book provides a comprehensive human rights analysis of key areas of law affecting older persons, including legal capacity; elder abuse; accommodation and aged care; healthcare; employment; financial security, retirement, and estate planning; and social and cultural participation. The research identifies individual autonomy and participation in decision-making as fundamental to a human rights-based approach to elder law. The book argues that a paradigm shift must occur away from traditional medical and charity-based understandings of 'old age' to instead acknowledge older persons as active holders of enforceable rights. The book argues that a Convention on the Rights of Older Persons is an essential tool in achieving this, but that even without a dedicated treaty there is much to be gained from a human rights-based approach. Significantly, because the issues arising in 'old age' are often the culmination of experiences occurring throughout the life course, a human rights-based approach to elder law must begin with a commitment to human rights for people of all ages.

Islam in Europe delves into the daily routines of European Muslim communities in order to provide a better understanding of what it means to be a European Muslim today. Instead of positing particular definitions of being Muslim, this volume invites and encourages a diverse body of 735 informants from Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK to reflect on who they are and on the meaning and place Islam has in such considerations. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and suggesting novel ways of seeing the phenomenon of European Islam and the continent's Muslim communities, Islam in Europe examines how through their practices, discourses, face to face and mediated interaction, European Muslims construct notions or identity, agency, solidarity and belonging, or how they negotiate and redefine religion, tradition, authority and cultural authenticity. Theoretically and methodologically innovative, Islam in Europe makes a significant contribution to better understanding European Islam and Europe's Muslims.

Is food aid the way of the future? What are the prospects for integrated public policies informed by the right to food? First World Hunger Revisited investigates the rise of food charity and corporately sponsored food banks as effective and sustainable responses to increasing hunger and food poverty in twelve rich 'food-secure' societies.

More than a century before Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery bus, Shadrach Howard, David Ruggles, Frederick Douglass, and others had rejected demands that they relinquish their seats on various New England railroads. They were protesting segregation on Jim Crow cars, a term that originated in New England in 1839. Theirs was part of a larger movement for equal rights in antebellum New England. Using sit-ins, boycotts, petition drives, and other initiatives, African-American New Englanders and their white allies attempted to desegregate schools, transportation, neighborhoods, churches, and cultural venues. Above all they sought to be respected and treated as equals in a reputedly democratic society. Jim Crow North is the tale of that struggle and the racism that prompted it. Despite widespread racism, black New Englanders were remarkably successful. By the advent of the Civil War African American men could vote and hold office in every New England state but Connecticut. Schools, except in the largest cities of Connecticut and Rhode Island, were integrated. Railroads, stagecoaches, hotels, and cultural venues (with occasional aberrations) were free from discrimination. People of African descent and of European descent could marry one another and live peaceably, even in Maine and Rhode Island where such marriages were legally prohibited. There was an emerging, if still small, black middle class who benefitted most. But there were limits to progress. A majority of African-Americans in New England were mired in poverty preventing full equality both then and now.

This book takes issue with those who would seek to place restrictions on the participation of religious organizations in politics, arguing that their position underestimates the benefits, and overestimates the costs, of having religiously motivated citizens participate in this way. It will appeal to readers in philosophy and politics.

Scott Douglas Gerber here argues that the Constitution of the United States should be interpreted in light of the natural rights political philosophy of the Declaration of Independence and that the Supreme Court is the institution of American government that should be primarily responsible for identifying and applying that philosophy in American life. Importantly, the theory advanced in this book - what Gerber calls "liberal originalism" - is neither consistently "liberal" nor consistently "conservative" in the modern conception of those terms. Rather, the theory is liberal in the classic sense of viewing the basic purpose of government to be safeguarding the natural rights of individuals. As Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence, "to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men". In essence, Gerber maintains that the Declaration articulates the philosophical ends of our nation and that the Constitution embodies the means to effectuate those ends. From the opening chapter's bold revision of the character of the American Revolution to the closing chapter's provocative reinterpretation of many of the most famous cases in Supreme Court history, this book demonstrates the importance of approaching constitutional interpretation from more than one discipline. Indeed, Gerber's analysis reveals that the Constitution cannot be properly understood without recourse to history, political philosophy, and law.

If children's rights are integral aspects of commonly accepted universal human rights of the late twentieth century, then why are the United States and other countries unsuccessful in guaranteeing all children their rights? This book seeks to explain how children's rights originated, what they are, and what steps can be taken to implement them as our world moves into the twenty-first century.

This book provides new insights on the lives of children in street situations by providing analyses from a qualitative perspective on the sociology of childhood. It proposes some insightful perspectives on the current discussion about the rights of children in street situations. It includes a unique selection of texts, which were initially published in French, written by the authors of this volume, on the lives of children in street situations in Latin America and China, that are now available to an English readership. It challenges obstacles, linked to macrosocial issues such as inequalities, images of the child, the separation of public/private spheres, urban dynamics and structural adjustments, as well as to microsocial dimensions such as identity, motivation, and activities that are constitutive of street situations. The book discusses the situations experienced by children, highlighting children's reflexivity and strategies as social factors, and shedding new light on the debate "agency within structure".

Europe and the European Union are unavoidable, if ambiguous, political references in the post-Yugoslav space. This volume interrogates the forms and implications of the increasingly potent symbolic nexus that has developed between non-heterosexual sexualities, LGBT activism(s) and Europeanisation(s) in all of the Yugoslav successor states. Contributors to this book show how the long EU accession process disseminates discursive tools employed in LGBT activist struggles for human rights and equality. This creates a linkage between "Europeanness" and "gay emancipation" which elevates certain forms of gay activist engagement and perhaps also non-heterosexuality, more generally, to a measure of democracy, progress and modernity. At the same time, it relegates practices of intolerance to the LGBT community to the status of non-European primitivist Other who is inevitably positioned in the patriarchal past that should be left behind. >

Leonard C. Garrett Sr. was born May 17, 1930 to parents sharecropping a 40 acres slave plot given his mother's parents when they were freed from slavery. Forced from the farm by the Ku Klux Klan, his parents fled to Tampa, Florida. An avid reader, He learned that outside the southern states, for those with Hope, America offered Opportunity, and through Shared Sacrifice, a better America for the Generation that follows. He quit high school and joined the air force, moved his parents out of the projects, and set out to achieve his American dream. Retiring from the air force he joined a major bank as a junior executive and at age fifty-four, had achieved an American dream never believed possible. The Election of 1980 had Unleashed the Wealthy, Greedy, Corrupt, and the politically Powerful from the "Bonds of Shared Sacrifice" and; empowered conservative ideology driven southern states to roll-back Supreme Court decisions and Laws guaranteeing civil rights of black and Latino Americans. He was harvested, convicted, and sentenced to prison for crimes "fabricated" by the US attorney, covered up by a "Fraudulent Judgment" on appeal, "denied access" to the Court to seek redress, and was held falsely imprisoned for 10 years all; "covered-up" by a corrupt conservative criminal justice system. Today at age 81, Garrett is among the millions of Americans driving past "gated communities" into cities with closed factories, boarded-up homes, and neighborhoods of unemployed, elderly, and less-advantaged Americans suffering the question, "what happened to the American that "We"" sacrificed so much to make great?'"

This is a book about why people so often put up with being the victims of their societies and why at other times they become very angry and try with passion and forcefulness to do something about their situation. I his most ambition book to date, Barrington Moore, Jr explores a large part of the world's experience with injustice and its understanding of it. In search of general elements behind the acceptance of injustice he discusses the Untouchables of India, Nazi concentration camps, and the Milgram experiments on obedience to authority.

The intertwining of development and human rights is the subject of the twelve essays collected by the editors. The individual authors extensively examine the commonly held belief that economic development cannot take place in Third World countries without the short term sacrifice of political liberty and demonstrate that there is considerable evidence to the contrary. Following a theoretical stage-setting that concentrates on the severe power limitations and the dependency of weak Third World states, case studies focus on such issues as state terrorism, food, the right to modernize, refugees, and support of apartheid in Latin America, the People's Republic of China, the Middle East, and Africa. Several essays concern the implementation of human rights and the role of multinational corporations and international nongovernmental organizations in protecting them. The final essay considers the international framework of government, law, and organization as a means for implementing human rights development in the Third World.

Founded in1912, the African National Congress worked tirelessly to promote democracy and protect the rights of South Africa's black population. Using a combination of armed struggle and conciliation, the ANC formed broad political alliances that ensured its victory in the 1994 general election and established Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. When he cast his own vote in this historic election, Mandela is said to have paid his respects at the memorial to John Dube (the first president of the ANC), proclaiming, "Mission accomplished, Mr. President." Eighty years after the ANC's founding, its dreams had finally been realized. In The Founders: The Origins of the ANC and the Struggle for Democracy in South Africa, author Andre Odendaal examines the creators of South Africa's early civil rights movement. This unique book chronicles the astonishing achievements of the pioneering intellectuals and activists who, from the 1860s onwards, led the struggle for black political rights in southern Africa's new colonial societies. Using a variety of sources, Odendaal demonstrates how the founders combined African humanism-or Ubuntu-with Western democratic constitutionalism and Christian beliefs to shape a new political vision that countered colonial and apartheid ideas. The Founders brings to life the remarkable generation of Africans who first developed the framework, form, and content of the freedom struggle in South Africa and is essential reading for those who wish to understand the context that produced Nelson Mandela and his famous African National Congress.