"Andrews does a superb job in offering solutions to familiar problems for African Americans. Complete with charts, graphs, facts and figures, the author provides readers with a vivid display of how the scales of equality, wealth and power are tipped against people of color."
--Upscale

"Andrews' aim is to paint an intellectually defensible and decidedly anti-conservative picture of the complicated tie between race and economic wellbeing."
--Booklist

"Fiery, passionate, and provocative, but also unflinchingly rigorous in its argument. It is rare for an economist to write with such fire bolstered by such a commitment to logical reasoning."
--William A. Darity, Jr

"Marcellus Andrews has written a fascinating and theoretically grounded account of the relationship between America's market economy and the prospects faced by African Americans."--"The Journal of Economic Issues"

Popular liberal writing on race has relied on appeals to the value of "diversity" and the fading memory of the Civil Rights movement to counter the aggressive conservative assault on liberal racial reform generally, and on black well-being, in particular. Yet appeals to fairness and justice, no matter how heartfelt, are bound to fail, Marcellus Andrews argues, since the economic foundations of the Civil Rights movement have been destroyed by the combined forces of globalization, technology, and tight government budgets.

The Political Economy of Hope and Fear fills an important intellectual gap in writing on race by developing a hard-nosed economic analysis of the links between competitive capitalism, racial hostility, and persistent racial inequality in post-Civil Rights America. Andrewsspeaks to the anger and frustration that blacks feel in the face of the nation's abandonment of racial equality as a worthy objective by showing how the considerable difficulties that black Americans face are related to fundamental changes in the economic fortunes of the U.S.

The Political Economy of Hope and Fear is an economist's plea for unsentimental thinking on matters of race to replace the mixture of liberal hand wringing and conservative mythmaking that currently passes for serious analysis about the nation's racial predicament.

This clear and compelling text confronts the dominant thinking on human rights, taking issue with the notion adopted by all states and even many academics that human rights obligations extend no further than their own territorial borders. Mark Gibney critiques cases from the U.S. Supreme Court, the International Court of Justice, and the European Court of Human Rights, arguing for a much broader reading of state responsibility on the basis that current law misses most of the ways in which states fail to protect human rights standards. Finally, Gibney takes up the issue of human rights enforcement, unquestionably the weakest aspect of international human rights law. He proposes several practical models that could begin to provide victims the "effective remedy" promised by the law itself. The book concludes that there is a moral and legal imperative to return to the universal principles human rights were founded on. And rather than witnessing the end of human rights-as some have suggested-we should see our times as the true beginning.

Speech, Media, and Ethics: The Limits of Free Expression is an interdisciplinary work that employs ethics, liberal philosophy, and legal and media studies to outline the boundaries to freedom of expression and freedom of the press, defined broadly to include the right to demonstrate and to picket, the right to compete in elections, and the right to communicate views via the written and electronic media. Moral principles are applied to analyze practical questions that deal with free expression and its limits.

This book assesses the extent to which an emphasis on national security and prioritization of state interests has dominated governance policy-making in Northeast and Southeast Asia, at the expense of human security, human development, and human rights. The findings are that in many cases, there are embedded structural obstacles to achieving human-centered governance objectives in the region. These relate to the role of the military, historical authoritarian legacies, and new authoritarian trends. Contributors examine not only the most obvious instances of military domination of governance in the region (North Korea with its "Military First" philosophy, Thailand since the 2014 coup, and Myanmar with its long history of military rule), but also less well known examples of the influence of conflict legacies upon governance in Cambodia, Timor-Leste, and Laos, as well as the emergence of new reservoirs of power and resources for the forces of authoritarianism.

This study focuses on the field of security studies through the prism of migration. Using ethnographic methods to illustrate an experiential theory of security taken from the perspective of migrants and asylum seekers in Europe, it effectively offers a means of moving beyond state-based and state-centric theories in International Relations.

The Bottle, the Breast, and the State: The Politics of Infant Feeding in the United States explores the ways in which breastfeeding is both promoted and made difficult in the United States. It also examines how the use of formula is often shamed yet encouraged by many standard medical and government practices. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, it explores the politics, policies, and individual experiences surrounding infant feeding. Oakley shows that a failure to separate the issue of breastfeeding rights and support, from problematic approaches to breastfeeding advocacy, in both academic scholarship and public discourse, has led to a deadlock that prevents groups from working together in support of breastfeeding without shaming. Drawing on a feminist ethic of care, Oakley develops a caring infant feeding advocacy. This approach values the caring work done by parents and recognizes the benefits of this work for society. It promotes policies supportive of parenting in general and breastfeeding in particular, in order to remove barriers that present a challenge to some women who wish to breastfeed. Caring infant feeding advocacy also works to promote the development of better alternatives for those who do not breastfeed.

As editor of The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Dr. Clayborne Carson, with the assistance of his staff at Stanford's Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute, had access to many documents relating to Dr. King's life and career. From their unique familiarity with these materials, they have compiled an encyclopedia offering a fresh and exciting look at the work of Dr. King and the course of the civil rights movement. Scholars, students, and interested nonspecialists will all find the more than 280 entries provided in the encyclopedia to be both informative and engaging. Alphabetically arranged, each entry concludes with a list of sources, both primary and secondary, upon which it is based. The entries cover all facets of Dr. King's life and career, including the following members of his family: BLhis wife, Coretta Scott King BLhis father, Martin Luther King, Sr. BLhis mother, Alberta Williams King BLhis brother, Alfred Daniel Williams King and all four of his children His many friends and associates in the movement: BLRalph David Abernathy BLMaya Angelou BLSammy Davis Jr. BLMedgar Evers BLDick Gregory BLBenjamin Hooks BLJames Meredith BLAndrew Young His campaigns and marches: BLBirmingham Campaign BLChicago Campaign BLMarch on Washington for Jobs and Freedom BLMemphis Sanitation Workers Strike BLMongomery Bus Boycott BLOperation Breadbasket And the many organizations he led or interacted with: BLCongress of Racial Equality BLMontgomery Improvement Association BLNational Conference on Religion and Race BLSouthern Christian Leadership Conference BLStudent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Other entries discuss the churches he pastored, the dissertation he wrote, thetrips he took to India and Ghana, the books he published, the speeches he delivered, the Nobel Prize he won, the presidents and other national figures he knew, and his chief opponents and critics. The encyclopedia also offers a detailed chronology of Dr. King's life, a selected bibliography of important seconday sources, and a detailed Introduction putting Dr. King's career in context with its times, a Guide to Related Topics, and a detailed subject index.

This book uses a theoretical and empirical approach to explore the philosophies of European citizenship and European identity. The author applies a focused analytical framework to argue that European identity and citizenship should be perceived as postmodern categories which are multi-layered, dynamic and fluid. The book offers a detailed review of political and legal studies which do not comprehend or explain postmodernist concepts of citizenship and identity. In the theoretical part of the book various philosophical models of citizenship and identity (from antiquity to the postmodern era) are portrayed, and the author's own theory and analytical framework is developed. The empirical part of the book discusses a variety of case studies illustrating how European Union policies apply to this framework.

This book explains how one man swindled his Andean village twice. The first time he extorted everyone's wealth and disappeared, leaving the village in shambles. The village slowly recovered through the unlikely means of converting to Evangelical religions, and therein reestablished trust and the ability to work together. The new religion also kept villagers from exacting violent revenge when this man returned six years later. While hated and mistrusted, this same man again succeeded in cheating the villagers. Only this time it was for their lands, the core resource on which they depended for their existence. This is not a story about hapless isolation or cruel individuals. Rather, this is a story about racism, about the normal operation of society that continuously results in indigenous peoples' impoverishment and dependency. This book explains how the institutions created for the purpose of exploiting Indians during colonialism have been continuously revitalized over the centuries despite innovative indigenous resistance and epochal changes, such as the end of the colonial era itself. The ethnographic case of the Andean village first shows how this institutional set up works through-rather than despite-the inflow of development monies. It then details how the turn to advanced capitalism-neoliberalism-intensifies this racialized system, thereby enabling the seizure of native lands.

This collection of speeches by Amelia Jenks Bloomer, a 19th-century feminist reformer, explores women's issues and lives during the period from 1850 to 1880. Bloomer lived in Seneca Falls, New York, and was the founder of a woman's newspaper, the Lily. She supported dress reform and was internationally famous for her introduction of bloomers. She was a staunch supporter of women's rights and worked closely with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, whom she introduced to one another. Bloomer was an extremely popular public speaker who traveled throughout New York State and the mid-West lecturing on temperance and greater opportunities for women in employment and education. This volume is the only collection of her speeches, and Coon's introduction creates a narrative of Bloomer's life as the story of a shy, modest woman whose commitment to reform and the endorsement of a new style of women's dress catapulted her into public life.

"Tsesis lays out theoretical foundations that he argues should be intrinsic to a representative democracy . . . an important contribution to the literature about civil liberties and human rights."
--"Choice"

"The genuine accomplishment of Tsesis's book...is to focus the hate speech debate on explicitly normative issues."
--"Michigan Law Review"

"[A] comprehensive and brilliant book from both a historical and analytical perspective. Drawing from the lessons of history, Alexander Tsesis shows persuasively the relevance of the Thirteenth Amendment to a wide range of the social and economic issues currently facing America, and he offers highly creative arguments that support the use of congressional power under the Thirteenth Amendment as a potent and effective means of meeting and resolving these issues."
--G. Sidney Buchanan, Baker & Botts Chaired Professor of Law, University of Houston Law Center

"Tsesis vigorously presents a set of arguments that are rarely found in the conventional legal literature. . . . An interesting and challenging book."
--Sanford V. Levinson, W. St. John Garwood and W. St. John Garwood, Jr. Centennial Chair in Law and Professor of Government, University of Texas at Austin School of Law

In this narrative history and contextual analysis of the Thirteenth Amendment, slavery and freedom take center stage. Alexander Tsesis demonstrates how entrenched slavery was in pre-Civil War America, how central it was to the political events that resulted in the Civil War, and how it was the driving force that led to the adoption of an amendment that ultimately provided a substantive assurance of freedom for all American citizens.

The story of howSupreme Court justices have interpreted the Thirteenth Amendment, first through racist lenses after Reconstruction and later influenced by the modern civil rights movement, provides valuable insight into the tremendous impact the Thirteenth Amendment has had on the Constitution and American culture. Importantly, Tsesis also explains why the Thirteenth Amendment is essential to contemporary America, offering fresh analysis on the role the Amendment has played regarding civil rights legislation and personal liberty case decisions, and an original explanation of the substantive guarantees of freedom for today's society that the Reconstruction Congress envisioned over a century ago.

Prisoners' rights is an area of constitutional law that is often overlooked. Combining an historical and strategic analysis, this study describes the doctrinal development of the constitutional rights of prisoners from the pre-Warren Court period through the current Rehnquist Court. Like many provisions in the Bill of Rights, the meaning of the Eighth Amendment's language on cruel and unusual punishment and the scope of prisoners' rights have been influenced by prevailing public opinion, interest group advocacy, and--most importantly--the ideological values of the nine individuals who sit on the Supreme Court. These variables are incorporated in a strategic analysis of judicial decision making in an attempt to understand the constitutional development of rights in this area.

Fliter examines dozens of cases spanning 50 years and provides a systematic analysis of strategic interaction on the Supreme Court. His results support the notion that justices do not simply vote their policy preferences; some seek to influence their colleagues and the broader legal community. In many cases there was evidence of strategic interaction in the form of voting fluidity, substantive opinion revisions, dissents from denial of certiorari, and lobbying to form a majority coalition. The analysis reaches beyond death penalty cases and includes noncapital cases arising under the Eighth Amendment, habeas corpus petitions, conditions of confinement cases, and due process claims.

This is a study of a progressive law firm and its three partners. The firm was founded in 1936 and existed until the death of one partner in 1965. The partners were harassed by the FBI primarily for defending labor union members and leaders and the defense of both. The firm's primary client was Harry Bridges, the long term President on the International Longshoreman's and Warehouseman's Union (ILWU). The irony was that the more the FBI persecuted labor unions, the more business the firm had from those harassed by the FBI. During this time the FBI was primarily interested in controlling the Communist Party. While the clients of the firm were sometimes Communists, the law partners were not Communist Party members. In both of these ways the FBI was wasting its time in persecuting this firm. Although the primary data used involved existing records (for example all of the partners had extensive FBI files), we also interviewed colleagues and relatives of the partners.

The Mississippi Freedom Vote in 1963 consisted of an integrated citizens' campaign for civil rights. With candidates Aaron Henry, a black pharmacist from Clarksdale for governor, and Reverend Edwin King, a college chaplain from Vicksburg for lieutenant governor, the Freedom Vote ran a platform aimed at obtaining votes, justice, jobs, and education for blacks in the Magnolia State. Through speeches, photographs, media coverage, and campaign materials, William H. Lawson examines the rhetoric and methods of the Mississippi Freedom Vote. Lawson looks at the vote itself rather than the already much-studied events surrounding it, an emphasis new in scholarship. Even though the actual campaign was carried out from October 13 to November 4, the Freedom Vote's impact far transcended those few weeks in the fall. Campaign manager Bob Moses rightly calls the Freedom Vote ""one of the most unique voting campaigns in American history."" Lawson demonstrates that the Freedom Vote remains a key moment in the history of civil rights in Mississippi, one that grew out of a rich tradition of protest and direct action. Though the campaign is overshadowed by other major events in the arc of the civil rights movement, Lawson regards the Mississippi Freedom Vote as an early and crucial exercise of citizenship in a lineage of racial protest during the 1960s. While more attention has been paid to the March on Washington and the protests in Birmingham or to the assassination of John F. Kennedy and the Freedom Summer murders, this book yields a long-overdue, in-depth analysis of this crucial movement.

The subject of this book is human rights law, focusing on historic achievement of a common standard viewed from a perspective of Pengchun Chang's contributions to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). This is an original research, integrating different research methods: inter-disciplinary approaches, historical and comparative methods, and documentary research and so on. The research findings can be described briefly as follows: Chinese wisdom has played an important role in achieving a common standard for the establishment of the international human rights system, which can be seen by exploring P. C. Chang's contributions to the drafting of the UDHR. The target readers are global scholars and students in law, politics, philosophy, international relations, human rights law, legal history, religion and culture. This book will enable these potential readers to have a vivid picture of the Chinese contributions to the international human rights regime and to have a better understanding of the significance of the traditional Chinese culture and P. C. Chang's human rights philosophy of pluralism.

This book examines a stringent problem of current migration societies-whether or not to extend citizenship to resident migrants. Undocumented migration has been an active issue for many decades in the USA, and became a central concern in Europe following the Mediterranean migrant crisis. In this innovative study based on the basic principles of transnational citizenship law and the naturalization pattern around the world, Matias purports that it is possible to determine that no citizen in waiting should be permanently excluded from citizenship. Such a proposition not only imposes a positive duty overriding an important dimension of sovereignty but it also gives rise to a discussion about undocumented migration. With its transnational law focus, and cases from public international law courts, European courts and national courts, Citizenship as a Human Right: The Fundamental Right to a Specific Citizenship may be applied to virtually anywhere in the world.

This book deals with the implementation of the rights of the child as enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 21 countries from Europe, Asia, Australia, and the USA. It gives an overview of the legal status of children regarding their most salient rights, such as the implementation of the best interest principle, the right of the child to know about of his/her origin, the right to be heard, to give medical consent, the right of the child in the field of employment, religious education of children, prohibition of physical punishment, protection of the child through deprivation of parental rights and in the case of inter-country adoption. In the last 25 years since the Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted, many States Parties to the Convention have made great efforts to pass legislation regulating the rights of the child, in their commitment to the improvement of the legal status of the child. However, is that enough for any child to live better, safer, and healthier? What are the practical effects of this international as well as many national instruments in the everyday life of children? Have there been any outcomes in terms of improvement of their status around the world, and improvement of the conditions under which they live, since the Convention entered into force? In tackling these questions, this work presents a comparative overview of the implementation of the Convention, and evaluates the results achieved.

Why do people turn to personal connections to get things done? Exploring the role of favors in social welfare systems in postwar, postsocialist Bosnia and Herzegovina, this volume provides a new theoretical angle on links between ambiguity and power. It demonstrates that favors were not an instrumental tactic of survival, nor a way to reproduce oneself as a moral person. Instead, favors enabled the insertion of personal compassion into the heart of the organization of welfare. Managing Ambiguity follows how neoliberal insistence on local community, flexibility, and self-responsibility was translated into clientelist modes of relating and back, and how this fostered a specific mode of power.

Cleary examines the origins, spread, and results of human rights movements in Latin America, and he analyzes the mark such movements have made in world politics. He shows the enormous difficulties encountered by fledgling grassroots groups which first challenged military dictatorships over the disappeared, detention, torture, and pervasive repression. He chronicles the amazingly dynamic growth of human rights organizations, affecting democratic processes in Latin America and foreign policy in the United States. This book is particularly important because it establishes, for the first time, a record of why, how, where, and when the concept of human rights-not long ago absent as a practical concept-generates so powerful a Latin American response. The alliances so formed are shown to evoke continued popular support and to effect on-going fundamental changes in Latin America. An important survey to all scholars, researchers, and students of human rights and political affairs in Latin America.

The oppression of minorities has been a major theme in the history of Europe. It has been a leading cause of disputes over territory, often resulting in war. In modern times nation states have demanded the undivided loyalty of their citizens. This has led to discrimination and racism, and often to the persecution, at its most extreme in the Nazi crusade against the Jews. Recent years have seen Ceausescu's persecution of Hungarians and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. Minorities, represented by organisations such as the Basque ETA and the Northern Irish Catholic IRA, are also responsible for many of acts of terrorism.
Outsiders is the first history of all European minority communities by a single author. Panikos Panayi deals with the classic dispersed minorities, the Jews and the Gypsies, as well as the Muslims of the Balkans and the massive diaspora of Germans in eastern Europe from the middle ages to 1945. Almost all countries have disadvantaged ethnic and linguistic minorities: whether minorities without their own states, such as the Bretons, Scots, Vlachs and Kurds; or those, such as the Russians in Estonia or the Greeks in Turkey, who form linguistic and ethnic groups different to the native majorities. During wars, and in particular the Second World War, the existence of alien communities often led to persecution, in turn bringing about huge refugee migrations. The result has been untold suffering and the massive resettlement of European populations.
Since the Second World War, the demand for cheap labour has led to an influx of immigrants from outside Europe, whether from the Caribbean, India or Africa. This followed an earlier wave, in which workers from the relativelypoor Mediterranean countries travelled north to the industrial heartlands. There has also been a massive migration westwards of German-speakers. Although all EEC countries now operate strict controls on immigrants, there is enormous pressure from both the east, following the fall of Communism, and from the third world, where birth-rates greatly outstrip that of Europe. The existence of this pressure, as well as that of already sizeable non-European minority communities in all European countries, is an inevitable determinant of Europe's history in the twenty-first century.

In contemporary Indian Country, many of the people who identify as "American Indian" fall into the "urban Indian" category: away from traditional lands and communities, in cities and towns wherein the opportunities to live one's identity as Native can be restricted, and even more so for American Indian religious practice and activity."

Tradition, Performance, and Religion in Native America: Ancestral Ways, Modern Selves "explores a possible theoretical model for discussing the religious nature of urbanized Indians. It uses aspects of contemporary pantribal practices such as the inter-tribal pow wow, substance abuse recovery programs such as the Wellbriety Movement, and political involvement to provide insights into contemporary Native religious identity.

Simply put, this book addresses the question what does it mean to be an Indigenous American in the 21st century, and how does one express that indigeneity religiously? It proposes that practices and ideologies appropriate to the pan-Indian context provide much of the foundation for maintaining a sense of aboriginal spiritual identity within modernity. Individuals and families who identify themselves as Native American can participate in activities associated with a broad network of other Native people, in effect performing their Indian identity and enacting the values that are connected to that identity.

The academy is in crisis. Students call for speakers to be banned, books to be slapped with trigger warnings and university to be a Safe Space, free of offensive words or upsetting ideas. But as tempting as it is to write off intolerant students as a generational blip, or a science experiment gone wrong, they've been getting their ideas from somewhere. Bringing together leading journalists, academics and agitators from the US and UK, Unsafe Space is a wake-up call. From the war on lad culture to the clampdown on climate sceptics, we need to resist all attempts to curtail free speech on campus. But society also needs to take a long, hard look at itself. Our inability to stick up for our founding, liberal values, to insist that the free exchange of ideas should always be a risky business, has eroded free speech from within.

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aIt addresses a powerful topic. It is a conceptually creative piece of scholarship, forged from a sophisticated interdisciplinary viewpoint.a
-- The Law and Politics Book Review

"A rich and exceptionally clear account of the meaning-making context and constitution of citizenship."
--Christine Harrington, Institute for Law and Society, New York University

"Mark Weiner provides a rare and radical insight into the racial structures of American law. Reading this racial history through the rhetoric of case law decisions--juridical racialism--provides a dramatic sense of the anthropological scope of what law has done and potentially continues to do."
--Peter Goodrich, Cardozo School of Law

"An enthralling mixture of personages and cases that reveals much about the intimate combining of law and 'American' imperialism, including the complicities of scholarship."
--Peter Fitzpatrick, Birkbeck School of Law, University of London

"Juridical racialism is legal rhetoric infused with Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and Weiner shows how it operated from the Gilded Age to the decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Reading the news, one wonders if it is not still operating today."
--John Brigham, University of Massachusetts, Amherst

Americans Without Law shows how the racial boundaries of civic life are based on widespread perceptions about the relative capacity of minority groups for legal behavior, which Mark S. Weiner calls "juridical racialism." The book follows the history of this civic discourse by examining the legal status of four minority groups in four successive historical periods: American Indiansin the 1880s, Filipinos after the Spanish-American War, Japanese immigrants in the 1920s, and African Americans in the 1940s and 1950s.

Weiner reveals the significance of juridical racialism for each group--and, in turn, Americans as a whole--by examining the work of anthropological social scientists who developed distinctive ways of understanding racial and legal identity, and through decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court that put these ethno-legal views into practice. Combining history, anthropology, and legal analysis, the book argues that the story of juridical racialism shows how race and citizenship served as a nexus for the professionalization of the social sciences, the growth of national state power, economic modernization, and modern practices of the self.