No analysis of migration in Europe today can avoid consideration of the role of the EU institutions, as well as the member states, in policy-making. This is because the obstacles for labour mobility which have confronted the EU in the post-enlargement period have been multi-dimensional in nature, have encompassed many different aspects of European integration process, and have operated at many different levels. Recent developments in the free movement of labour in Europe entail a comprehensive analysis of the dynamic of migration policy process, contextualising institutional change, cooperation, control and competition between the EU institutions and the member states. This book provides a picture of how governance of labour migration is constructed, managed, negotiated and decided at the European level. It brings together in an informed and well-organized way some of the key issues in the face of current migration crises and Brexit.

What role does the protection of citizens abroad play in motivating states' policies? How does citizenship of non-residents map onto domestic nation-building projects? And in what ways do extraterritorial citizenship issues differ from those related to diaspora and migration? This volume develops a new analytical framework for emerging research on how states establish relationships with non-resident citizens and resident non-citizens. It provides new insights on the changing relationship between states and the societies they govern, particularly in light of the liberalization of the state institutions on the one hand and their approach to citizenship as a political resource on the other. Examining a range of European states in the post-communist region, the book illustrates the complex geopolitical interests and interstate relations involved with these policy decisions, whilst highlighting the relevance of similar issues around the globe.

Regional integration, mass migration and the development of transnational organizations are just some of the factors challenging the traditional definitions of citizenship. In this important new book, Rainer Baubock argues that citizenship rights will have to extend beyond nationality and state territory if liberal democracies are to remain true to their own principles of inclusive membership and equal basic rights. In Transnational Citizenship theoretical discussion of the definition and extension of citizenship rights is combined with comparative policy analysis on rules of naturalization and expatriation in liberal democratic states. An important distinction is drawn between nominal citizenship, which refers to the legal status of membership, and substantial citizenship, which concerns the distribution of basic rights in a state. Three areas where states can become more open to the acceptance of migrants as citizens are suggested: naturalization, the extension of citizenship rights to non-citizens and the admission of immigrants. Although the author still regards citizenship in terms of membership of territorially bounded states, he argues that it can no longer be defined by the model of national communities. In exploring what it means to accept migrants as members of liberal democracies, Rainer Baubock has made a singular contribution to our understanding of citizenship and the right to migration. Innovative without being utopian, this important book will be welcomed by political and sociological theorists, migration researchers and lawyers concerned with issues of migration and naturalization.

A volume in Teaching<~> Learning Indigenous, Intercultural Worldviews: International Perspectives on Social Justice and Human Rights Series Editor: Tonya Huber-Warring, St. Cloud State University, Minnesota For readers new to the field of multicultural education and human relations education, the recency of these publications heralded as seminal may be confusing, for certainly the concepts building the field of multicultural education and human relations education have been around much longer. True. But, for the first time, we found the conceptual framework, guiding principles, and critical works across disciplines and fields in Smith's encyclopedic organization. Because of the comprehensive nature of Pritchy Smith's knowledge bases, they have been employed as the organizing themes for this volume. I would clarify that I have not burdened authors to study Smith's analysis and then apply it to their works; the categorization is my own. And, as is true of any topic, the interpretation and application may be broadly applicable.One of my major goals in founding this series has been to further develop the knowledge bases with voices from those in the trenches (literally and figuratively) and at the chalkface-while proverbial for some parts of the world, chalk remains a teaching staple in many regions of the world. The pages of the Teaching<~> Learning Indigenous, Intercultural Worldviews: International Perspectives on Social Justice and Human Rights book series will be used to build the knowledge bases for diversity concerning places and peoples, philosophies and positionalities not commonly appearing in the professional literature on education. Throughout this volume, authors will explore and research their own discoveries on this journey-narratives of crossing cultures and developing communities, reconceptualizing democracy and reinterpreting traditions, seeking solidarity and sowing the seeds of social justice. Through critical reflection in the shade of these giants, the reader may discover Ming Fang's bamboo tree.

In The Politics of Inequality, David Pettinicchio has gathered an interdisciplinary team of leading experts to make a valuable contribution to the existing inequalities literature through a political sociology lens. Broad social, political and economic forces associated with neoliberalism and globalization, climate change, migration and immigration, health, global financial crises, and crime and punishment, among others, have manifested themselves in a variety of different ways, in turn influencing the politics of inequality across local, national and international contexts. This volume explores a wide range of topics showcasing the multidimensional nature of the politics of inequality. Some of these topics include inequalities within democratic movements, youth political engagement, environmental justice, the impacts of neoliberal capitalism on reproductive autonomy, the politics of educational inequalities, the effects of different forms of collective action on perceptions of inequality, public health and care work, the intersection of race and LGBTQ status in political representation, and much more.

The liberal legal ideal of protection of the individual against administrative detention without trial is embodied in the habeas corpus tradition. However, the use of detention to control immigration has gone from a wartime exception to normal practice, thus calling into question modern states' adherence to the rule of law. Daniel Wilsher traces how modern states have come to use long-term detention of immigrants without judicial control. He examines the wider emerging international human rights challenge presented by detention based upon protecting 'national sovereignty' in an age of global migration. He explores the vulnerable political status of immigrants and shows how attempts to close liberal societies can create 'unwanted persons' who are denied fundamental rights. To conclude, he proposes a set of standards to ensure that efforts to control migration, including the use of detention, conform to principles of law and uphold basic rights regardless of immigration status.

The millennial generation is quickly becoming more prominent in the political, economic, and social aspects of modern society. Studying new techniques which foster positive impact in their engagement with the outside world can help the millennial generation become one of the most constructive groups to date. Fostering Positive Civic Engagement Among Millennials: Emerging Research and Opportunities is an essential reference source that provides in-depth discussions on the latest trends among millennial engagement practices in social and political contexts. Featuring pertinent topics such as student self-assessments, mentoring roles, and educational tools, this scholarly resource is ideal for educational leaders, academicians, students, and researchers that would like to discover better ways to promote engagement within the millennial generation.

Volume 10 of the EYIEL focusses on the relationship between transnational labour law and international economic law on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the International Labour Organisation (ILO). As one of the oldest UN Agencies, the ILO has achieved considerable progress with respect to labour rights and conditions. The contributions to EYIEL Volume 10 assess these achievements in light of current and future challenges. The ILO's core instruments and legal documents are analysed and similarly the impact labour standards have on trade and investment agreements. In its regional section, EYIEL 10 addresses recent developments in the US and the EU, including the US' trade policy strategy towards China as well as the reform of the NAFTA. In its part on institutions, EYIEL 10 focusses inter alia on the role of the rule of law in relation to current practices of the International Monetary Fund and of the WTO's Appellate Body as an international court. Furthermore, it provides an overview of current cases before the WTO. Finally, the volume entails a section with review essays on recently published books in the field of international economic law and international investment law.

The book focuses on the interactions between international legal regimes related to biodiversity governance. It addresses the systemic challenges by analyzing the legal interactions between international biodiversity law and related international law applicable to economic activities, as well as issues related to the governance of biodiversity based on functional, normative, and geographic dimensions, in order to present a crosscutting, holistic approach. The global COVID-19 pandemic, the imminent revision of the Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 2011-2020, and the Aichi Targets have created the momentum to focus on the interactions between the Convention on Biological Diversity and other international environmental regimes. Firstly, it discusses the principles that inspire biodiversity-related conventional law, the soft law that conveys targets for enforcement of the Biodiversity Convention, their structural, regulatory and implementation gaps, the systemic relations arising from national interests, and the role of scientific advisory bodies in biodiversity-related agreements. The second part then addresses interactions in specific conventional frameworks, such as the law of multilateral trade and global public health, and the participation of communities in the management of genetic resources. Lastly, the third part illustrates these issues using four case studies focusing on the challenges for sustainability and marine biodiversity in small islands, the Arctic Ocean, the Caribbean Sea, and the Mediterranean Sea, as a way to strengthen a horizontal and joint approach. The book is primarily intended for academics, researchers, and students interested in international environmental law and policy and in interactions for creating conditions for fair, sustainable, and resilient environmental development. By offering an analysis of instruments and criteria for systemic relations in those areas, it will also appeal to public and private actors at the domestic and international level.

This volume examines the specific gender roles in peace and security. The authors analyse the implementation process of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in various countries and discuss systemic challenges concerning the Women, Peace and Security agenda. Through in-depth case studies, the authors shed new light on topics such as the gender-related mechanisms of peace processes, gender training practices for police personnel, and the importance of violence prevention. The volume studies the role of women in peace and security as well as questions of gender mainstreaming by adopting various theoretical concepts, including feminist theories, concepts of masculinity, organizational and security studies. It also highlights regional and transnational approaches for the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, namely the perspectives of the European Union, NATO, the UN bureaucracy and the civil society. It presents best cases and political advice for tackling the problem of gender inequality in peace and security.

Dangerous Talk examines the "lewd, ungracious, detestable, opprobrious, and rebellious-sounding" speech of ordinary men and women who spoke scornfully of kings and queens. Eavesdropping on lost conversations, it reveals the expressions that got people into trouble, and follows the fate of some of the offenders. Introducing stories and characters previously unknown to history, David Cressy explores the contested zones where private words had public consequence. Though "words were but wind," as the proverb had it, malicious tongues caused social damage, seditious words challenged political authority, and treasonous speech imperiled the crown.
Royal regimes from the house of Plantagenet to the house of Hanover coped variously with "crimes of the tongue" and found ways to monitor talk they deemed dangerous. Their response involved policing and surveillance, judicial intervention, political propaganda, and the crafting of new law. In early Tudor times to speak ill of the monarch could risk execution. By the end of the Stuart era similar words could be dismissed with a shrug. This book traces the development of free speech across five centuries of popular political culture, and shows how scandalous, seditious and treasonable talk finally gained protection as "the birthright of an Englishman." The lively and accessible work of a prize-winning social historian, it offers fresh insight into pre-modern society, the politics of language, and the social impact of the law.

In 1997 the United States accepted more legal immigrants than all other countries combined. This large influx of newcomers, however, has alarmed many Americans. Immigration is a controversial issue because it intersects with the most contentious issues of our time: multiculturalism, bilingualism, unemployment, crime, etc. Opinion polls since 1965 show that a strong majority want to reduce immigration. Yet our government has refused to respond to the public's wish. In 1996, Congress scuttled a proposal to reduce immigration by a third. (Earlier, in 1990, Congress voted to increase immigration by a whopping 40 percent.) This is all the more surprising because the United States has had no qualms about severely restricting immigration in the past. Kenneth Lee explains why recent immigration policy has failed to reflect the public opinion by approaching the question from a broad, historical outlook, and from a focused, contemporary perspective. He traces several momentous historical changes that have abetted the pro-immigration block and weakened the restrictionists' clout (mainly, the rise of conservative economics in the 1970s and the growing racial liberalism in America). He also examines immigration policy on a micro-level: detailing the intense lobbying that went on for the 1990 and 1996 immigration bills, and he also shows how unlikely players as, for example, Christian Coalition's Ralph Reed, helped defeat the restrictionist bill in 1996.

This timely work offers a clear and thorough assessment of how Roma make sure their voice is heard and addresses the difficulty in determining who legitimately represents this heterogeneous transnational minority community. The book argues that Roma are a transnational minority that, as such, requires transnational representation structures to complement domestic political representation structures. After explaining the relationship between representation and political participation within the context of ethnic mobilization, the book then evaluates representation structures and Roma participation in Romania, Hungary, and in the transnational political context. Analytically, the book presents a multidisciplinary approach that draws from the literature on minority rights, citizenship, international relations, and social movements. Empirically, it describes two domestic political contexts and a transnational one. An engaging, informative, and accessible text, Who Speaks for Roma? sheds light on the key challenges facing Roma across Europe today and will be a timely reference for anyone interested in minority politics, political participation, political representation, and human rights.

The volume New Politics of Decisionism aims to add a new dimension to the literature of populism. It deals with what Carl Schmitt famously coined as 'decisionism' - a form of politics based on the rule of a personal will, which is opposed to the rule of impersonal norms of constitutional law. The new politics of decisionism has gained a new form of populism, and it is equally noticeable in old and new constitutional democracies. The contributions follow the Schmittian idea of legally unbounded politics, usually justified with reference to exceptional circumstances - be that global financial crisis, transnational terrorist threats or massive immigration inflows - which require exceptional measures, and address the following issues: what is populism; how do the new politics of decisionism affect democratic processes and institutions; are constitutional democracies equipped to deal with these sort of challenges; can these politics be curtailed by the involvement of other political actors? New Politics of Decisionism consists of three parts. The first part offers theoretical explanations of the concept of populism and the challenges it poses to liberal democracy. The case studies included in the second part serve to explore the origins, forms, and dynamics of populism in contemporary societies. The third part consists of case studies that explore the general issue of whether courts can confront populism.

The theories and case studies examined in this volume constitute a thorough study of foreign intervention in civil conflicts for the purpose of rendering humanitarian aid. The classical paradigm of the ethics of intervention forbids the violation of territorial sovereignty. Public international law and the UN charter also mandate nonintervention within the territorial boundaries of a state. Nevertheless, in recent years, as a result of brutal civil conflicts and their violent and inhumane consequences--as in Rwanda, Bosnia, and Cambodia--international aid interventions have become an accepted practice. Still, international humanitarian aid involves unsettled, controversial issues--dilemmas concerning donors, recipients, and international organizations. These issues, as well as the concepts of sovereignty, human rights, coercive interventions, and peacekeeping, are critically evaluated in this volume, which will be of interest to scholars and policymakers in international relations, human rights, and military affairs.

The book examines how the coalition among the national African American civil rights organizations disintegrated between 1967 and 1973 as a result of the factionalism that splintered the groups from within as well as the federal government's sabotage of the Civil Rights Movement. Focusing on four major civil rights groups, Power, Politics, and the Decline of the Civil Rights Movement: A Fragile Coalition, 1967-1973 documents how factions within the movement and sabotage from the federal government led to the gradual splintering of the Civil Rights Movement. Well-known historian Christopher P. Lehman builds his case convincingly, utilizing his original research on the Movement's later years-a period typically overlooked and unexamined in the existing literature on the Movement. The book identifies how each civil rights group challenged poverty, violence, and discrimination differently from one another and describes how the federal government intentionally undermined civil rights organizations' efforts. It also shows how civil rights activists gravitated to political careers, explains the rising prominence of civil rights speakers to the Movement in the absence of political organizing by civil rights groups, and documents the Movement's influence upon Richard Nixon's presidency. Identifies the instances in which the civil rights groups acted as a united coalition between 1967 and 1973 and recognizes how disagreements on separatism, feminism, and political campaigning split the Civil Rights Movement into individual civil rights groups Establishes the importance of women to the survival of the Movement in its later years Shows how the Movement influenced antiwar demonstrations of the era and struggled to remain nonviolent as Black Power militancy peaked Details efforts by the White House, the FBI, and state governments to infiltrate and sabotage the Movement Provides broad content ideal for undergraduate and graduate college students taking courses on the Civil Rights Movement as well as for professional and lay historians

Modern Power and Free Speech explores the complicated relationship between the First Amendment and culturally disempowered and groups within the United States. By focusing on hate speech, Internet pornography, and political dissent, Chris Demaske analyzes First Amendment discourse and doctrine and questions the role of the concept of the autonomous individual. Demaske asserts that the presupposed equality of so-called "autonomous individuals" does not exist and goes on to show how these specious claims to equality only serve to further silence those marginalized members of American society. Combining legal analysis, First Amendment theory, feminist theory, and political theory, Chris Demaske addresses the inadequacies of current free-speech doctrine and provides a possible solution to remedy them.

In the summer of 1928, William Alexander Scott began a small four-page weekly with the help of his brother Cornelius. In 1930 his Atlanta World became a semiweekly, and the following year W. A. began to implement his vision for a massive newspaper chain based out of Atlanta: the Southern Newspaper Syndicate, later dubbed the Scott Newspaper Syndicate. In April 1931 the World had become a triweekly, and its reach began drifting beyond the South. With The Grapevine of the Black South, Thomas Aiello offers the first critical history of this influential newspaper syndicate, from its roots in the 1930s through its end in the 1950s. At its heyday, more than 240 papers were associated with the Syndicate, making it one of the biggest organs of the black press during the period leading up to the classic civil rights era (1955-68). In the generation that followed, the Syndicate helped formalize knowledge among the African American population in the South. As the civil rights movement exploded throughout the region, black southerners found a collective identity in that struggle built on the commonality of the news and the subsequent interpretation of that news. Or as Gunnar Myrdal explained, the press was "the chief agency of group control. It [told] the individual how he should think and feel as an American Negro and create[d] a tremendous power of suggestion by implying that all other Negroes think and feel in this manner." It didn't create a complete homogeneity in black southern thinking, but it gave thinkers a similar set of tools from which to draw.

This clear and concise new edition offers a comprehensive comparison of national, international, and human security concepts and policies. Laura Neack skillfully argues that security remains elusive because of a centuries-old ethic insisting that states are the primary and most important international actors, that they can rely ultimately only on themselves for protection, and that they must keep all options on the table for national security. This is particularly apparent with the increase in "glocalized" terrorism and the forced migration of millions of people. Although security as a concept can be widened to encompass almost any aspect of existence, Neack focuses especially on security from physical violence. Case studies throughout bring life to the concepts. New cases in this revised edition include the Syrian refugee crisis and the responses from European states, the growth and reach of jihadist terrorist groups and the unilateral and multilateral military actions taken to confront them, drug trafficking organizations and the Mexican government's failure to protect citizens, the overt use of preventive war by major and regional powers and the increasing American reliance on drone warfare, multilateral "train-and-assist" operations aimed at peacekeeping and counterterrorism in Africa, UN civilian protection mandates in Libya and Cote d'Ivoire and their absence in Syria, and how terrorism and refugee crises are intimately connected. The first edition of this book was published under the title Elusive Security: States First, People Last in 2007.

This book offers an in-depth case study on the leading international refugee agency, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and its approach to environmentally displaced persons. The author examines the UNHCR on the basis of expert interviews and content analysis in order to highlight why and how the organization is addressing the issue. The analysis draws on organizational as well as security theory, offering readers a better understanding of the connection between the two. The book appeals to scholars in the fields of migration and organizational studies, as well as policymakers and professionals working in international organizations.

As Americans wrestle with red-versus-blue debates over traditional values, defense of marriage, and gay rights, reason often seems to take a back seat to emotion. In response, David Richards, a widely respected legal scholar and long-time champion of gay rights, reflects upon the constitutional and democratic principles-relating to privacy, intimate life, free speech, tolerance, and conscience-that underpin these often heated debates.

The distillation of Richards's thirty-year advocacy for the rights of gays and lesbians, his book provides a reflective treatise on basic human rights that touch all of our lives. Drawing upon his own experiences as a gay man, Richards interweaves personal observations with philosophical, political, judicial, and psychological insights to make a compelling case that gays should be entitled to the same rights and protections that every American enjoys. Indeed, the call for gay rights can trace its lineage back to the powerful protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s, which demanded racial and sexual equality and ultimately overthrew the bigoted status quo.

Richards focuses particularly on two key Supreme Court cases: the 1986 decision in Bowers v. Hardwick upholding Georgia's anti-sodomy laws and the 2003 decision in Lawrence v. Texas striking down Texas anti-sodomy laws and overturning Bowers. He shows how Bowers arose in a period of constitutional crisis over the right to privacy and examines the opinions in light of the Court's division in Roe v. Wade. He then shows that Lawrence must be understood in the context of later cases, notably Casey and Romer, which required that Bowers be reconsidered and overruled. Along the way, he examines current debates over gays in the military and same-sex marriage, assesses the Massachusetts Supreme Court's decision to permit gay marriage, and critiques the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act.

Eloquent and impassioned, Richards's work crystallizes the essence of the argument for a much more expansive and tolerant view of gay rights in America. It also offers a touching account of one gay man's very personal struggle to find the voice he needed to speak truth to the powerful forces of discrimination.