Although the influence and opinions of political elites, civil society, and the general public vary widely, the death penalty is universally in decline throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. Today, the death penalty is a site of accommodation and resistance to international human rights norms between African governments and the Global North. As in debates over membership in the International Criminal Court and legal protections for sexual minorities, some leaders resist death penalty abolition as "imposed" by the Global North, though the modern death penalty in Africa is a product of European colonialism. However, Sub-Saharan Africa is not a passive subject of global death penalty abolition driven by Europe. Courts around the continent have made important contributions to global death penalty jurisprudence and members of civil society have engaged in novel and successful strategies against the death penalty. In addition, precolonial notions of punishment and criminal responsibility in Africa have influenced debates over the death penalty, including whether to provide compensation to victims of crime.This book explores the African contribution to the global death penalty debate and lessons for the international death penalty abolition movement.

In many respects, the United States remains a nation of immigrants. This is the first book length treatment of the impact of the 1996 welfare reform act on a wide range of immigrant groups in North America. Contributors to the book draw on ethnographic fieldwork, government data, and original survey research to show how welfare reform has reinforced socio-economic hardships for working poor immigrants. As the essays reveal, reform laws have increased the social isolation of poor immigrant households and discouraged large numbers of qualified immigrants from applying for health and welfare services. All of the articles highlight the importance of examining federal policy guidelines in conjunction with local enforcement policies, labor market dynamics, and immigrant attitudes toward government agencies.

With a foreword by Prof. Paolo Palchetti The topic of this book is the participation of the EU in international dispute settlement. It aims to provide the reader with an appraisal of the most problematic aspects connected with the participation of a sui generis legal subject such as the EU to international dispute settlement mechanisms in a State-centric international law. In particular, the publication dwells on the question of how to make possible an effective participation in disputes while at the same time preserving the specific characteristics (i.e. the autonomy) of the EU legal order. It does so by outlining different models and proposing the internalization model adopted under EU investment agreements as a possible paradigm. It is aimed at academics, practitioners and graduate students as well as EU officials and judges who should find the issues discussed both useful and of interest for staying up-to-date on the scholarly discussion and of their relevance to case law. Luca Pantaleo is a Lecturer in International and European Law at The Hague University of Applied Sciences in The Netherlands. He obtained a PhD in International and EU Law in 2013 at the University of Macerata in Italy and was previously a Senior Researcher at the T.M.C. Asser Institute and Postdoctoral researcher at the University of Luxembourg. Specific to this book: * Provides an up-to-date analysis of a current problem* The topic of the book is located at the intersection between international and EU law* Fills an important gap in the available literature

This study established an intellectual profile of Albert Gallatin through his vision of government's role in a democratic republic and the republic's role in the community of nations. Only through a comprehensive analysis of Gallatin's political and diplomatic activities can the student of history learn to see his actions as expressions of clearly formulated principles. Gallatin was much more involved in the shaping of administrative policy than has been recognized. Moreover, he followed his unique Gallatinian approach to domestic policy as well as international diplomacy, always in pursuit of one paramount objective: the preservation of individual liberty within the context of a republic.

In 1965-66, army-organized massacres claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of supporters of the Communist Party of Indonesia. Very few of these atrocities have been studied in any detail, and answers to basic questions remain unclear. What was the relationship between the army and civilian militias? How could the perpetrators come to view unarmed individuals as dangerous enemies of the nation? Why did Communist Party supporters, who numbered in the millions, not resist? Drawing upon years of research and interviews with survivors, Buried Histories is an impressive contribution to the literature on genocide and mass atrocity, crucially addressing the topics of media, military organization, economic interests, and resistance.

What is a right? What, if anything, makes rights different from other features of the normative world, such as duties, standards, rules, or principles? Do all rights serve some ultimate purpose? In addition to raising these questions, philosophers and jurists have long been aware that different senses of 'a right' abound. To help make sense of this diversity, and to address the above questions, they developed two types of accounts of rights: models and theories. This book explicates rights modelling and theorising and scrutinises their methodological underpinnings. It then challenges this framework by showing why the theories ought to be abandoned. In addition to exploring structural concerns, the book also addresses the various ways that rights can be used. It clarifies important differences between rights exercise, enforcement, remedying, and vindication, and identifies forms of legal rights-claiming and rights-invoking outside of institutional contexts.

We are now entering an era where the human world assumes recognition of itself as data. Much of humanity's basis for existence is becoming subordinate to software processes that tabulate, index, and sort the relations that comprise what we perceive as reality. The acceleration of data collection threatens to relinquish ephemeral modes of representation to ceaseless processes of computation. This situation compels the human world to form relations with non-human agencies, to establish exchanges with software processes in order to allow a profound upgrade of our own ontological understanding. By mediating with a higher intelligence, we may be able to rediscover the inner logic of the age of intelligent machines. In The End of the Future, Stephanie Polsky conceives an understanding of the digital through its dynamic intersection with the advent and development of the nation-state, race, colonization, navigational warfare, mercantilism, and capitalism, and the mathematical sciences over the past five centuries, the era during which the world became "modern." The book animates the twenty-first century as an era in which the screen has split off from itself and proliferated onto multiple surfaces, allowing an inverted image of totalitarianism to flash up and be altered to support our present condition of binary apperception. It progresses through a recognition of atomized political power, whose authority lies in the control not of the means of production, but of information, and in which digital media now serves to legitimize and promote a customized micropolitics of identity management. On this new apostolate plane, humanity may be able to shape a new world in which each human soul is captured and reproduced as an autonomous individual bearing affects and identities. The digital infrastructure of the twenty-first century makes it possible for power to operate through an esoteric mathematical means, and for factual material to be manipulated in the interest of advancing the means of control. This volume travels a course from Elizabethan England, to North American slavery, through cybernetic Social Engineering, Cold War counterinsurgency, and the (neo)libertarianism of Silicon Valley in order to arrive at a place where an organizing intelligence that started from an ambition to resourcefully manipulate physical bodies has ended with their profound neutralization.

This book adds impetus to the nexus between human rights, human rights education and material reality. The dissonance between these aspects is of growing concern for most human rights educators in various social contexts. The first part of the book opens up new discourses and presents new ontologies and epistemologies from scholars in human rights, human rights education and human rights literacies to critique and/or justify the understandings of human rights' complex applications. Today's rapidly changing social contexts and new languages attempting to understand ongoing dehumanization and violations, put enormous pressure on higher education, educators, individuals working in social sciences, policy makers and scholars engaged in curricula making.The second part demonstrates how global interactions between citizens from different countries with diverse understandings of human rights (from developed and developing democracies) question the link between human rights and it's in(ex)clusive Western philosophies. Continuing inhumane actions around the globe reflect the failure of human rights law and human rights education in schools, higher education and society at large. The book shows that human rights education is no longer a blueprint for understanding human rights and its universal or contextual values presented for multicomplexial societies. The final chapters argue for new ontologies and epistemologies of human rights, human rights education and human rights literacies to open-up difficult conversations and to give space to dissonant and disruptive discourses. The many opportunities for human rights education and literacies lies in these conversations.

Disability and Disaster adds disaster research to the expanding area of disability studies. The book includes writings by international scholars and first-hand narratives from individuals with disabilities affected by disasters around the globe. Hazards described in these narratives include earthquakes, hurricanes, floods, fires, and war.

Answers the questions: what is the background to issues in external and internal politics? What is the Turks' opinion on European and Turkish identity? On Cyprus? On the role of the generals? Why do human rights problems linger on? What is behind the Kurdish question? Is Turkey religiously split? What are the pros and cons of Turkish association with the EU?

"The Ambivalent Welcome" describes how leading magazines and the New York Times covered and interpreted U.S. immigration policy, and public attitudes about the impact of immigrants on the American economy and social fabric. Rita J. Simon and Susan H. Alexander examine print media coverage of immigration issues from 1880, the onset of the new immigration, to the present, and find that most magazines, like most Americans, have vehemently opposed new immigrants.

Part One begins with a chapter providing statistics on the number of immigrants and refugees by country of origin from 1810 to 1990, and estimates of the number of illegals who have entered the United States. Chapter 2 discusses U.S. immigration acts and summarizes the major political party platforms on immigration from the mid-nineteenth century through the present. Results of all national poll data regarding immigrants and refugees since the availability of such data (1930s) are reported in Chapter 3. Part Two discusses in detail particular magazines, including "North American RevieW," "Saturday Evening Post," "Literary Digest, Harper'S," "Scribner's, Atlantic Monthly," "The Nation," "Christian Century," "Commentary," "Commonweal," "Reader's Digest," "Time," "Life," "Newsweek," "U.S. News and World Report," and the editorials of the "New York TimeS." Following a summary chapter, Appendix A provides a profile of each of the magazines, including the date of its founding, its editors and publishers, circulation, characteristics of its readers, and an assessment of its influence on immigration. Appendix B describes the major American anti-immigration movements.

Recent developments in the European integration process have raised, amongst many other things, the issue of linguistic diversity, for some a stumbling block to the creation of a European democratic polity and its legal and social institutions. The solution to the 'question of language', involves an understanding of the role played by natural languages and the consequent design of policies and institutional mechanisms to facilitate inter-linguistic and intercultural communication. This is not an exclusively European problem, and nor is it entirely new, for it is also the problem of linguistic majorities and minorities within unitary nation-states. However, the effects of globalization and the diffusion of multiculturalism within nation-states have given renewed emphasis to the question of language in diverse societies. Facing the question anew involves reconsidering traditional ideas about social communication and the public sphere, about opinion-formation and diffusion, about the protection of cultural and linguistic minorities, and about the role that language plays in the process of formation of political and legal cultures. This volume is intended as a multidisciplinary contribution towards studying and assessing the range of problems that form the 'language question' in Europe and diverse societies.

Using clear language and unconventional examples, this book argues that abortion is not merely a "medical" or "religious" issue, but one that goes to the very heart of our conception of human rights. It explains that the unborn are living and human beings, that all human beings have a right to life, and that denying the right to life of some weakens the right to life of all. Bohan supports his thesis by pointing to human rights treaties, the Declaration of Independence, and the words of such luminaries as Albert Schweitzer, Frederick Douglass, Pearl S. Buck, Elie Wiesel, and Martin Luther King Jr. He also examines the connection between abortion and the recent push to legalize assisted suicide and euthanasia. Bohan explains why the Greek myth of the House of Atreus is an apt metaphor for our abortion-minded society that shows the distinction between abortion and infanticide is arbitrary. While the Supreme Court holds that the 14th Amendment does not protect the lives of fetuses, at the time the Amendment was drafted, American scholars were comparing the mental capacity of Black people to that of a white fetus. Bohan also explores the the common aspects involved in the destruction of the unborn and the destruction of Jews by the Nazis: the roles of dehumanization, euphemism, the medical community, "science," "idealism," and "humane" killing, among others.

What should be demanded -- in the name of the protection of liberty, equality, and stability -- of citizens? Since the seventeenth century, liberal thought has been interested in the rights of individuals and their capacity to engage as free equals in the political activity of their community. This volume presents new essays by writers including Jim Tully, Alan Patten, and Philippe van Parijs that offer a fresh perspective on citizenship. After two decades of strident individualism, the contributors argue that it is time to go beyond the standard concern of what can be ascribed to citizens.

Laham analyzes perhaps the most politically controversial element of Reagan's conservative agenda, involving his attempt to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws. The book focuses on the major initiatives Reagan pursued in his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws: first, his efforts to reform affirmative action by prohibiting mandatory employer use of minority and white female hiring goals, and second, his veto of the Civil Rights Restoration Act. Reagan's academic critics argue that the president was politically motivated in his efforts to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws by his desire to appeal for the support of working-class whites, many of whom harbor racial resentments against minorities. Reagan's historical reputation suffers from his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws, which has fostered charges by his critics that he was cynical and manipulative, though outwardly pleasant and likable; a president who shamelessley played the race card for his own political gain. Laham challenges the conventional notion that Reagan was an ardent practitioner of the politics of racial division. Rather, he argues that Reagan's civil rights policy was determined by his philosophical commitment to colorblind justice and limited government, two core principles of his conservative agenda. This is a controversial survey important to students and scholars of contemporary American politics, public policy, and race relations.

The height of colonial rule on the African continent saw two prominent religious leaders step to the fore: Desmond Tutu in South Africa, and Abel Muzorewa in Zimbabwe. Both Tutu and Muzorewa believed that Africans could govern their own nations responsibly and effectively if only they were given the opportunity. In expressing their religious views about the need for social justice each man borrowed from national traditions that had shaped policy of earlier church leaders. Tutu and Muzorewa argued that the political development of Africans was essential to the security of the white settlers and that whites should seek the promotion of political development of Africans as a condition of that future security. Desmond Tutu and Abel Muzorewa were both motivated by strong religious principles. They disregarded the possible personal repercussions that they might suffer as a result of their efforts to alter the fundamental bases of their colonial governments. Each man hoped to create a new national climate in which blacks and whites could cooperate to build a new nation. Each played a part in eventual independence for Zimbabwe in 1980 and for South Africa in 1994. Mungazi's examination of their efforts reveals how individuals with strong convictions can make a difference in shaping the future of their nations.

Anthropologist and social critic Ghassan Hage explores one of the most complex and troubling of modern phenomena: the desire for a white nation.

The creation of a new public realm through the use of the Internet and ICT may positively promote political liberties and freedom of speech, but could also threaten the political and public autonomy of the individual. Human Rights and the Impact of ICT in the Public Sphere: Participation, Democracy, and Political Autonomy focuses on the new technological era as an innovative way to initiate democratic dialogue, but one that can also endanger individual rights to freedom, privacy, and autonomy. This reference book focuses on the new opportunities technology offers for political expression and will be of use to both academic and legal audiences, including academics, students, independent authorities, legislative bodies, and lawyers.

This book examines how and why liberalism and human rights have proven insufficient to protect immigrants. Contemporary immigration systems are characterized by increasing complexity and expanding enforcement, and frequently criticized for violating human rights and for causing death, exclusion and exploitation. The 'migrant crisis' can also be understood as a crisis of hospitality for liberal democracies. Through analysis of the immigration histories and political dynamics of Britain and the US, the book explains how these two archetypal liberal states have both sought to create a hostile environment for unwanted immigrants. The book provides a fresh and original perspective on the development of immigration systems, showing how they have become subject to the politics of fear and greed, and revealing how different traditions of hospitality have evolved, survived, and renewed.

The struggle for civil rights in America was fought at the lunch counter as well as in the streets. It ultimately found victory in the halls of government-but, as Richard Cortner reveals, only through a creative use of congressional power and critical judicial decisions.

Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in public accommodations, and shortly after its passage blacks were refused service at the Heart of Atlanta Motel and at Ollie's Barbecue in Birmingham, Alabama, as a test of the new law by business owners who claimed the right to choose their own customers. These challenges made their way to the Supreme Court, becoming landmark cases frequently cited in law. Until now, however, they have never benefited from book-length analysis. Cortner provides an inside account of the litigation in both decisions to tell how they spelled the end to segregation in the South.

The fact that blacks could not travel in the South without assured access to food and lodging led Congress to enforce civil rights on the basis of its authority to regulate interstate commerce. The Supreme Court unanimously sustained Title II's constitutionality under the commerce clause in both test cases, joining the executive and legislative branches in defining the power of the federal government to desegregate society, even by circuitous means.

Drawing on justice department files, Supreme Court justices' papers, and records of defense attorneys, Cortner provides the background for the cases, including previous legal battles over sit-ins. He describes the roles of key players in the litigation-particularly Solicitor General Archibald Cox and members of the Warren Court. In addition, he uses presidential files, oral histories, and other primary sources to give readers a clear picture of the forces at work in the creation, implementation, and validation of the Civil Rights Act.

Cortner's thorough account illuminates the nature of constitutional litigation and the judicial process, as well as the role of the Constitution and law, in two decisions that marked the crowning achievement of the civil rights movement and changed the face of America forever.

This is the first law book entirely devoted to the subject of truth commissions. It sets forth standards of procedural fairness aimed at protecting the rights of those who come into contact with truth commissions - primarily victims, witnesses, and perpetrators. The aim of the book is to provide recommended criteria of procedural fairness for five possible components of a truth commission's mandate: the taking of statements, the use of subpoenas, the exercise of powers of search and seizure, the holding of victim-centered public hearings, and the publication of findings of individual responsibility in a final report (sometimes called the issue of 'naming names'). The book draws on the experience of past and present truth commissions, analogous investigative or fact finding bodies in several countries, and international standards of procedural fairness established and used by various UN bodies and international NGOs.

This study offers students of religion and philosophy introductory chapters concerning the concept of natural religion. It holds that we can't engage in useful discussion about the present concept of religion without a knowledge of the philosophical history that has shaped that concept. This is discussed with reference to the notion of natural religion to illustrate certain aspects of deism and its legacy. Originally published in 1989.

This book brings together the established field of political communication and the emerging field of critical event studies to develop new questions and approaches. Using this combined framework, it reflects upon how we should understand the expression of democratic participation in mainstream mass media during the 2015 UK General Election and the 2016 referendum on Britain's membership of the EU. Are we now living in an era where democratic participation is much more concerned with spectacle rather than substantive debate? The book addresses this conceptual journey and reflects on differing models of democratic participation, before applying that framework to the two identified case studies. Finally, the authors consider what it means to be living in a period of democratic spectacle, where political events have become evental politics. The book will be of use to students and scholars across the fields of political science and culture and media studies, as well as wide readers interested in the current issues facing British politics.