This book investigates the road map or the transitional justice mechanisms that theEthiopian government chose to confront the gross human rights violations perpetratedunder the 17 years' rule of the Derg, the dictatorial regime that controlled state powerfrom 1974 to 1991. Furthermore, the author extensively examines the prosecution ofpoliticide or genocide against political groups in Ethiopia. Dealing with the violent conflict, massacres, repressions and other mass atrocities ofthe past is necessary, not for its own sake, but to clear the way for a new beginning.In other words, ignoring gross human rights violations and attempting to close thechapter on an oppressive dictatorial past by choosing to let bygones be bygones, is nolonger a viable option when starting on the road to a democratic future. For unaddressedatrocities and a sense of injustice would not only continue to haunt a nation butcould also ignite similar conflicts in the future. So the question is what choices are available to the newly installed government whenconfronting the evils of the past. There are a wide array of transitional mechanismsto choose from, but there is no "one size fits all" mechanism. Of all the transitionaljustice mechanisms, namely truth commissions, lustration, amnesty, prosecution,and reparation, the Ethiopian government chose prosecution as the main means fordealing with the horrendous crimes committed by the Derg regime. One of the formidable challenges for transitioning states in dealing with the crimes offormer regimes is an inadequate legal framework by which to criminalize and punishegregious human rights violations. With the aim of examining whether or not Ethiopiahas confronted this challenge, the book assesses Ethiopia's legal framework regardingboth crimes under international law and individual criminal responsibility. This book will be of great relevance to academics and practitioners in the areas ofgenocide studies, international criminal law and transitional justice. Students in thefields of international criminal law, transitional justice and human rights will alsofind relevant information on the national prosecution of politicide in particular andthe question of confronting the past in general. Marshet Tadesse Tessema is Assistant Professor of the Law School, College of Law andGovernance at Jimma University in Ethiopia, and Postdoctoral Fellow of the SouthAfrican-German Centre, University of the Western Cape in South Africa.

On the basis of a national research project undertaken in England, this volume explores how and why young people's engagement is so important globally in education and society, and looks at what teachers and students think about citizenship and community. The authors make recommendations to enhance understanding and the potential for engagement.

In this study, Irene I. Blea describes the social situation of La Chicana, a minority female whose life is influenced by racism and sexism. Blea analyzes contemporary scholarship on race, class, and gender, scrutinizing the use of language and labels to examine how La Chicana is affected by these factors. The wide-ranging study explores the history of Chicanas and the meaning of the term Chicana, and considers her socialization process, the consequences of deviating from gender roles, and the evolution of Hispanic women onto the national scene in politics, health, economics, education, religion, and criminal justice. To date, little attention has been paid to the political, social, and cultural achievements of La Chicana. The shared lives of Mexican-American women and men at home and inside and outside of the barrio are also investigated. This unique volume highlights the variables that effectively discriminate against women of color. Following a chapter that reviews the literature on Chicanas and focuses on their participation in three major social movements, the text discusses the conquest of Mexico and the blending of Aztec and Spanish cultures. Next, the life of colonial Hispanic women in Mexico and the United States and the role of the Mexican War in shaping the Mexican-American experience are investigated. The following three chapters explore how Americanization disempowered La Chicana; discuss the contemporary cultural roles of la mujer (woman) and their impact on men's roles; and consider the lives of older women. Chapter Seven looks at how some women are defining new roles for La Chicana. Current social issues are compared with and contrasted to those of the 1960s. The final chapters develop a theory of discrimination based on the academic work of racial and ethnic minority scholars and feminist scholars, exploring new directions in the study of Chicanas. This volume is valuable as an undergraduate or graduate text, and as a reference work, as well as a useful resource for social service providers.

The most thorough, systematic, and historical examination of the interrelations of the president and other participants in civil rights policymaking, The President and Civil Rights Policy investigates the process from agenda setting through implementation and even reviews policy impact. Emphasizing the themes of leadership and change, Shull surveys the numerous policy tools available to a president committed to policy change. Although historical components are reviewed, the stress here is on the contemporary presidency. Included is a ground-breaking, detailed assessment of the Reagan administration that provides our first look at the president's role in a vital issue across the entire policymaking process. Shull finds that the American president is the most prominent catalyst for most public policy programs, with domestic issue areas like civil rights, often allowing the greatest discretionary latitude. This crucial issue functions as a barometer of presidential influence, priority, and action, as what presidents choose to do may be largely up to them. Some presidents, such as Lyndon Johnson, have initiated civil rights policies, whereas others, such as Ronald Reagan, have acted to restrict government's role and have turned back the civil rights clock. The main thrust here is that committed presidents lead and without leadership, little change in policy occurs. Various kinds of evidence from quantitative data on statements, actions, and results, as well as memoirs and interviews are used to document the presidents' impact on civil rights policy. More than forty tables scrutinize almost every perceivable aspect of this subject, from Major Events in the Struggle for Racial Equality to Average Expenditures (Outlays) for Civil Rights, and Characteristics of Federal District and Appellate Court Judges. The volume's four major divisions present a framework for the analysis, focus on the president's role in agenda setting and policy formulation, delineate the roles of others and their responses to presidents' statements and actions, and assess presidential impact. This timely and detailed study will be useful supplementary reading in graduate and advanced undergraduate courses in the presidency, American government, civil liberties, and in public policy courses, especially those using the process or content form of organization.

The eruption in the early 1990s of highly visible humanitarian crises and exceedingly bloody civil wars in the Horn of Africa, imploding Yugoslavia, and Rwanda, set in motion a trend towards third party intervention in communal conflict in areas as far apart as the Balkans and East Timor. However haltingly and selectively, that trend towards extra-systemic means of managing ethnic and national conflict is still discernible, motivated as it was in the 1990s by the inability of in-house accommodation methods to resolve ethno-political conflicts peacefully and the tendency of such conflicts to spill into the international system in the form of massive refugee flows, regional instability, and failed states hosting criminal and terrorist elements. In its various forms, third party intervention has become a fixed part of the current international system Our book examines the various forms in which that intervention occurs, from the least intrusive and costly forms of third party activity to the most intrusive and expensive endeavors. More specifically, organized in the form of overview essays followed by case studies that explore the utility and limitations, successes and failures of various forms of third party activity in managing conflict, the book begins by examining diplomatic intervention and then proceeds to cover, in turn, legal, economic, and military instruments of conflict management before concluding with a section on political tutelage arrangements and nation/capacity building operations. The chapters themselves are authored by a mix of contributors drawn from relevant disciplines, both senior and younger scholars, academics and practitioners, and North Americans and Europeans. All treat a common theme but no attempt was made to solicit work from contributors with a common orientation towards the value of third party intervention. Nor were the authors straight-jacketed with heavy content guidelines from the editors. Their essays validate the value of this approach. Far from being chaotic in nature, they generally supplement one another, while offering opposing viewpoints on the overall topic; for example, our Italian contributor who specializes in non-government organizations offers a chapter illustrating their utility under certain conditions, whereas the chapter from an Afghan practitioner notes the downside of too much reliance on NGOs in nation-building operations. The essays also cover topics not often treated, and are written from the viewpoint of those on the ground. The chapter on creating a police force in post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example, reads much like a diary from the American colonel who was sent to Bosnia in early 1996 charged with that task.

"The Quetzal in Flight "examines the motives for immigration of Guatemalan families to the United States, and explores the processes of psychological change and adaptation that take place within the families during the early period of resettlement. Norita Vlach interviews six families, illustrating how each family's culture reflects its origins, decision to move, journey, and settling-in process. Unique to this study are its focus on a previously undocumented Central American population, the demonstrated interrelation of historical-structural and acculturation perspectives, and the use of the nuclear family as a model with which to study the immigration process.

Following a discussion of migration and mental health and a description of the historical and geographical context of migration in Guatemala, Vlach briefly reviews literature in the field of family studies and migration. The six case studies follow, each one characterized as either centripetal (in which families pull together to face the new world) or centrifugal (in which members are disengaged and in conflict). The author summarizes how the families cope under stressful circumstances, how they use resources, and how they exhibit conflicting perceptions of both Guatemala and the United States. The effect of civil war in Guatemala, the role of the evangelical church, the consequences of marital and family separation and reunification, and the disquieting reaction of Guatemalan migrant youth to their transplantation into the United States are all addressed. Vlach concludes by discussing the implications for anthropological theory and applied work. Although this study is specific to Guatemalan families, its findings apply readily to recent immigrants and refugees of other Latin American countries.

Professors Grear and Kotze have masterfully fashioned a landmark work on human rights and the natural environment. This Research Handbook is more than just a library of current ideas about this important topic; it is an intellectual tour de force that stimulates new thinking on the place of social justice and moral responsibility in the Anthropocene.' - Benjamin J. Richardson, University of Tasmania, Australia'As the connections between human rights and the environment become deeper and broader, this Handbook offers an indispensable point of reference. A seriously impressive group of scholars addresses a seriously interesting range of themes that inform and challenge the totality of our understanding.' - Philippe Sands, University College London, UK Bringing together leading international scholars in the field, this authoritative Handbook combines critical and doctrinal scholarship to illuminate some of the challenging tensions in the legal relationships between humans and the environment, and human rights and environment law. The accomplished contributors provide researchers and students with a rich source of reflection and engagement with the topic. Split into five parts, the book covers epistemologies, core values and closures, constitutionalisms, universalisms and regionalisms, with a final concluding section exploring major challenges and alternative futures. An essential resource for students and scholars of human rights law, the volume will also be of significant interest to those in the fields of environmental and constitutional law. Contributors: S. Adelman, U. Beyerlin, K. Bosselmann, D.R Boyd, P.D. Burdon, L. Code, L. Collins, S. Coyle, C.G Gonzalez, E. Grant, A. Grear, E. Hey, C.J. Iorns Magallanes, B. Jessup, A. Jones, A. A. Khavari, L.J. Kotze, R. Lyster, K. Morrow, A. Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos, W. Scholtz, P. Simons, S. Theriault, F. Venter

Carole Fontaine, well known among biblical scholars for her feminist studies in the biblical wisdom traditions and the ancient Near East, is also a human rights and interfaith activist working on issues of violence against Muslim women in the Middle East and Southern Asia and a board member of many agencies such as the International Network for the Rights of Female Victims of Violence in Pakistan, and the Women's Forum against Fundamentalism in Iran. In this collection of her essays, mostly previously unpublished, she brings together these two concerns, distilling from the scriptures of Judaism, Christianity and Islam valuable insights into current questions of human rights. Unlike many writers, Fontaine recognizes the critical role of gender in the fundamental concept of the 'Other', so determinative for our view of humanity. In our days, Fontaine argues, human rights issues have taken on a new dimension in political discourse about war, peace and terror, where often an appeal is made to religious and scriptural justifications for the violation or preservation of rights. Fontaine urges attention to the priority of the sufferer in adjudicating meaning, and turns to the 'little texts' of daily ethics rather than grand theological abstractions in order to place 'scriptures' in meaningful conversation with the concrete realities of our world.

Published in 1944, What the Negro Wants was a direct and emphatic call for the end of segregation and racial discrimination that set the agenda for the civil rights movement to come. With essays by fourteen prominent African American intellectuals, including Langston Hughes, Sterling Brown, Mary McLeod Bethune, A. Philip Randolph, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Roy Wilkins, What the Negro Wants explores the policies and practices that could be employed to achieve equal rights and opportunities for Black Americans, rejecting calls to reform the old system of segregation and instead arguing for the construction of a new system of equality. Stirring intense controversy at the time of publication, the book serves as a unique window into the history of the civil rights movement and offers startling comparisons to today's continuing fight against racism and inequality. Originally gathered together by distinguished Howard University historian Rayford W. Logan in 1944, our 2001 edition of the book includes Rayford Logan's introduction to the 1969 reprint, a new introduction by Kenneth Janken, and an updated bibliography.

This book analyzes the role of strategic human rights litigation in the dissemination and migration of transnational constitutional norms and provides a detailed analysis of how transnational human rights advocates and their local partners have used international and foreign law to promote abolition of the death penalty and decriminalization of homosexuality. The "sharing" of human rights jurisprudence among judges across legal systems is currently spreading emerging norms among domestic courts and contributing to the evolution of international law. While prior studies have focused on international and foreign citations in judicial decisions, this global migration of constitutional norms is driven not by judges but by legal advocates themselves, who cite and apply international and foreign law in their pleadings in pursuit of a specific human rights agenda. Local and transnational legal advocates form partnerships and networks that transmit legal strategy and comparative doctrine, taking advantage of similarities in postcolonial legal and constitutional frameworks. Using examples such as the abolition of the death penalty and decriminalization of same-sex relations, this book traces the transnational networks of human rights lawyers and advocacy groups who engage in constitutional litigation before domestic and supranational tribunals in order to embed international human rights norms in local contexts. In turn, domestic human rights litigation influences the evolution of international law to reflect state practice in a mutually reinforcing process. Accordingly, international and foreign legal citations offer transnational human rights advocates powerful tools for legal reform.

This book features a military academy as a microcosm of modern American culture. Combining the nuanced perspective of an insider with the critical distance of a historian, Alexander Macaulay examines The Citadel's reactions to major shifts in postwar life, from the rise of the counterculture to the demise of the Cold War. The Citadel is widely considered one of the most traditional institutions in America and a bastion of southern conservatism. In ""Marching in Step"", Macaulay argues that The Citadel has actually experienced many changes since World War II - changes that often tell us as much about the United States as about the American South. Macaulay explores how The Citadel was often an undiluted showcase for national debates over who deserved full recognition as a citizen - most famously first for black men and later for women. As the boundaries regarding race, gender, and citizenship were drawn and redrawn, Macaulay says, attitudes at The Citadel reflected rather than stood apart from those of mainstream America. In this study of an iconic American institution, Macaulay also raises questions over issues of southern distinctiveness and sheds light on the South's real and imagined relationship with the rest of America.

This book explores mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion involved in practices of community building through an ethnographic study of a neighborhood restaurant in Amsterdam. It presents important insights into the advantages and empowering effects of professional, top down community building in a disadvantaged neighborhood, as well as its tensions and contradictory outcomes. The core argument of the study is that, in spite of the abserved restaurant's well-intended and well-organized attempts to create an inclusive and heterogeneous local community, it instead established one both exclusive and homogeneous. Through a set of community building practices and discourses of "deprivation" and "ethnic and racial otherness," the construction of collective fear for ethnic and racial "others" was indirectly facilitated among the white, working class visitors. As a result, insurmountable barriers were erected for non-white and non-native Dutch residents to become part of the local community. This project speaks to social scientists as well as social workers, governments, and policy-makers concerned with issues of social cohesion, informal networks, and professional community building in disadvantaged urban settings.

This book provides a socio-historical analysis of the 2002 massacre at Bellavista-Bojaya-Choco, Colombia. The author examines how the concepts of forced displacement and migration could be formulas for historical erasure. These concepts are used to name populations, such as the survivors of this massacre, and are limited in their ability to contribute to the demands for reparation of the affected populations. Instead, based on an ethnographic study of the pain and suffering generated in the survivors, the book proposes the concept of deracination as a tool to study land dispossession. It captures both the complex local specificities, the global linkages of this phenomenon and the strategies of resistance used by the people of this community to channel what seems as an impossible mourning.

Six decades before Rosa Parks boarded her fateful bus, another traveller in the Deep South tried to strike a blow against racial discrimination-but ultimately fell short of that goal, leading to the Supreme Court's landmark 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. Now Williamjames Hull Hoffer vividly details the origins, litigation, opinions, and aftermath of this notorious case. In response to the passage of the Louisiana Separate Car Act of 1890, which prescribed "equal but separate accommodations" on public transportation, a group called the Committee of Citizens decided to challenge its constitutionality. At a preselected time and place, Homer Plessy, on behalf of the committee, boarded a train car set aside for whites, announced his non-white racial identity, and was immediately arrested. The legal deliberations that followed eventually led to the Court's 7-1 decision in Plessy, which upheld both the Louisiana statute and the state's police powers. It also helped create a Jim Crow system that would last deep into the twentieth century, until Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 and other cases helped overturn it. Hoffer's readable study synthesises past work on this landmark case, while also shedding new light on its proceedings and often-neglected historical contexts. From the streets of New Orleans' Faubourg Treme district to the justices' chambers at the Supreme Court, he breathes new life into the opposing forces, dissecting their arguments to clarify one of the most important, controversial, and socially revealing cases in American law. He particularly focuses on Justice Henry Billings Brown's ruling that the statute's "equal, but separate" condition was a sufficient constitutional standard for equality, and on Justice John Marshall Harlan's classic dissent, in which he stated, "Our Constitution is colour-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among its citizens." Hoffer's compelling reconstruction illuminates the controversies and impact of Plessy v. Ferguson for a new generation of students and other interested readers. It also pays tribute to a group of little known heroes from the Deep South who failed to hold back the tide of racial segregation but nevertheless laid the groundwork for a less divided America. This book is part of the Landmark Law Cases and American Society series.

From 1876 to 1924--a period of free immigration--the mission of the American public library in its work with immigrants was to Americanize the immigrants by teaching them English and preparing them for citizenship. From 1924 to 1948--a period of restricted immigration--the mission of the American public library in its work with immigrants was to educate the adult immigrant and to internationalize the American community. Together, the public library and the immigrant community have shaped and perpetuated the national understanding of the value of ethnicity and internationalism to American society. The American public librarians took on the roles of advocates for immigrant rights, social workers, propagandists for the American way, and educators.

At the end of the twentieth century, as at the beginning, Americans are still debating the place of immigrants in American society. Public librarians are now as they were then, going about their duties and responsibilities of providing advice and materials to help immigrants, legal and illegal, cope with everyday life in America. The American public library has remained a sovereign alchemist, turning the base metal of immigrant potentialities into the gold of American realities.

This book focuses on Boko Haram and terrorism in Nigeria, framing the conflict in an international law context. It analyses the nature of political violence and the dominant roles of a violent nation-state (in both colonial and post-colonial experiences) and the rise of terrorism in Nigeria. The book unearths embedded evidence of religious nepotism on the part of state officials using such state institutions as Islamic Preaching Boards to promote one Islamic sect over another in mainly Muslim Northern Nigeria. The book offers insights into this subtle sectarian divide and how this and other 'subterranean' elements have contributed to the rise of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria beyond the dominant poverty-terrorism nexus narrative. Furthermore, the book analyses the various components of Boko Haram's radical ideology, situates them in Islamic Jurisprudence, and examines the philosophy of the group (both in doctrine and practice) - their interpretation of the Koran and the waging of Jihad, and the extent to which they conform to the Islamic Sect Boko Haram claims to follow. The book then examines the basic doctrinal features and characteristics of Boko Haram - waging Jihad, prohibiting revealing dresses for women and mixing of genders, rejecting western values and institutions, denouncing scientific inquiry and democracy, hostage taking, sexual exploitation of captives and other aspects of jus ad bellum and jus in bello in Islamic jurisprudence and international law. Finally, the book analyses the plight of vulnerable groups such as internally displaced persons, the atrocities committed against women and girls in the Boko Haram insurgency and the (in)ability of international law to enforce the protections offered to the victims. From the perspective of critical intellectual inquiry, the book also challenges a number of fundamental assumptions and encourages us to revisit our legal characterisation of certain concepts such as "gender-based crimes". It then goes further to analyse some legal grey areas in the Boko Haram insurgency such as the legal status of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and the legal framework for holding members accountable for violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Overall, the book represents a valuable contribution to scholarship, deepens our understanding and delineates how international law could respond to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria in particular and terrorism in Africa in general.

For those who care about justice, and especially those who want to do something about injustice, Paul Ciolino's In the Company of Giants is a must-read.--Rob Warden, Executive Director, Innocence Project, Northwestern University School of Law Paul Ciolino is old school. Right is right and wrong is wrong. With street smarts and a sixth sense for where to look, Ciolino won't let go until he's found what he's looking for, which is quite simply justice. And now he's written a highly readable, straight-ahead, tell-it-like-it-is guide to let us in on what he knows.--Alex Kotlowitz, Author of There Are No Children Here, Never a City So Real, and The Other Side of the River Herein lies the root of the issue. Justice, morality, and freedom. This is what our fight is about. This is what it boils down to for me and I hope for you as well. Money is nice. Professional recognition by our peers is great. Warm and fuzzy media stories about our quest for justice are ego enriching. But, at the end of the day, it is about our most basic and dearest God inspired constitutional rights as Americans. ourselves doing this work.

This edited volume revisits the idea of the Western Hemisphere. First articulated by Arthur P. Whitaker in 1954 but with origins in the earlier work of Herbert E. Bolton, it is the idea that "the peoples of this Hemisphere stand in a special relationship to one another which sets them apart from the rest of the word" (Whitaker, 1954). For most scholars of US-Latin American relations, this is a curious concept. They often conceptualize US-Latin American relations through the prism of realism and interventionism. While this volume does not deny that the United States has often acted as an imperial power in Latin America, it is unique in that it challenges scholars to re-think their preconceived notions of inter-American relations and explores the possibility of a common international society for the Americas, especially in the realm of international relations. Unlike most volumes on US-Latin American relations, the book develops its argument in an interdisciplinary manner, bringing together different approaches from disciplines including international relations, global and diplomatic history, human rights studies, and cultural and intellectual history.

Using the Nation of Islam as a vehicle, but largely through his own dedication, energy, and intelligence, Malcolm X became an indefatigable Black leader during the 1960s. This encyclopedic volume examines one of the most controversial and heroic leaders of the 20th century. Over 500 essays discuss how Malcolm X affected the world in which he lived and how the influence of people, issues, and events shaped his development as an international figure.

With more than 70 contributors from black studies, history, political science, sociology, philosophy, education, journalism, and psychology, the encyclopedia combines the knowledge of a precise group of writers. Addressing a major social, religious, and political figure through their own disciplines, these authors flesh out both the diversity and the complexity of the world that defined Malcolm X.

This book examines selected legal complexities of the notion of torture and the issue of the proper foundation for legally characterizing certain acts as torture, especially when children are the targeted victims of torture. ICC case law is used to highlight the International Criminal Court's reluctance in practice to prosecute as a separable offence the crime of torture as set out in one or more of the relevant provisions of the Rome Statute where children are the particularized targets as part of a common plan during armed conflict. Also addressed is the failure of the ICC to consider that the young age of the victims of torture (i.e. children) should be an aggravating factor taken into account in determining the ICC sentence for those convicted of the torture of civilians, including children, in the context of armed conflict as part of a common plan. The six UN-designated grave crimes against children (including child soldiering for State or non-State forces perpetrating mass atrocities, and sexual violence perpetrated on a systematic and widespread basis against children including child soldiers), it is argued, are also instances of the torture of children as part of a common plan such that separate charges of torture are legally supportable (along with the other charges relating to additional Rome Statute offences involved in such circumstances). Useful legal perspectives on the issue of the torture of children in its various manifestations gleaned from the case law of other international judicial forums such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the ICTY are also examined.

The Social Practice of Human Rights bridges the conventional scholar-practitioner divide by focusing on the space in between. The volume brings together cutting-edge chapters that together set a new agenda for research, grounded in the practice of critical self-reflection on the strategies that drive communities dedicated to the advocacy and implementation of human rights. The social practice of human rights takes place not in front of a judge, but in the streets and alleys, in the backrooms and out-of-the-way places where change occurs. Contributors to this volume investigate the contexts and efforts of activists and professionals devoted to promoting human rights norms. This research takes as its subject the organizations and movements that shoulder the burden of improving respect for human dignity. It argues that through a constructive critique of these patterns and practices, scholarship can have a positive impact on the political world.

This book uncovers a historical dependency on smelting activities that has trapped inhabitants of La Oroya, Peru, in a context of systemic lack of freedom. La Oroya has been named one of the most polluted places on the planet by the US Blacksmith Institute. Residents face the dilemma of whether to defend their health or to preserve job stability at the local smelter, the main source of toxic pollution in town. Valencia unpacks this paradoxical human rights trade-off. This context, shaped by social, historical, political, and economic factors, increases people's vulnerabilities and decreases their ability to choose, resulting in residents' trading off their right to health in order to work. This book shows the deep connection of this local dilemma to the country's national paradox, arising out of Peru's vision of natural resource extraction as the main path to secure economic growth for the entire country at the expense of some groups.

The 1940s were a pivotal decade in the history of the American labor movement. Large migrations significantly changed the composition of the industrial work force while, simultaneously, the organized labor movement sought to consolidate its base. These essays examine topics including aspects of the institutional development of the labor movement at the national level, while west coast case studies explore the conflicts generated at the workplace and in communities by the increased presence of women and minority workers. American labor historians and labor studies specialists will find this collection fills a major void in the research on American labor.

Australia has one of the harshest immigration detention regimes in the world, labelled cruel and degrading and a crime against humanity; these policies have been widely condemned. This book calls for a shift in how the healthcare community approaches Australian immigration detention, calling for non-violent resistance to be incorporated in future efforts that seek change. Fundamentally, such an approach recognizes that if change is to be realized a shift is needed beyond evidence and reasoned argument; future efforts need to confront injustice, resisting and undermining what creates and sustains these policies. This book provides a rationale for such action and considers the justification of three different 'types' of action in detail; strike action, whistleblowing and principles disobedience.