With California's passage of the Save Our State Initiative in 1994, fear of aliens has once again appeared in U.S. legislative history. Since 1790, congressional legislation on federal immigration and naturalization policy has been harsh on Asian immigrants, although less so since 1965. This documentary history covers all major immigration laws passed by Congress since 1790. The volume opens with an overview of the basis on which Congress has restricted Asian immigration. It then includes discussions of particular immigration legislation, showing the significance to Asian Americans and the documents themselves.

With California's passage of the Save Our State Initiative in November 1994, fear of aliens has once again appeared in U.S. legislative history. Since 1790, congressional legislation establishing federal immigration and naturalization policy has been particularly harsh on Asian immigrants. Although Congress has been less hostile to Asian immigration since 1965, there was a renewed effort to limit immigration from Asia as recently as 1989, and the restrictive national mood will undoubtedly find its way into the 1996 elections. Showing the impact of immigration laws on Asian immigrants, this documentary history covers all major immigration laws passed by Congress since 1790.

The volume's opening chapter points to three major theses--that initially Congress restricted and excluded Asian immigration on the basis of its traditional policy of denying citizenship to nonwhite people, that Congress denied Asians entry to the U.S. on the grounds that their culture made them incompatible with Americans, and that Congress passed laws treating each of the Asian ethnic groups as a racialized ethnic group. The volume then includes discussions of particular immigration legislation, showing the significance to Asian Americans and the documents themselves.

After decades of scholarship on the civil rights movement at the local level, the insights of bottom-up movement history remain essentially invisible in the accepted narrative of the movement and peripheral to debates on how to research, document, and teach about the movement. This collection of original works refocuses attention on this bottom-up history and compels a rethinking of what and who we think is central to the movement.

The essays examine such locales as Sunflower County, Mississippi; Memphis, Tennessee; and Wilson, North Carolina; and engage such issues as nonviolence and self-defense, the implications of focusing on women in the movement, and struggles for freedom beyond voting rights and school desegregation. Events and incidents discussed range from the movement's heyday to the present and include the Poor People's Campaign mule train to Washington, D.C., the popular response to the deaths of Rosa Parks and Coretta Scott King, and political cartoons addressing Barack Obama's presidential campaign.

The kinds of scholarship represented here--which draw on oral history and activist insights (along with traditional sources) and which bring the specificity of time and place into dialogue with broad themes and a national context--are crucial as we continue to foster scholarly debates, evaluate newer conceptual frameworks, and replace the superficial narrative that persists in the popular imagination.

The international protection regime for refugees and other forced migrants seems increasingly at risk as measures designed to enhance security-of borders, of people, of institutions, and of national identity-encroach upon human rights. This timely edited collection responds to some of the contemporary challenges faced by the international protection regime, with a particular focus on the human rights of those displaced. The book begins by assessing the impact of anti-terrorism laws on refugee status, both at the international and domestic levels, before turning to examine the function of offshore immigration control mechanisms and extraterritorial processing on asylum seekers' access to territory and entitlements (both procedural and substantive). It considers the particular needs and rights of children as forced migrants, but also as children; the role of human rights law in protecting religious minorities in the context of debates about national identity; the approaches of refugee decision-makers in assessing the credibility of evidence; and the scope for an international judicial commission to provide consistent interpretative guidance on refugee law, so as to overcome (or at least diminish) the currently diverse and sometimes conflicting approaches of national courts. The last part of the book examines the status of people who benefit from 'complementary protection'-such as those who cannot be removed from a country because they face a risk of torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment-and the scope for the broader concept of the 'responsibility to protect' to address gaps in the international protection regime.

How Long?, How Long? retells the story of the civil rights from the previously overlooked perspective of its African-American women participants. A compelling and readable narrative history, How Long?, How Long? at the same time presents a rethinking of social movement theory and a controversial thesis: that chroniclers have egregiously neglected the most important leaders of the civil rights movement, African-American women, in favour of higher-profile African-American men and white women.

This book focuses on the interaction and mutual influences between the East and the West in terms of their legal systems and practices. In this regard, it highlights Professor Herbert H.P. Ma's achievements and his efforts to bring Eastern and Western legal concepts and systems closer together. The book shows that, while there have been convergences between different legal regimes in many fields of law, diverse legal practices and approaches rooted in differing cultural, social, political and philosophical backgrounds do remain, and that these differences are not necessarily negative elements in the contemporary legal order. By examining different levels of the legal order, including domestic, regional and multilateral, it goes on to argue that identifying these diversities and addressing the interactions and mutual influences between different regimes is a worthwhile undertaking, not only in terms of mutual enrichment, but also with regard to intensifying the degree of desirable coordination between different legal systems. All chapters were written by leading experts, practitioners and scholars from different jurisdictions with expertise in various fields of law and different levels of the legal order, and discuss a number of issues with particular focus on either "one-way" or mutual influences between the Eastern and the Western legal systems, practices and philosophies.

Vietnam has claimed the Paracel and Spratly Island groups for hundreds of years. China's invasion and capture of the Paracels from South Vietnam in 1974, and its ongoing occupation of the Spratlys, have created increasing opposition and anger not only among Vietnamese citizens but worldwide. This book insists that China's illegal violation of Vietnamese sovereignty rights in the Paracels and Spratlys has included serious human rights violations and decelerated the process of human emancipation. Using both realist and critical theories in a comparative framework, China Moves South states that while realism may offer a reasonable approach to explaining China's behavior, critical theory is a more appropriate lens to challenge China's occupations. Employing critical theory and human rights law as methods of evaluation, this book insists that human rights and international law cannot sustain China's continuing violations as defined by the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea in 1982. Additionally, China Moves South aims to provide government officials, international scholars, students, and other interested parties with a better understanding of Chinese's illegal invasion and capture of the Paracels and Spratlys and, more importantly, to counsel urgent action to resist the Chinese occupation as China becomes more assertive in the vital waters of the South China Sea.

This title connects civil rights opponents to America's tradition of radical conservatism. The decade following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision saw white southerners mobilize in massive resistance to racial integration. Most segregationists conceded that ultimately they could only postpone the demise of Jim Crow. Some militant whites, however, believed it possible to win the civil rights struggle. Histories of the black freedom struggle, when they mention these racist zealots at all, confine them to the margin of the story. These extremist whites are caricatured as ineffectual members of the lunatic fringe. Civil rights activists, however, saw them for what they really were: calculating, dangerous opponents prepared to use terrorism in their stand against reform. To dismiss white militants is to underestimate the challenge they posed to the movement and, in turn, the magnitude of civil rights activists' accomplishments. The extremists helped turn massive resistance into a powerful political phenomenon. While white southern elites struggled to mobilize mass opposition to racial reform, the militants led entire communities in revolt. "Rabble Rousers" turns traditional top-down models of massive resistance on their head by telling the story of five far-right activists - Bryant Bowles, John Kasper, Rear Admiral John Crommelin, Major General Edwin Walker, and J. B. Stoner - who led grassroots rebellions. It casts new light on such contentious issues as the role of white churches in defending segregation, the influence of anti-Semitism in southern racial politics, and the divisive impact of class on white unity. The flame of the far right burned brilliantly but briefly. In the final analysis, violent extremism weakened the cause of white southerners. Tactical and ideological tensions among massive resisters, as well as the strength and unity of civil rights activists, accelerated the destruction of Jim Crow.

The freedom of academics to pursue knowledge and truth in their research, writing, and teaching is a fundamental principle of contemporary higher education in the United States. But this freedom has been hard won and regularly abridged, reinterpreted, and violated. Academic freedom has been central to many issues and controversies in higher education and has thus generated literature in a variety of disciplines. This book provides access to that literature. Included are entries for nearly 500 books, chapters, articles, reports, web sites, and other sources of information about academic freedom. Each entry includes a descriptive annotation, and the entries are grouped in topical chapters. While most of the works cited were published since the 1940 American Association of University Professors Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure, some older studies have also been included. Though the volume focuses primarily on higher education in the U.S., it also includes a chapter on academic freedom in other countries.

Within an interdisciplinary context of public health, reproductive health, and women's rights, this book chronicles the interaction of public policies and private reproductive behavior in the 28 formerly socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the USSR successor states from 1917 to the present. Focusing on the interaction of public policies and private behaviors, special emphasis is placed on the status of women--from producers of labor to reproducers of families. Consideration is given to societal values and traditions, Marxist theory, socialist and patriarchal perceptions of gender roles, status of women, changes in legislation facilitating or constraining access to modern contraceptives and abortion, pronatalist influences on demographic trends, attitudes of public health service providers, views on sex education, adolescent sexual behavior, and emerging roles of public services and nongovernmental organizations.

Included are notes on key developments in the USSR successor states in Europe and in Asia, a discussion of the societal effects of post-socialist transitions from central planning to market economies, and commentaries on the changing emphasis from demographic aspects to reproductive and sexual health, postabortion psychological responses, and the activities of antiabortion-oriented religious organizations. To the extent available, statistical data tabulated include live birth, legally induced abortions, birth rates, legal abortion rates, legal abortion ratios, and total fertility rates. Over 1250 references are listed.

This fascinating volume introduces an international audience to citizenship in Japan. It traces the development of citizenship education from before the Second World war to the present day, demonstrating the role of both the school system and the wider society. The book provides a detailed account anchored in critical analysis of the curriculum, educational resources, pedagogy and assessment. Citizenship Education in Japan explores controversial issues through tracing four themes: global/intercultural education environmental education geographical education historical education. It also examines current curricular innovations. Overall, this insightful volume demonstrates that contemporary citizenship education entails not only knowledge about social, historical and geographical affairs, but also participation in society locally, nationally, and globally.

At the dawn of the 1700s the Natchez viewed the first Francophones in the Lower Mississippi Valley as potential inductees to their chiefdom. This mistaken perception lulled them into permitting these outsiders to settle among them. Within two decades conditions in Natchez Country had taken a turn for the worse. The trickle of wayfarers had given way to a torrent of colonists (and their enslaved Africans) who refused to recognize the Natchez's hierarchy. These newcomers threatened to seize key authority-generating features of Natchez Country: mounds, a plaza, and a temple. This threat inspired these Indians to turn to a recent import-racial categories-to re-establish social order. They began to call themselves "red men" to reunite their polity and to distance themselves from the "blacks" and "whites" into which their neighbours divided themselves. After refashioning their identity, they launched an attack that destroyed the nearby colonial settlements. Their 1729 assault began a two-year war that resulted in the death or enslavement of most of the Natchez people. In Natchez Country, George Edward Milne provides the most comprehensive history of the Lower Mississippi Valley and the Natchez to date. From La Salle's first encounter with what would become Louisiana to the ultimate dispersal of the Natchez by the close of the 1730s, Milne also analyses the ways in which French attitudes about race and slavery influenced native North American Indians in the vicinity of French colonial settlements on the Mississippi River and how Native Americans in turn adopted and resisted colonial ideology.

Questions about democracy and human rights have emerged in the advent of the 21st century, a time in which the prospects for progress in these areas have never been greater. This book is designed to respond to some of these questions with reference to Latin America, where democratic regimes have alternated with authoritarian governments and the human rights record is inconsistent at best. Taken together, these essays reveal the complexity of democratic transitions, the importance of support for human rights, and the way in which democracy and human rights are linked in Latin America.

The first part of the book includes chapters that cast a critical eye on democracy and human rights trends in Chile, Venezuela, Columbia, and Brazil. Part two gauges the impact and prospects of foreign initiatives promoting democracy and human rights in the region, focusing especially on those efforts made by the United States in Haiti and Cuba. Each chapter reaffirms the essential linkages between procedural democracy and substantive human rights, and argues that states with authoritarian pasts must reorient their political cultures, and that these initiatives must come from both domestic and international agents. Students and scholars interested in the problems and prospects inherent in democratic transitions in contemporary Latin America will find this collection enlightening.

The people of Africa emerged from colonial rule with optimism and determination to transform their society and bring prosperity to the continent, but today there is neither economic nor political freedom. In order to seize control of its destiny, Kofi Apraku contends, Africa must mobilize all of its resources, and recognize the contributions that emigrants in the United States can make toward its development. In this work, Apraku offers a comprehensive look at these emigrants, demonstrating that Africa has well-trained, experienced, and productive personnel in the United States, and that they are willing to return to their native lands only if African leaders are willing to undertake the necessary political and economic reforms.

Apraku's study addresses four main questions concerning African emigrants: Who are the skilled emigrants employed in the United States? Why did they come to America? What potential role can they play in Africa's development? and What types of reforms are needed to allow them to contribute to Africa's development? In addition, the book discusses contemporary African issues, including agriculture and food production, population growth, economic integration, diversification of African economies, privatization, democratization of political systems, and industrial policy for the 1990s. A review of failed economic policies is presented, along with suggestions for new approaches and a new emphasis on sustained economic growth and political stability. This work will be an important reference source for students of African studies and international development, as well as for international policymakers and professionals in development agencies.

Why did German states for so long make it extraordinarily difficult for foreigners who were not ethnic Germans to become citizens? To what extent was this policy a product of popular national feeling, and to what extent was it shaped by the more state-centered goals of the political elite? In what ways did Nazi citizenship policies perpetuate, or break with, the actions of earlier German states? What does this larger historical context suggest about the causes for, and implications of, the recent and dramatic liberalization in German citizenship laws?German states have long exercised tight control over which foreigners might become citizens. Because Germans felt a cultural attachment to other ethnic Germans, it has been argued, German national states naturally welcomed the immigration of ethnic Germans and sought to prevent the naturalization of individuals who were considered foreign. It is true that ethnic nationalism came to play a - and after 1918 the - key role in German citizenship and naturalization policies. But ethnicity was far from the only criterion employed to distinguish desirable from undesirable subjects or citizens.In a study that begins in the early nineteenth century and reaches the dramatic changes of the 1990s, the author challenges the traditional interpretation of the role of ethnicity. He shows that appeals to ethnic solidarity often masked more political objectives. Other factors affecting the politics of citizenship included German states' efforts to mold and improve society and to safeguard their own grip on power; changing conceptions of economic and military utility; the personality and political aims of Bismarck; the international conflict with Britain, France, and Russia; anti-Semitism and the world wars. While other authors have stressed consensus within German society, this account focuses on conflict.

Campbell presents a study of the lives and experiences of Europeans and Americans in the age of early industrial overseas expansions, who became detatched from their own societies and lived, sometimes for many years, among Pacific Islanders as integrated members of their communities, often with little hope of returning home and frequently with no wish to do so. As engaging as primitivism was to European philosophers, the realities of contact between seafarers and islanders who faced previously unimagined technological and human marvels were much more pragmatic. Jealousy, ethnocentrism, and violence on both sides competed with humanitarian interests and indigenous hospitality to shape the emerging pattern of relationships. At first, Europeans crossed the oceans only for compelling reasons: the passion for scientific research, the dedication to Christian evangelism, or the uncompromising profit motive. Later, settlers and government officials followed in the wake of these early explorers. Scattered in the interstices of contact relationships were large numbers of men whose interest was not in changing native society or profiting from it, but in experiencing primitive life and simply surviving itself. These men included castaways and deserters, some abandoned by their captains and others kidnapped by the islanders. Their prospects depended on their successful integration into Polynesian society--and in making themselves useful by applying European knowledge and skills to local situations and by mediating between islanders and their insistent visitors.

Immigrants from South Asian countries are among the fastest growing segment of our population. This work, designed for students and interested readers, provides the first in-depth examination of recent South Asian immigrant groups--their history and background, current facts, comparative cultures, and contributions to contemporary American life. Groups discussed include Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans, Nepalis, and Afghans. The topics covered include patterns of immigration, adaption to American life and work, cultural traditions, religious traditions, women's roles, the family, adolescence, and dating and marriage. Controversial questions are examined: Does the American political economy welcome or exploit South Asian immigrants? Are American and South Asian values compatible? Leonard shows how the American social, religious, and cultural landscape looks to these immigrants and the contributions they make to it, and she outlines the experiences and views of the various South Asian groups. Statistics and tables provide information on migration, population, income, and employment. Biographical profiles of noted South Asian Americans, a glossary of terms, and selected maps and photos complete the text.

The opening chapter introduces the reader to South Asian history, culture, and politics, material on which the rest of the book draws because of its continuing relevance to South Asians settled in the United States. Leonard provides a fascinating look at the early South Asian immigrant Punjabi Mexican American community whose second and third generations are grappling with the issue of being Mexican, Hindu, and American. A comparative examination of immigrant groups from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Afghanistan illuminates the similarities and differences of their rich cultural and religious traditions, the social fabric of their communities, and how these immigrants have adapted to American life. Leonard looks closely at the diversity of cultural traditions--music, dance, poetry, foods, fashion, yoga, fine arts, entertainment, and literature--and how these traditions have changed in the United States. Keeping the family together is important to these immigrants. Leonard examines family issues, second generation identities, adolescence, making marriages, and wedding traditions. This work provides a wealth of information for students and interested readers to help them understand South Asian immigrant life, culture, and contributions to American life.

Between 1900 and 1914, the British and American suffrage movements were characterized by interaction among suffragists, their organizations, and their publications on a much broader scale than has been generally recognized or acknowledged. This study isolates and examines the various connecting links ranging from personal relationships to the emphasis on a common cause. Women participated in one another's organizations and activities, including speaking tours and visits, and each group used the experience of the other to stimulate its own progress. In addition to the prominent figures of the day, Harrison includes information about lesser-known suffragists whose names and actions have been largely lost to history. The interaction between the British and American movements began in the 1870s when a network of suffrage friendships and relationships started to take shape, and cooperation escalated in the last two decades of the century. Connections expanded and peaked between 1900 and 1914, but, with the outbreak of war in August 1914, the extensive interaction came to an abrupt end. Harrison provides a history and comparison of the two movements to give the reader context and a background against which to study the international suffrage campaign. She assesses correspondence, diaries, journals, memoirs, pamphlets, articles, and coverage within the suffrage press itself.

This fresh and invigorating analysis illuminates the often-neglected story of early African American civil rights activism. African American Civil Rights: Early Activism and the Niagara Movement tells a fascinating story, one that is too frequently marginalized. Offering the first full-length, comprehensive sociological analysis of the Niagara Movement, which existed between 1905 and 1910, the book demonstrates that, although short-lived, the movement was far from a failure. Rather, it made the need to annihilate Jim Crow and address the atrocities caused by slavery publicly visible, creating a foundation for more widely celebrated mid-20th-century achievements. This unique study focuses on what author Angela Jones terms black publics, groups of concerned citizens-men and women, alike-who met to shift public opinion. The book explores their pivotal role in initiating the civil rights movement, specifically examining secular organizations, intellectual circles, the secular black press, black honor societies and clubs, and prestigious educational networks. All of these, Jones convincingly demonstrates, were seminal to the development of civil rights protest in the early 20th century. Primary source documents including the Niagara Movement's "Declaration of Principles" A chronology of the development of the civil rights movement Photographs of key players in the Niagara Movement An expansive bibliography encompassing titles from sociology, political science, and history

What is the basis for choosing a nonviolent response to conflict and violence? By presenting and analyzing some of the most significant answers that have been given to this question throughout history, this anthology of writings from both Western and nonwestern traditions proposes principled and strategic nonviolence as a realistic alternative. It includes a selection of historical sources on nonviolence--ranging from the Bhagavad-Gita to the Bible--as well as a wide range of writings by authors such as Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela, who have contributed to both the theory and the practice of nonviolence. Besides tracing the historical development of the concept, this volume also suggests ways of applying nonviolence to our everyday lives in the first decade of the 21st century, which the United Nations General Assembly has declared to be the Decade for Education for a Culture of Peace and Nonviolence.

For most of the 19th century, Germans represented the largest continental immigrant population in Britain, yet to date no study has concentrated on them. They entered the country for a combination of religious, political and economic reasons and established themselves in thriving immigrant communities. Hostility towards them spread throughout the 1800s and escalated with the growth of Anglo-German hostility in the period leading up to the outbreak of World War I.