During the early 1990s the Department of Justice used its Voting Rights Act power to object to racially unfair redistricting laws to force states to maximize minority congressional districts. The results were dramatic: Congressional Black Caucus membership swelled from 25 to 38 and nine new Hispanic congresspersons were sworn in. Only three years later, the maximization strategy lay in ruins. The courts forced many of the new minority districts to be redrawn and the judiciary reserved especially harsh criticism for the Department.

Cunningham examines and analyzes how the Department came to adopt the maximization strategy. He explores the bureaucratic culture of the Division's Voting Section, its history, and the interaction of its progressive career staff with more conservative political appointees. The Division works amidst a vibrant interest group environment, with civil rights advocates, the state, and political parties eager for influence. Cunningham shows how that influence contest was won by the civil rights groups, how their preferred interpretations of fair redistricting and discriminatory purpose were adopted by the Division, and how their chosen districting models were forced upon states by the Division. He examines the effect the Department has had on federalism, representation, and its own impaired credibility with the judiciary. Finally, he suggests how the Division might resurrect its damaged reputation for balanced enforcement. An important study for scholars, students, and public policy makers involved with civil rights, public administration, and public law.

Although Americans tend to take the concept and protection of free expression for granted, free press and free speech are at best only tentatively established in some nations of the world. Covering prehistoric times to mid-1998, this book provides a year-by-year report of the efforts to free the press throughout the world. Since the American concept of free speech came from England, the early chapters place a heavy emphasis on events in England, while later chapters include other nations throughout the world. Ingelhart provides a thorough overview of free press and free speech principles and the continuing effort to extend those freedoms almost everywhere.

Bringing together a diverse group of contributors, this collection addresses the impact of transnational corporations on human rights. Topics covered include corporate social responsibility; the impact of corporations on internal conflicts, and codes of conduct. Case studies range from the negative effects of the Nigerian oil industry to the positive engagement by a logging company with the Nuu-chah-nulth people in Canada. The book uniquely combines the discussion of conceptual issues with an in-depth examination of specific corporations and industries.

Personal narratives have become one of the most potent vehicles for advancing human rights claims across the world. These two contemporary domains, personal narrative and human rights, literature and international politics, are commonly understood to operate on separate planes. This study however, examines the ways these intersecting realms unfold and are enfolded in one another in ways both productive of and problematic for the achievement of social justice. Human Rights and Narrated Lives explores what happens when autobiographical narratives are produced, received, and circulated in the field of human rights. It asks how personal narratives emerge in local settings; how international rights discourse enables and constrains individual and collective subjectivities in narration; how personal narratives circulate and take on new meanings in new contexts; and how and under what conditions they feed into, affect, and are affected by the reorganizations of politics in the post cold war, postcolonial, globalizing human rights contexts. To explore these intersections, the authors attend the production, circulation, reception, and affective currents of stories in action across local, national, transnational, and global arenas. They do so by looking at five case studies: in the context of the Truth and Reconciliation processes in South Africa; the National Inquiry into the Forced Removal of Indigenous Children from their Families in Australia; activism on behalf of former 'comfort women' from South/East Asia; U.S. prison activism; and democratic reforms in the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square Massacre in China.

This volume examines the evolving relationship between the nation-state, citizenship and the education of citizens, exploring the impact European integration had on national policies towards educating its citizens and citizenship.

What happens when two deeply held American values, freedom of expression and freedom from discrimination, clash? In any well-established democratic society, people have the right to free speech as well as the right to equal treatment and protection under the law. But when one person's speech harms another person on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, or sexual orientation, it may qualify as hate speech and be subject to restriction. Cortese argues that restricting hate speech does not violate the guiding principle behind the First Amendment, but he is not eager to see more lawsuits. Effective restriction, he asserts, should not focus on litigation, but on speech codes and moral education. Is there a limit to freedom of expression in a democracy, and if so, where should the line be drawn? In attempting to answer that question, Cortese makes a solid case for paying attention to context and common sense. Some hate speech is more reprehensible than others; not all discriminatory statements are equally serious. There is a discernible difference between an offensive remark and an incitement to commit murder. There is also a fundamental distinction between intentional and unintentional discrimination. In this book, Cortese rethinks some of the issues that have been silenced in ways harmful to many--especially those that have been brutalized, oppressed, manipulated, dominated, segregated, and disadvantaged. We should recognize the grave injuries inflicted by hate speech and the potential tensions between legal solutions to those injuries and the First Amendment. We must push for moral education, educational speech codes, and when necessary, a formal, legal-structural response tohate speech in order to reinforce our commitment to tolerance as a value.

Quarantine has shaped our world, yet it remains both feared and misunderstood. It is our most powerful response to uncertainty, but it operates through an assumption of guilt: in quarantine, we are considered infectious until proven safe. An unusually poetic metaphor for moral and mythic ills, quarantine means waiting to see if something hidden inside of us will be revealed.

Until Proven Safe tracks the history and future of quarantine around the globe, chasing the story of emergency isolation through time and space – from the crumbling lazarettos of the Mediterranean to the hallways of the CDC, to the corporate giants hoping to disrupt the widespread quarantine imposed by Covid-19 before the next pandemic hits through surveillance and algorithmic prediction.

Yet quarantine is more than just a medical tool: Geoff Manaugh and Nicola Twilley drop deep into the Earth to tour a nuclear-waste isolation facility beneath the New Mexican desert, strip down to nothing but protective Tyvek suits to see plants stricken with a disease that threatens the world’s wheat supply, and meet NASA’s Planetary Protection Officer tasked with saving the Earth from extraterrestrial infections.

The result is part travelogue, part intellectual history – a book as compelling as it is definitive, and one that could not be more urgent or timely.

This volume of essays explores the long-unstudied relationship between religion and human security throughout the world. The 1950s marked the beginning of a period of extraordinary religious revival, during which religious political-parties and non-governmental organizations gained power around the globe. Until now, there has been little systematic study of the impact that this phenomenon has had on human welfare, except of a relationship between religious revival to violence. The authors of these essays show that religion can have positive as well as negative effects on human wellbeing. They address a number of crucial questions about the relationship between religion and human security: Under what circumstances do religiously motivated actors tend to advance human welfare, and under what circumstances do they tend to threaten it? Are members of some religious groups more likely to engage in welfare-enhancing behavior than in others? Do certain state policies tend to promote security-enhancing behavior among religious groups while other policies tend to promote security-threatening ones? In cases where religious actors are harming the welfare of a population, what responses could eliminate that threat without replacing it with another? Religion and Human Security shows that many states tend to underestimate the power of religious organizations as purveyors of human security. Governments overlook both the importance of human security to their populations and the religious groups who could act as allies in securing the welfare of their people. This volume offers a rich variety of theoretical perspectives on the nuanced relationship between religion and human security. Through case studies ranging from Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan, to the United States, Northern Ireland, and Zimbabwe, it provides important suggestions to policy makers of how to begin factoring the influence of religion into their evaluation of a population's human security and into programs designed to improve human security around the globe.

One of the hallmarks of the present era is the discourse surrounding Human Rights and the need for the law to recognise them. Various national and supranational human rights instruments have been developed and implemented in order to transition society away from atrocity and callousness toward a more just and inclusive future. In some countries this is done by means of an overarching constitution, while in others international conventions or ordinary legislation hold sway. Contract law plays a pivotal role in this context. According to many, this is done through the much-debated 'civilising mission' of the contract, a notion which itself constitutes the canon of the Western liberal principle of 'civilised economy'. The movement away from the belief in the absolute freedom of contract, which reached its zenith in the nineteenth century, to the principles of fairness and justice that underpin contract law today, is often deemed to be a testament to this civilising influence. Delving into the interplay between human rights policies, constitutional law, and contract law from both theoretical and practical perspectives, this first volume of a two-book collection offers a totally new reappraisal of the subject by gathering a collection of essays written by contract law scholars from Europe, South Africa, Canada, and Australia. Instead of providing the reader with a sterile compilation of positivistic norms and policies on the impact of fundamental rights and constitutional law issues on contract law's development, the authors build on their personal experience to analyse specific topics related to contracting that include a constitutional dimension. The book fills an important void in comparative law scholarship and in so doing represents the starting point for further debate on the subject.

The struggles of the 1960s brought about far-reaching changes, not only an end to legalized segregation and discrimination nationwide, but a change in the consciousness of both whites and blacks. After nearly three decades, however, black hopes for equality, particularly in the economic realm, are frustrated by political reaction and economic pressures. This collection of essays looks at the history of the black struggle and at the policies and political and economic realities that have brought progress to a near standstill. In an introductory chapter, Julian Bond reviews two and a half decades of black struggle, giving particular attention to the shifting fortunes of the movement for black freedom and equality and the recent worsening of black poverty relative to the condition of the affluent majority. Several authors focus on the leadership of the civil rights movement, including neglected women leaders, and the history of the movement as a whole. Others analyze the experience of desegregation as it has affected both whites and blacks. Additional areas explored are the continuing problem of de facto segregation in schools, the condition of blacks in the workplace, and attempts to improve the situation of inner-city black youth. The volume concludes with an examination of options and strategies for reanimating the black agenda in the coming decades. The work of a distinguished group of scholars in the field, this book will be of interest to anyone concerned with race relations, policy issues, the civil rights movement, and U.S. political and social history.

This book tackles unanswered questions on British Muslims and political participation: What makes religion a salient 'political' identity for young Muslims (over any other identity)? How do young British Muslims identify themselves and how does it relate to their political engagement? A fascinating insight into the lives of young British Muslims.

This collection of essays and reflections starts from an analysis of the purposes of foreign language teaching and argues that this should include educational objectives which are ultimately similar to those of education for citizenship. It does so by a journey through reflections on what is possible and desirable in the classroom and how language teaching has a specific role in education systems which have long had, and often still have, the purpose of encouraging young people to identify with the nation-state. Foreign language education can break through this framework to introduce a critical internationalism. In a 'globalised' and 'internationalised' world, the importance of identification with people beyond the national borders is crucial. Combined with education for citizenship, foreign language education can offer an education for 'intercultural citizenship'.

As editor of The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Dr. Clayborne Carson, with the assistance of his staff at Stanford's Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute, had access to many documents relating to Dr. King's life and career. From their unique familiarity with these materials, they have compiled an encyclopedia offering a fresh and exciting look at the work of Dr. King and the course of the civil rights movement. Scholars, students, and interested nonspecialists will all find the more than 280 entries provided in the encyclopedia to be both informative and engaging. Alphabetically arranged, each entry concludes with a list of sources, both primary and secondary, upon which it is based. The entries cover all facets of Dr. King's life and career, including the following members of his family: BLhis wife, Coretta Scott King BLhis father, Martin Luther King, Sr. BLhis mother, Alberta Williams King BLhis brother, Alfred Daniel Williams King and all four of his children His many friends and associates in the movement: BLRalph David Abernathy BLMaya Angelou BLSammy Davis Jr. BLMedgar Evers BLDick Gregory BLBenjamin Hooks BLJames Meredith BLAndrew Young His campaigns and marches: BLBirmingham Campaign BLChicago Campaign BLMarch on Washington for Jobs and Freedom BLMemphis Sanitation Workers Strike BLMongomery Bus Boycott BLOperation Breadbasket And the many organizations he led or interacted with: BLCongress of Racial Equality BLMontgomery Improvement Association BLNational Conference on Religion and Race BLSouthern Christian Leadership Conference BLStudent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Other entries discuss the churches he pastored, the dissertation he wrote, thetrips he took to India and Ghana, the books he published, the speeches he delivered, the Nobel Prize he won, the presidents and other national figures he knew, and his chief opponents and critics. The encyclopedia also offers a detailed chronology of Dr. King's life, a selected bibliography of important seconday sources, and a detailed Introduction putting Dr. King's career in context with its times, a Guide to Related Topics, and a detailed subject index.

Of all amendments to the U.S. Constitution, the Fourth has been called the most ambiguous, and it is from that amendment that search and seizure laws are primarily drawn. Students will learn about the legal issues and cases argued concerning protection of property and privacy, searching homes and businesses, searching people in public places, searching automobiles and baggage, and wiretapping. The Exclusionary Rule and the right to privacy beyond search and seizure are specifically examined in detail.

How far does the idea of academic freedom extend to professors in an era of racial reckoning? The protests of summer 2020, which were ignited by the murder of George Floyd, led to long-overdue reassessments of the legacy of racism and white supremacy in both American academe and cultural life more generally. But while universities have been willing to rename some buildings and schools or grapple with their role in the slave trade, no one has yet asked the most uncomfortable question: Does academic freedom extend to racist professors? It's Not Free Speech considers the ideal of academic freedom in the wake of the activism inspired by outrageous police brutality, white supremacy, and the #MeToo movement. Arguing that academic freedom must be rigorously distinguished from freedom of speech, Michael Berube and Jennifer Ruth take aim at explicit defenses of colonialism and theories of white supremacy-theories that have no intellectual legitimacy whatsoever. Approaching this question from two angles-one, the question of when a professor's intramural or extramural speech calls into question his or her fitness to serve, and two, the question of how to manage the simmering tension between the academic freedom of faculty and the antidiscrimination initiatives of campus offices of diversity, equity, and inclusion-they argue that the democracy-destroying potential of social media makes it very difficult to uphold the traditional liberal view that the best remedy for hate speech is more speech. In recent years, those with traditional liberal ideals have had very limited effectiveness in responding to the resurgence of white supremacism in American life. It is time, Berube and Ruth write, to ask whether that resurgence requires us to rethink the parameters and practices of academic freedom. Touching as well on contingent faculty, whose speech is often inadequately protected, It's Not Free Speech insists that we reimagine shared governance to augment both academic freedom and antidiscrimination initiatives on campuses. Faculty across the nation can develop protocols that account for both the new realities-from the rise of social media to the decline of tenure-and the old realities of long-standing inequities and abuses that the classic liberal conception of academic freedom did nothing to address. This book will resonate for anyone who has followed debates over #MeToo, Black Lives Matter, Critical Race Theory, and "cancel culture"; more specifically, it should have a major impact on many facets of academic life, from the classroom to faculty senates to the office of the general counsel.

'This book makes uncomfortable reading both in its detailed analysis of terrorism and its causes, and in the critique of state responses, particularly in modern times. It is unusual to have such a defence of a 'human rights framework' from a counter-terrorism practitioner rather than from within the legal fraternity. It is this that makes the case even more persuasive. All who are involved in counter-terrorism strategy should consider carefully the arguments put forward.'Global Policy JournalFor more than 150 years, nationalist, populist, Marxist and religious terrorists have all been remarkably consistent and explicit about their aims: provoke states into over-reacting to the threat they pose, then take advantage of the divisions in society that result. Yet, state after state falls into the trap that terrorists have set for them. Faced with a major terrorist threat, governments seem to reach instinctively for the most coercive tools at their disposal and, in doing so, risk exacerbating the situation. This policy response seems to be driven in equal parts by a lack of understanding in the true nature of the threat, an exaggerated faith in the use of force, and a lack of faith that democratic values are sufficiently flexible to allow for an effective counter-terrorism response. Drawing on a wealth of data from both historical and contemporary sources, Avoiding the Terrorist Trap addresses common misconceptions underpinning flawed counter-terrorist policies, identifies the core strategies that guide terrorist operations, consolidates the latest research on the underlying drivers of terrorist violence, and then demonstrates why a counter-terrorism strategy grounded in respect for human rights and the rule of law is the most effective approach to defeating terrorism.

This book offers a new theoretical framework for free speech by critically analyzing the major justifications for free speech. Unlike most theories that justify free speech on single grounds, this book argues for a justification; namely the double grounded principled approach; that combines and revises the arguments of equal autonomy and democratic participation at the same time. It claims that a revised and critical blending of these two justifications can serve free speech to be grounded on strong principled arguments. The book has both a theoretical and practical focus: first, it discusses the conceptual circumstances of free speech and major theoretical justifications for free speech and then, it applies the developed theoretical framework to the cases of academic freedom, media freedom and hate speech separately. This volume will appeal to readers who are interested in general free speech theories as well as readers who look for an alternative view on specific topics such as academic freedom, media freedom and hate speech.

These 21 national case studies of internal migration were written especially for this unusual and useful volume. . . . The resulting blend of the general and the particular, especially when viewed across the 21 countries, will be useful to a wide range of basic and applied social scientists. "Choice"

Social and economic change within countries can often be traced through the movement of population at the national level. The abandonment or return to inner cities, the volume of movement within and between rural and urban areas, the movement of the elderly, all of these factors and others combine to give us an important picture of national change.

The "International Handbook on Internal Migration" is a compilation of 21 case studies, each focusing on a different country, each written specifically for this book by an expert in the field. Extensively illustrated with tables and figures, the book will serve as an invaluable reference text. It will also be of great interest to students of the social sciences, especially sociology, economics, and geography.

Coretta Scott was committed to social justice long before she met and married Martin Luther King, Jr. She shared in all the dangers that King's prominence in the civil rights movement brought, and she saw herself as full partner in the movement. Yet she generally remained in the background, supporting King's work and caring for their children, until his assassination transformed her into a movement leader in her own right: founder of the King Center, leader of a mass demonstration for a renewed national commitment to nonviolent social change, force behind the establishment of the national holiday bearing her husband's name. This book follows the trajectory of Coretta Scott King's tumultuous life at the heart of the most important American social movement of the 20th century.

Coretta Scott was committed to social justice long before she met and married Martin Luther King, Jr. She shared in all the dangers that King's prominence in the civil rights movement brought, and she saw herself as full partner in the movement. Yet she generally remained in the background, supporting King's work and caring for their children, until his assassination transformed her into a movement leader in her own right: founder of the King Center, leader of a mass demonstration for a renewed national commitment to nonviolent social change, force behind the establishment of the national holiday bearing her husband's name. This book follows the trajectory of Coretta Scott King's tumultuous life at the heart of the most important American social movement of the 20th century.

Transnational skilled migrants are often thought of as privileged migrants with flexible citizenship. This book challenges this assumption by examining the diverse migration trajectories, experiences and dilemmas faced by tertiary-educated mobile Malaysian migrants through a postcolonial lens. It argues that mobile Malaysians' culture of migration can be understood as an outcome and consequence of British colonial legacies - of race, education, and citizenship - inherited and exacerbated by the post-colonial Malaysian state. Drawing from archival research and interviews with respondents in Singapore, United Kingdom, and Malaysia, this book examines how mobile Malaysians make sense of their migration lives, and contextualizes their stories to the broader socio-political structures in colonial Malaya and post-colonial Malaysia. Showing how legacies of colonialism initiate, facilitate, and propagate migration in a multi-ethnic, post-colonial migrant-sending country beyond the end of colonial rule, this text is a key read for scholars of migration, citizenship, ethnicity, nationalism and postcolonialism.

This edited volume presents a critique of citizenship as exclusively and even originally a European or 'Western' institution. It explores the ways in which we may begin to think differently about citizenship as political subjectivity.

In 1998 the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities entered into force. This study evaluates how the standards of the Framework Convention function in reality and whether the interests of minorities are best served by this form of protection by the international community. The author assesses the use of international principles on rights for minorities in Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, three states with a difficult socio-economic situation and large minority populations. Two specific principles embodied in the Framework Convention are focused upon. The first, the principle of non-discrimination, is discussed with regard to the Roma minority in Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, the Muslim minority in Bulgaria, and in relation to the Benes Decrees affecting the Hungarians and German minority in Slovakia. The second principle, protection of linguistic rights, is discussed in relation to the Hungarian minority in Slovakia and Romania and to the Roma minorities. Specific to this book: * Provides a detailed examination of the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, which entered into force in 1998 * Looks specifically at the minorities of Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria * Of particular interest in light of the recent accession of other Eastern European countries to the European Union

This volume presents a range of topical investigations into the human rights field as well as providing an original and provocative investigation of some of the topic through the theoretical lens of silence.