The Cultural Defense of Nations presents a timely, thought-provoking thesis on some of the most pressing issues of our time-global immigration, majority groups, and national identity. Never in human history has so much attention been paid to human movement. Global migration yields demographic shifts of historical significance, profoundly shaking up world politics-as has been seen in the refugee crisis, the Brexit referendum, and the 2016 U.S. election. The Cultural Defense of Nations addresses one of the greatest challenges facing liberalism today: is a liberal state justified in restricting immigration and access to citizenship in order to protect its majority culture? Liberal theorists and human rights advocates recognize the rights of minorities to maintain their unique cultural identity, but assume that majorities have neither a need for similar rights nor a moral ground for defending them. The majority culture, so the argument goes, "can take care of itself." However, with more than 250 million immigrants worldwide, majority groups increasingly seek to protect what they consider to be their national identity. In recent years, liberal democracies have introduced proactive immigration and citizenship policies that are designed to defend the majority culture. This book shifts the focus from the prevailing discussion of cultural minority rights and, for the first time, addreses the cultural rights of majorities. It proposes a new approach by which liberal democracies can welcome immigrants without fundamentally changing their cultural heritage, forsaking their liberal traditions, or slipping into extreme nationalism. Disregarding the topic of cultural majority rights is not only theoretically wrong, but also politically unwise. With forms of "majority nationalism" rising and the growing popularity of extreme right-wing parties in the West, time has come to liberally address the new challenge.

Como un abogado de inmigracion practicando desde hace muchos anos, he tenido que ayudar a muchos clientes a resolver algunos de los problemas mas comunes, simplemente porque no tenian conocimiento de las leyes de inmigracion de los Estados Unidos. Ya sea que usted nacio en los EE.UU., o que ahora esta en los EE.UU., o incluso si usted esta planeando venir a America, este libro es para usted. Usted DEBE leer este libro, sobre todo como extranjero, porque la informacion que usted encontrara aqui le ayudara a mantenerse fuera de problemas y dirigir su camino desde el momento en que llega en America hasta convertirse en ciudadano de los EE.UU. si asi lo desea. Cuando usted lea este libro usted aprendera acerca de algunas de las cosas que usted debe y no debe hacer cuando se llega a los Estados Unidos. Otros le diran cosas que no siempre puede ser cierto, asi que no se deje enganar por personas que no conocen la ley. Deje que este libro sea su guia.

Refugees are on the move around the globe. Prosperous nations are rapidly adjusting their laws to crack down on the so-called undeserving. Australia and Canada have each sought international reputations as humanitarian do-gooders, especially in the area of refugee admissions. In Humanitarianism, Identity, and Nation, Catherine Dauvergne traces the connections between the nation-building tradition of immigration and the challenge of admitting people who do not bring some obvious value to the nation. She argues that in the absence of the justice standard for admitting outsiders, liberal nations instead share a humanitarian consensus about letting in needy outsiders. This consensus constrains and shapes migration law and policy. In a detailed consideration of how refugees and others in need are admitted to Australia and Canada, she links humanitarianism and national identity to explain the current state of the law. The book will be of interest to lawyers, socio-legal scholars, law students, policy makers, and anyone interested in a central aspect of Canadian public law and policy. meet the needs of the 21st century.

The conditions for non-EU migrant workers to gain legal entry to Britain, France, and Germany are at the same time similar and quite different. To explain this variation this book compares the fine-grained legal categories for migrant workers in each country, and examines the interaction of economic, social, and cultural rationales in determining migrant legality. Rather than investigating the failure of borders to keep unauthorized migrants out, the author highlights the different policies of each country as "border-drawing" actions. Policymakers draw lines between different migrant groups, and between migrants and citizens, through considerations of both their economic utility and skills, but also their places of origin and prospects for social integration. Overall, migrant worker legality is arranged against the backdrop of the specific vision each country has of itself in an economically competitive, globalized world with rapidly changing welfare and citizenship models.

As a nation of immigrants, the United States has long accepted that citizens who identify with an ancestral homeland may hold dual loyalties; yet Americans have at times regarded the persistence of foreign ties with suspicion, seeing them as a sign of potential disloyalty and a threat to national security. Diaspora Lobbies and the US Government brings together a group of distinguished scholars of international politics and international migration to examine this contradiction in the realm of American policy making, ultimately concluding that the relationship between diaspora groups and the government can greatly affect foreign policy. This relationship is not unidirectional--as much as immigrants make an effort to shape foreign policy, government legislators and administrators also seek to enlist them in furthering American interests. From Israel to Cuba and from Ireland to Iraq, the case studies in this volume illustrate how potential or ongoing conflicts raise the stakes for successful policy outcomes. Contributors provide historical and sociological context, gauging the influence of diasporas based on population size and length of time settled in the United States, geographic concentration, access to resources from their own members or through other groups, and the nature of their involvement back in their homelands. This collection brings a fresh perspective to a rarely discussed aspect of the design of US foreign policy and offers multiple insights into dynamics that may determine how the United States will engage other nations in future decades.

Les musulmans revendiquent en Suisse, en France et ailleurs en Occident un cimetiere ou un carre reserve exclusivement a eux pour que leurs tombes soient separees de celles des non-musulmans. En attendant, 90% des musulmans qui meurent en Suisse sont rapatries dans leurs pays d'origine. Cet ouvrage expose les normes musulmanes et les compare aux normes juives et chretiennes qui, elles aussi, se heurtent aux normes suisses opposees a la segregation entre les morts pour sauvegarder la paix confessionnelle. Bien que cet ouvrage soit concentre sur la Suisse, il souleve un probleme qui se retrouve dans d'autres pays occidentaux ainsi que dans les pays musulmans. Il soutient que la paix entre les vivants passe necessairement par la paix entre les morts. L'auteur Sami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh: Chretien d'origine palestinienne. Citoyen suisse. Docteur en droit. Habilite a diriger des recherches (HDR). Professeur des universites (CNU-France). Responsable du droit arabe et musulman a l'Institut suisse de droit compare (1980-2009). Professeur invite dans differentes universites en France, en Italie et en Suisse. Directeur du Centre de droit arabe et musulman. Auteur de nombreux ouvrages dont une traduction francaise, italienne et anglaise du Coran.

Dopo una lunga presenza in Andalusia e in Sicilia, i musulmani hanno dovuto lasciare queste due regioni. Nonostante le tensioni tra i paesi occidentali e le loro minoranze musulmane, e difficile immaginare che questi paesi possano rimpatriarle. Si ritrovano le stesse tensioni tra i movimenti islamisti e i regimi musulmani. Ci sono certo delle ragioni politiche, economiche e sociali dietro queste tensioni. Si nota tuttavia una rivendicazione costante da parte dei musulmani coinvolti: il diritto di applicare la loro legge religiosa tanto nei paesi musulmani che nei paesi occidenta-li, e il loro rifiuto di sottoporsi alle leggi in vigore in questi paesi. Questa rivendicazione risulta dalla concezione musulmana della legge. Per superare queste tensioni, e necessario capire questa concezione. Qual e dunque questa concezione? Qual e il suo impatto su un paese come la Svizzera? Quali risposte dare alle rivendicazioni dei musulmani? Sono le tre domande alle quali questo libro vuole rispondere. L'autore Sami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh: Cristiano di origine palestinese. Cittadino svizzero. Dottore in legge. Abilitato a dirigere ricerche (HDR). Professore delle universita (CNU-Francia). Responsabile del diritto arabo e musulmano all'Istituto svizzero di diritto comparato (1980-2009). Visiting professor in varie universita in Francia, Italia e Svizzera. Direttore del Centro di diritto arabo e musulmano. Autore di tanti libri e di una traduzione francese, italiana e inglese del Corano.

Apres une longue presence en Andalousie et en Sicile, les musulmans ont du quitter ces regions. Malgre les tensions entre les pays occidentaux et leurs minorites musulmanes, il est difficile d'imaginer que ces pays puissent les rapatrier. On retrouve les memes tensions entre les mouvements islamistes et les regimes musulmans. Il y a certes des raisons politiques, economiques et sociales derriere ces tensions. Mais on remarque une revendication constante de la part des musulmans impliques dans ces tensions: le droit d'appliquer leur loi religieuse tant dans les pays musul-mans qu'occidentaux, et leur refus de se soumettre aux lois en vigueur dans ces pays. Cette revendication decoule de la conception musulmane de la loi. Et si on veut de-samorcer les tensions, il est necessaire de comprendre cette conception. Quelle est donc cette conception? Quel est son impact sur un pays comme la Suisse? Quelles reponses donner aux revendications des musulmans? Ce sont les trois questions auxquelles ce livre veut repondre. L'auteur Sami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh: Chretien d'origine palestinienne. Citoyen suisse. Docteur en droit. Habilite a diriger des recherches (HDR). Professeur des universites (CNU-France). Responsable du droit arabe et musulman a l'Institut suisse de droit compare (1980-2009). Professeur invite dans differentes universites en France, en Italie et en Suisse. Directeur du Centre de droit arabe et musulman. Auteur de nombreux ouvrages dont une traduction francaise, italienne et anglaise du Coran.

Entre quinze et vingt millions de musulmans vivent actuellement en Occident, dont environ 450'000 en Suisse. Cet ouvrage, consacre a leur situation dans ce pays, aborde des problemes qui se trouvent pratiquement dans tous les pays occidentaux. La premiere partie decrit la conception musulmane des minorites a travers les siecles et son implication sur la migration. La deuxieme traite des minorites en Suisse en general. La troisieme est consacree aux revendications de la minorite musulmane dans cinq domaines: la reconnaissance, la liberte de religion et de culte, l'ecole, le droit de famille, les interdits alimentaires et les cimetieres. Cet ouvrage demontre que si la communaute musulmane poursuit sa croissance actuelle sans que son systeme de valeurs et de references soit adapte, elle representera un risque reel pour le systeme juridique et democratique des pays occidentaux et pourra mettre en danger leur unite territoriale comme en ex-Yougoslavie. Bien qu'il touche un sujet sensible dans cette periode de tension, cet ouvrage est benefique tant aux musulmans qu'aux non-musulmans. Analyser les problemes est un prealable pour leur solution. L'auteur Sami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh: Chretien d'origine palestinienne. Citoyen suisse. Docteur en droit. Habilite a diriger des recherches (HDR). Professeur des universites (CNU-France). Responsable du droit arabe et musulman a l'Institut suisse de droit compare (1980-2009). Professeur invite dans differentes universites en France, en Italie et en Suisse. Directeur du Centre de droit arabe et musulman. Auteur de nombreux ouvrages dont une traduction francaise, italienne et anglaise du Coran.

Although Americans generally think that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security is focused only on preventing terrorism, one office within that agency has a humanitarian mission. Its Asylum Office adjudicates applications from people fleeing persecution in their homelands. Lives in the Balance is a careful empirical analysis of how Homeland Security decided these asylum cases over a recent fourteen-year period. Day in and day out, asylum officers make decisions with life-or-death consequences: determining which applicants are telling the truth and are at risk of persecution in their home countries, and which are ineligible for refugee status in America. In Lives in the Balance, the authors analyze a database of 383,000 cases provided to them by the government in order to better understand the effect on grant rates of a host of factors unrelated to the merits of asylum claims, including the one-year filing deadline, whether applicants entered the United States with a visa, whether applicants had dependents, whether they were represented, how many asylum cases their adjudicator had previously decided, and whether or not their adjudicator was a lawyer. The authors also examine the degree to which decisions were consistent among the eight regional asylum offices and within each of those offices. The authors' recommendations , including repeal of the one-year deadline , would improve the adjudication process by reducing the impact of non-merits factors on asylum decisions. If adopted by the government, these proposals would improve the accuracy of outcomes for those whose lives hang in the balance.

Culling the Masses questions the widely held view that in the long run democracy and racism cannot coexist. David Scott FitzGerald and David Cook-Martin show that democracies were the first countries in the Americas to select immigrants by race, and undemocratic states the first to outlaw discrimination. Through analysis of legal records from twenty-two countries between 1790 and 2010, the authors present a history of the rise and fall of racial selection in the Western Hemisphere. The United States led the way in using legal means to exclude "inferior" ethnic groups. Starting in 1790, Congress began passing nationality and immigration laws that prevented Africans and Asians from becoming citizens, on the grounds that they were inherently incapable of self-government. Similar policies were soon adopted by the self-governing colonies and dominions of the British Empire, eventually spreading across Latin America as well. Undemocratic regimes in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Cuba reversed their discriminatory laws in the 1930s and 1940s, decades ahead of the United States and Canada. The conventional claim that racism and democracy are antithetical-because democracy depends on ideals of equality and fairness, which are incompatible with the notion of racial inferiority-cannot explain why liberal democracies were leaders in promoting racist policies and laggards in eliminating them. Ultimately, the authors argue, the changed racial geopolitics of World War II and the Cold War was necessary to convince North American countries to reform their immigration and citizenship laws.

Since 1996, when new, harsher deportation laws went into effect, the United States has deported millions of noncitizens back to their countries of origin. While the rights of immigrants-with or without legal status-as well as the appropriate pathway to legal status are the subject of much debate, hardly any attention has been paid to what actually happens to deportees once they "pass beyond our aid." In fact, we have fostered a new diaspora of deportees, many of whom are alone and isolated, with strong ties to their former communities in the United States. Daniel Kanstroom, author of the authoritative history of deportation, Deportation Nation, turns his attention here to the current deportation system of the United States and especially deportation's aftermath: the actual effects on individuals, families, U.S. communities, and the countries that must process and repatriate ever-increasing numbers of U.S. deportees. Few know that once deportees have been expelled to places like Guatemala, Cambodia, Haiti, and El Salvador, many face severe hardship, persecution and, in extreme instances, even death. Addressing a wide range of political, social, and legal issues, Kanstroom considers whether our deportation system "works" in any meaningful sense. He also asks a number of under-examined legal and philosophical questions: What is the relationship between the "rule of law" and the border? Where do rights begin and end? Do (or should) deportees ever have a "right to return"? After demonstrating that deportation in the U.S. remains an anachronistic, ad hoc, legally questionable affair, the book concludes with specific reform proposals for a more humane and rational deportation system.

A recent development in the immigration policies of several European states is to make the admission of foreign nationals dependent upon criteria relating to their integration. As the practice of 'integration testing abroad' becomes more widespread, this book endeavours to clarify the legal implications which have hitherto remained poorly understood and studied. The book begins by looking at the situation in the Netherlands, which was the first EU Member State to introduce pre-entry integration requirements. It explores the historical and political origins of the Dutch Act on Integration Abroad and explains how, in this national context, integration has become a criterion for the selection of immigrants. It then examines how integration requirements must be evaluated from the point of view of European and international law, including human rights treaties, EU migration directives and association agreements and the law on non-discrimination. The book identifies the legal standards set by these instruments with regard to integration testing abroad and draws conclusions as to the lawfulness of the Dutch approach.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2010 im Fachbereich Jura - Andere Rechtssysteme, Rechtsvergleichung, Note: 14, Universitat Osnabruck, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Soziale Rechte, also insbesondere das Recht auf Arbeit, das Recht auf soziale Sicherheit und das Recht auf Wohnung, leiden von je her und immer noch unter einer verbreiteten Geringschatzung der Juristen" - derart beschrieb Helmut Simon, ehemaliger Richter am Bundesverfassungsgericht, die Situation sozialer (Grund-)Rechte Anfang der 90er Jahre. Heute stellt sich das Problem grundrechtlich verankerter sozialer Gewahrleistungen nicht nur in nationalen Rechtsordnungen, sondern aufgrund des immer weiter fortschreitenden europaischen Integrationsprozesses auch auf der Ebene der Europaischen Union. Inwieweit die Einschatzung Simons auch heute noch gilt, welche Ursachen bzw. Besonderheiten sozialer Grundrechte zu einer derartigen Geringschatzung fuhr(t)en und inwieweit sich auf Ebene der Europaischen Union gleichartige Problemstellungen finden, sind einige der in dieser Arbeit zu klarenden Fragen. Zunachst wird dabei neben dem historischen Ursprung geklart, welche Gewahrleistungen vom Begriff sozialer Grundrechte umfasst werden. Sodann wird festgestellt, ob derartige soziale Grundrechte im deutschen Grundgesetz sowie im Recht der Europaischen Union zu finden und welche Verburgungen ihnen zu entnehmen sind. Daran schliesst sich die Frage nach den Berechtigten an, also den Grundrechtstragern, sowie den Verpflichteten, den Grundrechtsadressaten. Anschliessend wird untersucht, wie die sozialen Grundrechte in den Rechtsordnungen geschutzt und somit zur verbindlichen Rechtsquelle werden, bevor ein Fazit gezogen wir

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2010 im Fachbereich Jura - Europarecht, Volkerrecht, Internationales Privatrecht, Note: 5.0, Universitat Zurich (Rechtwissenschafltiches Institut), Sprache: Deutsch, Anmerkungen: Schweizer Note 5 entspricht Gut, Abstract: Heute gibt es auf der Erde 193 Staaten, diese stehen ca. 3500 Ethnien gegenuber. In Europa sind es 300 Volksgruppen mit 103 Mio. Angehorigen. Inzwischen ist jeder siebte Europaer Angehoriger einer Minderheit, weil die Menschen aufgrund des Schutzes der Demokratie, der Menschenrechte und der Rechtstaatlichkeit zu ihrer Identitat zuruckfinden, wachsen die Minder-heiten stetig an. Im vergangenen Jahrhundert hat die Zahl der Staaten Europas von 14 auf 51 zugenommen und mit jedem neuen Staat wachst die Anzahl Minderheiten uberproportional. Sprachliche Minderheiten mit weniger als 300'000 Angehorigen sind besonders stark gefahrdet und ungefahr 80% der Minderheiten in Europa sind auf den Fortschritt des Minderheitenschutzes angewiesen. In meiner Seminararbeit widme ich mich dem Minderheitenschutz ab 1945 bis heute. Dabei werde ich auf die einzelne Organisationen eingehen, ihre Tatigkeiten und Entwick-lungen untersuchen und den heutigen Stand des Minderheitenschutzes aufzeigen.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2010 im Fachbereich Jura - Europarecht, Volkerrecht, Internationales Privatrecht, Note: 1,0, Universitat Bremen, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Ob bzw. inwieweit die Europaische Union demokratisch legitimiert ist, stellt eine vieldiskutierte, unter unterschiedlichsten Gesichtspunkten beleuchtete und auf Grund ihrer grossen Bedeutung fur Millionen von Menschen ausserst wichtige Frage dar. Trotz der unterschiedlichen Positionen zu diesem Thema herrscht weitgehende Einigkeit daruber, dass es ein europaisches Demokratiedefizit, in welchem Ausmass sei dahin gestellt, gibt (vgl. Dingwerth et al. 2010: 80; Blauberger 2010: 52). Besonders harsch wird Kritik bisweilen am Europaischen Gerichtshof formuliert, die in der Forderung der Zerstorung" des EuGH kumuliert (vgl. Frenz 2010: 669). Hintergrund der Kritik ist die politische Rolle des EuGH als Motor der Integration," der massgeblich an der Gestaltung der EU beteiligt ist (vgl. Dobler 2008: 510, 524; Frenz 2010: 666). Seinen Einfluss ubt der EuGH aus, indem er Gesetze nicht nur auslegt, sondern selbst normsetzend wirkt. Dieses durch die Urteile des EuGH entstehende Richterrecht wird in der politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur vergleichsweise wenig beachtet (vgl. Schmidt 2008: 102). Besonders die Frage nach der Legitimitat solcher normsetzender Akte wird vor allem in der juristischen Diskussion gestellt (vgl. z. B. Dobler 2008; Bydlinski 1985). So es in der politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur doch Abwagungen uber die demokratische Legitimitat des Richterrechts gibt, basieren diese entweder auf der Gleichsetzung von Legitimitat und Folgebereitschaft (vgl. z. B. Gibson/Caldeira 1998) oder, bei einer normativeren Herangehensweise, bleiben sie ohne klare Definition, welches denn die Kriterien fur die Legitimation des von Richtern geschaffenen Rechts uberhaupt sein konnten (vgl. z. B. Scharpf 2009). Sich uber diese Kriterien im Klaren zu sein, ist jedoch notwendig zur Beurteilung der Praxis am EuGH, den