Over three-quarters of a century, the UN has been impacted by major changes in the balance of powers among its member states. This unique and insightful book offers detailed commentary on its historic effectiveness and reviews the capacity of the UN to reform and adapt to global challenges. This book constitutes a judgement on the overwhelming importance as well as the vulnerability of multilateralism at a time when the UN has never been more indispensable This book describes: How autocracy in the US, China and Russia constrains the UN Why North-South politics has been a constant feature of intergovernmental debate How the UN development system became an extended patronage system What the UN learnt from its peacekeeping failures, and how it continues to adapt Four areas of needed and feasible reform to restore UN credibility. This impressive book will be vital to the staff of permanent missions of member governments to the UN, as well as UN secretariat staff. It will also benefit researchers exploring international organizations and the staff of development NGOs, as well as a broader audience of those interested in UN and global politics.

This book explores and explains the reasons why the idea of universal history, a form of teleological history which holds that all peoples are travelling along the same path and destined to end at the same point, persists in political thought. Prominent in Western political thought since the middle of the eighteenth century, the idea of universal history holds that all peoples can be situated in the narrative of history on a continuum between a start and an end point, between the savage state of nature and civilized modernity. Despite various critiques, the underlying teleological principle still prevails in much contemporary thinking and policy planning, including post-conflict peace-building and development theory and practice. Anathema to contemporary ideals of pluralism and multiculturalism, universal history means that not everyone gets to write their own story, only a privileged few. For the rest, history and future are taken out of their hands, subsumed and assimilated into other people's narrative.

Chaya Arora assesses the diplomatic path of influence taken by German decision-makers during the early nineties in pursuit of their cautiously articulated interest in and commitment to the eastward enlargement of NATO."

Taking an historical approach, the author explores both how the UN has affected world politics and how the international political system has formed and limited the work of the Organization. He looks at why the UN was created, how it was affected by the Cold War and how successive Secretaries General struggled to find a role for themselves. The book shows how negative and even hostile views of the UN were changed by the end of the Cold War and by the UN-sponsored action in the Gulf, why the UN overreached itself in Bosnia and Somalia and how it failed to stop the genocide in Rwanda. While the main focus of this book is the role of the UN in promoting international peace and security, it also examines the work of the UN in other areas, including human rights and environmental protection.

During its comparatively short life as a set of institutions, the European Union (EU) has experienced rapid growth in size, remit and policy competence. In addition, the resulting analytical and factual literature has more than matched this growth. As Roger Levy notes, '[a] visit to the institutions of the EU now requires a travel itinerary on the scale of the cultural tour once favoured by the aristocracy.' This valuable and detailed study provides, for the first time, a systematic empirical analysis of EU programme management in all of the main spending areas over a 20 year period. After setting out the management framework in each area, Roger Levy looks methodically at audit evidence to build up a comprehensive performance profile. The management of EU spending programmes is subject to almost continual media speculation about its propriety and efficiency. The unprecedented resignation of the Santer Commission en masse in March 1999 was a direct result of its management failures. Using up-to-date, original data, this valuable book provides an empirical antidote to much of the speculation which dominates this issue. This accessible analysis of the vast data available on this contentious area will prove invaluable reference to anyone studying the European Union, as well as European and national government officials, research organisations and pressure groups.

The project includes almost 30 contributions from prominent worldwide scholars assessing the state of EU US relations after the war in Iraq. These articles were commissioned at the meeting of the 25 EU Foreign Ministers at Rhodes in May 2003, during the EU Greek Presidency. EU US Relations offers answers to the major questions and thorny problem of the future of transatlantic relations. The book presents viewpoints from both sides of the Atlantic, from academics and politicians. It also offers the potential solutions as to the future of EU US relations and the strengthening and organization of the common foreign policy of the EU after the war in Iraq. GILLES ADREANNI DAVID ANDREWS EMILIOS AVGOULEAS SCOTT BARRETT DICK BENSCHOP TOM BENTLEY CHRISTOPH BERTRAM JAN DIRK BLAAUW ELMAR BROK JOHN BRUTON TED GALEN CARPENTER THEODORE A. COULOMBIS KEMAL DERVIS A.A. FATOUROS TIMOTHY GARTON ASH BRONISLAW GEREMEK MISHA GLENNY ALAN K. HENRIKSON CHRISTOPHER HILL STANLEY HOFFMANN DIMITRIS KONSTAS F. STEPHEN LARRABEE JONATHAN LIPKIN ANAND MENON KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS JOSEPH NYE GEORGE A. PAPANDREOU Greek Foreign Minister GEORGIOS PAPASTAMKOS WILLIAM PFAFF FRIEDBERT PFLGER POTSDAM CENTRE FOR TRANSATLANTIC

Cette version revisee est basee sur les evolutions applicables a compter du 1er janvier 2021. Elle contient des dispositions nouvelles ou revisees concernant notamment le transport des systemes de stockage electrique (y compris les batteries au lithium installees dans les unites de transport de marchandises et les batteries defectueuses), les dechets medicaux et les matieres radioactives. La pandemie COVID-19 a entraine une augmentation de la demande de gaz medicaux (en particulier d'oxygene medical), qui, avec les substances infectieuses, dangereuses ou radioactives, sont transportees avec un soin particulier et sont couvertes dans cette edition. L'Accord concernant le transport international des marchandises dangereuses par route (ADR) est un outil important de facilitation des echanges et contribue ainsi a reduire le risque de protectionnisme. Sauf pour les marchandises dangereuses dont le transport est totalement interdit, et sauf lorsque le transport est reglemente ou interdit pour des raisons autres que la securite, le transport international de marchandises dangereuses par route est autorise par l'ADR sur les territoires des Parties contractantes, a condition que les dispositions de l'accord sont respectes. En tant que partie contractante, pendant la periode de transition et post-Brexit, le Royaume-Uni continuera d'appliquer les exigences ADR. This revised version is based on changes applicable from 1 January 2021. It contains new or revised provisions concerning in particular the transport of electrical storage systems (including lithium batteries installed in goods transport units and defective batteries), medical waste and radioactive materials. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to an increase in demand for medical gases (particularly medical oxygen), which, along with infectious, hazardous or radioactive substances are being transported with special care and are covered in this edition. The Agreement concerning the International Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Road (ADR) is an important trade facilitation tool and thus helps reduce the risk of protectionism. Except for dangerous goods which are totally prohibited for transport, and except when transport is regulated or prohibited for reasons other than safety, the international transport of dangerous goods by road is authorized by ADR in the territories of the Contracting Parties, provided that the provisions of the agreement are respected. As a Contracting Party, during the transitional and post-Brexit period, the United Kingdom will continue to apply ADR requirements.

This highly topical book is an original contribution to the current literature on counter-terrorist financing, compliance and soft law. Specifically, the book focuses on Financial Action Task Force recommendations and counter-terrorism financing legislation. This thought-provoking investigation demonstrates that an understanding of the counter-terrorism financing regime can shed light on the departure from regular international law-making processes, and on the emerging forms of international governance in an era of globalisation. An understanding of the regime s multi-layered approach shows how this can be replicated as a tool in the prevention and resolution of conflict and the promotion of international justice in areas such as human trafficking, drug trafficking, and weapons of mass destruction. This book will be an invaluable resource for those studying and researching in law, terrorism studies, criminal justice and finance, in particular comparative law and compliance with hard and soft law. It will also be relevant to policymakers and practitioners working in counter-terrorism.

The patent disconnection between the institutions of the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been widely attributed by political leaders and scholars to a 'communications gap', that is, to the way EU affairs are mediated by the media, and to the apparent lack of interest by national elites in conveying the importance of Europe. This book challenges this 'mediation theory' and suggests instead a cultural and systemic explanation for the distant and bureaucratic character of the European Union. Apportioning the blame for the communication gap to the media and national politicians neglects two real deficits which prevent Europe from enjoying a vibrant public sphere: a deficit of domesticisation, a popular disconnection with the idea of the EU, and a deficit of politicisation with European politics, it being difficult to categorise as through traditional methods of 'left vs. right'. This book suggests that popular disengagement with the EU is a consequence of the fact that Europe as a cultural community is an interdependent continent rather than a nation and that, as an political institution, the EU is a pseudo-confederation full of anti-publicity bias, elite-driven integration, corporatism and diplomacy. The result is a book that is an essential read for students and scholars of political communication and of the European Union.

European countries have much in common. They are geographically and culturally close and they all face the problem of relative weakness vis-a-vis larger actors. However, while their many similarities lead them to cooperate, their geopolitical differences and specificities translate into conflicting priorities over how to arrange the terms of cooperation. European security is hence defined by a powerful tension between conflict and cooperation. And Europe's most powerful countries largely delineate the mechanics of such tension. By examining the interplay between geopolitical change, British, French and German grand strategy and the evolution of NATO and the European Union's (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) between 2001 and 2010, this book seeks to shed light on the nature and evolution of European security. Only by examining the grand strategies of Europe's most powerful countries can we get a sense of their interests. However, in order to properly grasp the nature and evolution of such interests we must observe how they play out at the level of specific debates. Very often, it is only when it comes to organising the specific terms of cooperation that conflicting priorities can be properly appreciated. Herein lies the importance of the EU-NATO conundrum. Throughout the 2001-2010 period, NATO and CSDP remained the best thermometers of the powerful tension between conflict and cooperation that defines European security. This book is thus fundamental reading for students, academics and practitioners with an interest in European security, geopolitics, NATO and CSDP.

Departing from the idea that political controversies are embedded in the very framework of European integration, this volume focuses on the relationship between politicisation and European democracy. The contributors to this edited volume trace the various ways of understanding 'politicisation' before and beyond the 2019 European elections. The aim is to offer constructive reinterpretations of the concept for further research in the field. Encompassing different approaches, the book shows a plurality of perspectives and provides innovative analytical tools to make sense of the phenomenon of politicisation in the EU context. Assuming that EU politicisation can be seen both as vice and virtue depending on the way in which it takes place, the authors analyse under what conditions it has a positive or negative influence over European democracy. Emphasising that scholars ought to be aware of the normative assumptions underlying the conceptualisation of politicisation, the book illustrates how many of the features in European politics that were intensified during the Covid-19 pandemic were already present earlier. Tracing the Politicisation of the EU will be of interest to students and scholars in EU Studies, Comparative Politics, Media and Communication, Political Theory and Political Sociology.

This book imagines how Europe might re-organise and re-group after the COVID-19 crisis by assessing its effectiveness when responding to it. For this purpose, it directs its focus on: i) sovereignty challenges; ii) technological challenges and iii) governance challenges. These three challenges do not present hermetic legal problems, they intersect and connect on many levels. The book shows this by examining the relationship between public and private power, and illustrating how the rise of technocratic authority is deeply connected to the choice of technological solutions. It illustrates how constitutional decisions taken during states of emergency give rise to private governance challenges related to cybersecurity and data protection. Experts from the fields of EU governance, data protection, and technology explore these questions to provide answers to how the EU might develop in the future.

This book analyzes changing national preferences towards the EU CFSP and ESDP by providing detailed accounts of British, French and German crisis decision-making in FYROM, Afghanistan, Lebanon and DR Congo. While transatlantic relations remain important, crisis management under the EU label is increasingly accepted in national capitals.

In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is separate from peace enforcement blurs this difference and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. Solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French, and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, this book integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping. It exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan. The peacekeeping system has largely outlived its usefulness and is bound to fail when applied to currently predominant violent and messy conflagrations. Lacking radical changes in that system, the UN should disarm, restricting the peacekeeping to military observers' missions and to subcontracting other operations out to military alliances and regional organizations. The widely lamented massacres of innocent civilians under UN Peacekeeper eyes in Rwanda, Srebrenica, and the Congo influenced neither the UN's approach nor the analysis of the methods. In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is distinct from peace enforcement blurs this distinction and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. In fact, it is the UN's definition of self-defense, which is understood to include actions of troops against forceful obstructions to discharging their mandates, that confuses the issue. Nevertheless, that distinction remains a cornerstone of the UN doctrine. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. This myth persists, even in cases when the UN Security Council undertakes explicit authorization to enforce specific goals of the mandate. Sitkowski offers a critical re-appraisal of the fundamental principles of peacekeeping, including both the largest successes (Namibia) and worst disasters (Rwanda). Drawing heavily on personal accounts, the book is solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda. It integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping originating from High-Level Panels and endorsed by Kofi Annan. Finally it exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan.

In May 2004, after bringing their legislation into accordance with EU regulations, ten more countries joined the European Union. The contributors to this volume assess the impact of this historical development on gender relations in the new and old EU member states. Instead of focusing on either western or eastern Europe, this book investigates the similarities and differences in diverse parts of Europe. Although initially limited, gender equality was part of the original framework of the European Union, an organization often more open than national governments to feminist demands, as this volume illustrates with case studies from eastern and western Europe. The enlargement process thus provides some important policy instruments for increasing equality between men and women.

Mainstream economists have given insufficient attention to regional and urban economics and economic geography. Comparing nations in the European Union and North America, this book examines government activities aimed specifically at regional economic development. It provides a wide ranging consideration of numerous facets of regional economic development, encompassing both national and subnational levels. Proposing that a period of economic prosperity is the best time to invest in regional development, the author indicates the need for a direct role by the federal government.

The study is based on a review of the U.S., Canada, and Mexico, the European Union, and supranational organizations, such as NAFTA and the WTO, and their internal impact on regions. The comparison shows that the U.S. lags dramatically behind the European Union. The EU, particularly the Western European countries, has long been in the forefront of regional policy and is actively formulating policy, whereas the U.S. has no semblance of a federal regional policy.

The United Nations is in a time of major crisis in the history of the organization. The product of many leading scholars on both sides of the Atlantic, this work examines whether out of the crisis of mulitlateralism engulfing the organization in the late 1980s there could arise a renewed and strengthened global body. Pursuing the theme of the dynamics of international cooperation, thirteen authors look at three principal issue-areas: the principal UN organs, leading economic subjects, and leading social subjects. Two distinguished American scholars provide concluding commentaries. Running throughout the book is an emphasis on the economic dimension to international politics.

We have known for many decades that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 "failed", in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the Paris Peace Conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking the world. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on 28 June 1919. Sovereignty at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on "justice" produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference sought to unmix lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. The conference sought not so much to oppose revolution as to instrumentalize it in the new international system. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the failure of the conference, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.

Until the Amsterdam Treaty,law and policymaking in the field of immigration remained a national function, though in practice there was much co-operation (the so-called Third Pillar). Now these powers have been transferred to the European Community as First Pillar powers. Only Denmark, Ireland and the UK have opted out. This book looks at the likely effects of this substantial transfer of powers to the Community. How will the powers and responsibilities be divided? How should the powers be exercised? Will there be input from the public into policymaking? What role will Parliaments play? Will migrants suffer? The foremost scholars from many European countries try to answer these and other questions, offering a variety of legal and social viewpoints. Contributors: Pieter Boeles (Amsterdam and Leiden), Antje Weiner (Hannover), Cristina Gortazar (Madrid), Guy Goodwin-Gill (Oxford), Nicholas Blake QC (London), Johannes van der Klaauw (UNHCR Brussels), Jens Vedsted Hansen (Aahus), Elspeth Guild (Nijmegen and London), Kees Groenendijk (Nijmegen), Gisbert Brinkmann (Bonn), John Crowley (CERI, Paris), Deirdre Curtin (Utrecht), Roger Errera (Paris), Steve Peers (Essex), Carol Harlow (LSE), Gregor Noll (Lund).

European agriculture is on the brink of a financial and ecological crisis. The European Community, individual governments, and the industry itself have precipitated this crisis. Controversy follows controversy -- in the areas of pollution, use of chemicals, land degradation, and overproduction. "The Diversion of Land" assesses the conservation challenge at the end of a long period of agricultural expansion. The book draws on the experience of continental Europe and North America to contextualize a case study analysis of the U.K. Incorporating new research and a new methodology for the targeting of land diversion, the emphasis throughout is on the agricultural adjustment process. This process, the authors argue, must be informed not only by an ecological awareness, but also by the anticipation of economic and social change.

This book examines how the European environmental movement, as part of an emerging European civil society, has impinged on the problem definitions and solution strategies in the European politics of the environment. Examining core case studies in European environmental policy - biodiversity politics (Natura 2000), the politics of genetically modified organisms, Trans-European Transport Networks, and the European politics of climate change - this study, written at the crossroads of social movement, public sphere and political discourse theory, argues that a social movement's most important feature is its 'cognitive praxis', its ability to successfully challenge dominant conceptions of realty and to create new green public spheres. It examines whether 'ecological modernization' is able to solve the tension between economic growth and environmental protection, and to what extent European environmentalism has contributed to the emergence of a green 'normative power Europe'.

Rethinking the European Union draws together contributors from across Europe to reflect upon methods of conceptualising the European Union within both changing global and European contexts. Rethinking takes the themes of institutions, interests and identities as its organising framework within which each contributor offering a distinctive commentary on the EU. The outcome is a text that goes beyond an exploration of the existing methods of conceptualising the European integration process and reflects upon the nature of the EU itself.

Fully updated chapters and a new Introduction, including discussion of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. the world's response to COVID-19, and the revival of ultranationalism and great-power rivalry. New sections on the theory and practice of neoliberalism and populism, the UN's use of the "Responsibility to Protect" in the Middle East, the Arab Spring, and multifaceted roles in the developing world, with special attention to Africa. Updated analysis of twenty-first century challenges to collective security, including in Syria and, particularly, in Ukraine. Unique special section on the student Model United Nations experience. Coverage of the UN's efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals; and Resources with supportive materials and documents. Fresh descriptions of the U.S.-China relationship within the UN environment, including inventive and challenging Chinese global financial and economic policies.

Relying on micro-evidence on the repercussions of civil conflicts, this edited book explores theories and policies of post-conflict peacebuilding. Reconsidering existing knowledge on the civil conflict and peacebuilding processes in particular, it empirically presents the relationships between conflict dynamics and citizens' norms, values, and preferences in the post-conflict context. Once it occurs, civil conflict brings enormous suffering on the local society. As a consequence of wartime coercion and violence that tear it apart, citizens come to harbor fear, distrust, and hatred of others, especially of those who are in different sociopolitical groups. This can significantly alter the pre-conflict norms and values of the citizenry and make reconciliation difficult across groups in the aftermath of the conflict. To tackle these problems, post-conflict peacebuilding should be well designed so that it can widely cover and sufficiently deal with conflict-affected citizens. This approach urges us to pay serious attention to the individual-level impact of the conflict process and dynamics. The importance of micro-level analysis does not disregard that of normative and/or macro-level approaches to the development of peacebuilding policies. However, the micro-level approach is better able to capture wartime civil-military relations that largely vary between individuals. The book is aimed at linking academic knowledge with policy development in peacebuilding. To reflect existing policy frameworks in peacebuilding, the implications of micro-evidence-based studies for conflict-affected societies are discussed here. A bottom-up approach pursued throughout this book allows us to elaborate desirable policy schemes for peacebuilding that conform to local contexts.

This publication is a collection of international awards or decisions rendered between States, including cases involving espousing or respondent governments on behalf of individual claimants. The present volume reproduces the awards in two arbitration cases, namely, the Arbitration regarding the Indus Waters Kishenganga between Pakistan and India, and the Arbitration regarding the Chagos Marine Protected Area between Mauritius and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. International arbitral and judicial awards are of considerable importance, for they are a "subsidiary means for the determination of the rules of law" as provided in Article 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. They are also important from the point of view of the progressive development of international law, a task which Article 13 of the Charter places under the responsibility of the General Assembly of the United Nations.