Fully updated chapters and a new Introduction, including discussion of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. the world's response to COVID-19, and the revival of ultranationalism and great-power rivalry. New sections on the theory and practice of neoliberalism and populism, the UN's use of the "Responsibility to Protect" in the Middle East, the Arab Spring, and multifaceted roles in the developing world, with special attention to Africa. Updated analysis of twenty-first century challenges to collective security, including in Syria and, particularly, in Ukraine. Unique special section on the student Model United Nations experience. Coverage of the UN's efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals; and Resources with supportive materials and documents. Fresh descriptions of the U.S.-China relationship within the UN environment, including inventive and challenging Chinese global financial and economic policies.

This analysis seeks to analyse the main trends in Gulf security in light of the changes in the regional and international arena, while examining the relationship between external and internal threats, which are intertwined in the Gulf security agenda.

The United Nations: Reality and Ideal examines the structure, operation and history of the United Nations. It explains the historical roots of the UN system and its legal and organizational structures and sets out what the organization and its partners do in relation to major global events and issues. This revised and updated edition gives extended attention to peace-maintenance, human rights and economic and social development and examines the special position of the United States.

This book collects and integrates Abbott and Snidal's influential scholarship on indirect global governance, with a new analytical introduction that probes the role of indirect governance techniques in the universe of global governance arrangements. The volume presents the Governance Triangle, a now widely-used figure that demonstrates and helps to assess the proliferation of private and public-private standard-setting organizations, along with new forms of intergovernmental institutions, over recent decades. It then analyzes how intergovernmental organizations, regulatory bodies, and other "global governors" enlist and work through those organizations as intermediaries, so as to govern more effectively and gain knowledge, influence and legitimacy. It demonstrates Abbott's and Snidal's groundbreaking concept of orchestration, a mode of indirect governance in which influential governors catalyze, support, and steer intermediary organizations through wholly voluntary relationships. It also considers their more recent innovations in the theory of indirect governance. These include additional modes of governance, such as co-optation, delegation and trusteeship, as well as the pervasive "Governor's Dilemma" trade-off between a governor's control of its intermediaries and the intermediaries' competence. This book will appeal to scholars and students in multiple disciplines, including international relations, global governance, law, and regulatory studies.

Civil wars are among the most difficult problems in world politics. While mediation, intervention, and peacekeeping have produced some positive results in helping to end civil wars, they fall short in preventing them in the first place. In Incentivizing Peace, Jaroslav Tir and Johannes Karreth show that considering civil wars from a developmental perspective presents opportunities to prevent the escalation of nascent armed conflicts into full-scale civil wars. The authors demonstrate that highly-structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs such as the World Bank, IMF, or regional development banks) are particularly well-positioned to engage in civil war prevention. When such IGOs have been actively engaged in nations on the edge, their potent economic tools have helped to steer rebel-government interactions away from escalation and toward peaceful settlement. Incentivizing Peace provides enlightening case evidence that IGO participation is a key to better predicting, and thus preventing, the outbreak of civil war.

Has globalization led to a convergence in policy-making across nations and, if so, what are the causal mechanisms? This book analyses the extent to which the environmental policies of nation states have converged over the last thirty years and whether this convergence has led to a strengthening or weakening of environmental standards (a race to the top, or a race to the bottom). It also analyses the factors that account for these developments. Based on a unique empirical data set, the study covers the development of a wide range of environmental policies in twenty-four OECD countries, including EU member states as well as Norway, Switzerland, Japan, Mexico and the USA, with particular emphasis on the impact of institutional and economic interlinkages among these countries.

Investigating the unique EU-CARICOM legal relationship, this book explores the major theme of globalisation, which shapes inter-regional organisations individually and determines their relationship to one another. It evaluates how EU-CARICOM relations have fostered trade, security and other development measures, reflecting on the past, future and present of the Caribbean states that are active in the EU-CARICOM framework. Providing case studies on key issues such as immigration, tax and energy, it examines the impact that the EU-CARICOM has on the slave trade and the deportation of millions of people. Such bitter experiences still indirectly shape culture, hopes and the economic framework of possibilities today; therefore, the focus of the volume is on the issues which the constant stream of globalisation creates. The book assesses many potential impacts that the agenda of the EU and Brexit pending will have upon the EU-CARICOM relationship, given the potential for these to create instability. Overall, it highlights how the EU and CARICOM are representations for multilateralism and serve as models that provide the basis for many successful initiatives and agreements. In all new agreements and negotiations, the will to accept the Sustainable Development Goals and thus to make inequality, climate change and other goals of the SDGs the basis of an order that puts people at the centre, are evaluated, and the global agenda 2030 and its impact on EU-CARICOM. Overall, it highlights how the EU and CARICOM are representations for multilateralism and serve as models that provide the basis for many successful initiatives and agreements. In all new agreements and negotiations, the will to accept the Sustainable Development Goals and thus to make inequality, climate change and other goals of the SDGs the basis of an order that puts people at the centre, are evaluated, and the global agenda 2030 and its impact on EU-CARICOM.

2018 marks the 50th anniversary of the ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, as it was then called, was established in 1968 by then Deputy Prime Minister Dr Goh Keng Swee in order to enable the newly independent city-state better understand the region and its complexities. Since its establishment, ISEAS has dedicated itself to researching the political, economic and socio-cultural dynamics and trends in Southeast Asia for policymakers, scholars, and other relevant stakeholders. On 12 August 2015, the Institute was officially renamed ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, in honour of Singapore's first President. This book presents three public lectures given to commemorate the Institute's Golden Anniversary. Professor Leonard Y. Andaya delivered the first lecture entitled "Developments in the Scholarship of Southeast Asian Studies" on 21 February 2018. The second public lecture was delivered by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong on 13 March 2018. Professor Wang Gungwu delivered the final public lecture entitled "Before Southeast Asia: Passages and Terrains" on 3 October 2018. Collectively, these three public lectures exhort ISEAS to continuously reflect on its research agenda, the region, as well as the contemporary landscape and challenges it has to operate in.

The authors discuss the impact of foreign aid and tackle the question of why assessing the impact of aid is so difficult. The authors focus on peer-reviewed, cross-country studies published over the last decade and draw together some global-level assessments, considering the context and conditions under which aid might be said to 'work'. Glennie and Sumner argue that the evidence in four areas shows signs of convergence that may have direct relevance for policy decisions on aid and for aid effectiveness discussions. These are as follows: Aid levels (meaning if aid is too low or too high); Domestic political institutions (including political stability and extent of decentralisation); Aid composition (including sectors, modalities, objectives and time horizons); and Aid volatility and fragmentation. Notably, this study finds that there is no consensus that the effectiveness of aid depends on orthodox economic policies.

This book consists of a collection of essays that deal with glocalization in Europe, including the idea of Europeanization as glocalization. The contributors deal with a range of topics including migration, media, football, beauty, Christianity, democracy and the European Union.

'Structural adjustment' has been a central part of the development strategy for the 'third world'. Loans made by the World Bank and the IMF have been conditional on developing countries pursuing rapid economic liberalization programmes as it was believed this would strengthen their economies in the long run. M. Rodwan Abouharb and David Cingranelli argue that, conversely, structural adjustment agreements usually cause increased hardship for the poor, greater civil conflict, and more repression of human rights, therefore resulting in a lower rate of economic development. Greater exposure to structural adjustment has increased the prevalence of anti-government protests, riots and rebellion. It has led to less respect for economic and social rights, physical integrity rights, and worker rights, but more respect for democratic rights. Based on these findings, the authors recommend a human rights-based approach to economic development.

The United Nations Security Council has increasingly resorted to sanctions as part of its efforts to prevent and resolve conflict. United Nations Sanctions and the Rule of Law traces the evolution of the Security Council's sanctions powers and charts the contours of the UN sanctions system. It also evaluates the extent to which the Security Council's increasing commitment to strengthening the rule of law extends to its sanctions practice. It identifies shortcomings in respect of key rule of law principles and advances pragmatic policy-reform proposals designed to ensure that UN sanctions promote, strengthen and reinforce the rule of law. In its appendices United Nations Sanctions and the Rule of Law contains summaries of all 25 UN sanctions regimes established to date by the Security Council. It forms an invaluable source of reference for diplomats, policymakers, scholars and advocates.

This book is based on the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the Global Space Governance study commissioned by the 2014 Montreal Declaration that called upon civil society, academics, governments, the private sector, and other stakeholders to undertake an international interdisciplinary study. The study took three years to complete. It examines the drivers of space regulations and standards, key regulatory problems, and especially addresses possible improvements in global space governance. The world's leading experts led the drafting of chapters, with input from academics and knowledgeable professionals in the public and private sectors, intergovernmental organizations, and nongovernmental organizations from all the regions of the world with over 80 total participants. This book and areas identified for priority action are to be presented to the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space and it is hoped will be considered directly or indirectly at the UNISPACE+50 event in Vienna, Austria, in 2018. The report, a collective work of all the contributors, includes objective analysis and frank statements expressed without pressure of political, national, and occupational concerns or interest. It is peer-reviewed and carefully edited to ensure its accuracy, preciseness, and readability. It is expected that the study and derivative recommendations will form the basis for deliberations and decisions at international conferences and meetings around the world on the theme of global space governance. This will hopefully include future discussion at the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space.

This book examines what role regions play in European (dis)integration and European identity building. Filling a glaring gap in our understanding of regions, the book considers what the scope and objectives of these regions' respective European policies and programmes are, how diverse they are and, in a time of mixed signals of European cynicism and identity, how European identity is perceived, fostered and even promoted in regions' European policies. In doing so, the book presents empirical findings on four EU regions as case studies, including Germany's Brandenburg; Belgium's Wallonia; France's Nord-Pas de Calais; and last but certainly in the current context of Brexit not least, the South West of England.

This book examines the engagement between the United Nations' human rights machinery and the respective governments since Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) joined the United Nations. Sri Lanka has a long and rich history of engagement with international human rights instruments. However, despite its active membership in the UN, the country's post-colonial trials and tribulations are emblematic of the limited influence the international organisation has exerted on this country in the Global South. Assessing the impact of this international engagement on the country's human rights infrastructure and situation, the book outlines Sri Lanka's colonial and post-colonial development. It then considers the development of a domestic human rights infrastructure in the country. It also examines and analyzes Sri Lanka's engagement with the UN's treaty-based and charter-based human rights bodies, before offering conclusions concerning the impact of said engagement. The book offers an innovative approach to gauging the impact of international human rights engagement, while also taking into account the colonial and post-colonial imperatives that have partly dictated governmental behaviour. By doing so, the book seeks to combine and analyse international human rights law, post-colonial critique, studies on biopower, and critical approaches to international law. It will be a useful resource not only for scholars of international law, but also for practitioners and activists working in this area.

European Union equality and anti-discrimination law were revolutionized by the incorporation of Article 13 into the EC Treaty, adding new anti-discrimination grounds and new possibilities. This comprehensive 2007 volume provides a fresh approach to Article 13 and its directives; it adopts a contextual framework to equality and anti-discrimination law in the European Union. Part I deals with the evolution of Article 13, demographic and social change and the inter-relationship between European Equality Law and Human Rights. Part II contains expert essays on each of the Article 13 anti-discrimination grounds: sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation, with common themes weaving throughout. This book will be of interest to everyone concerned with combating discrimination, academics, NGOs, lawyers, human resource professionals, employers, employees, research students and many others in the European Union and beyond.

This book, first published in 1973, analyses the European Community in a global perspective. It asks and answers two main questions: what does the European Community mean to the masses of the world, and what does it mean to the world community in general? Most critical studies of the EC were made from an internal point of view, and this book is rare in having an external perspective. The author discussed the EC with diverse audiences in 16 countries, and his analyses are invaluable in putting the European project in an international context.

This book argues that theories of European foreign policy are performative: they create the objects they analyse. In this text, Larsen outlines the performativity approach to the role of theories based on the work of Derrida and goes on to examine the performative role of Christopher Hill's concept of Capability-Expectations Gap in the study of European foreign policy. Through examples from relevant literature, Larsen not only demonstrates how this concept sets up standards for the EU as a foreign policy actor (that are not met by most other international actors) but also shows how this curtails analysis of EU foreign policy. The author goes on to discuss how the widespread use of the concept of 'gap' affects the way in which EU foreign policy has been studied; and that it always produces the same result: the EU is an unfulfilled actor outside the realm of "normal" actors in IR. This volume offers new perspectives on European foreign policy research and advice and serves as an invaluable resource for students of EU foreign policy and, more broadly, European Studies.

Is today's left really new? How has the European radical left evolved? Giorgos Charalambous answers these questions by looking at three moments of rapid political change - the late 1960s to late 1970s; the turn of the millennium; and post-2008. He challenges the conventional understanding of a 'new left', drawing out continuities with earlier movements and parties. Charalambous examines the 'Long '68', symbolised by the May uprisings in France, which saw the rise of new left forces and the widespread criticism by younger radical activists of traditional communist and socialist parties. He puts this side by side with the turn of the millennium when the Global Justice Movement rose to prominence and changed the face of the international left, and also the period after the financial crash of 2008 and the rise of anti-austerity politics which initiated the most recent wave of new left parties such as Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece. With a unique 'two-level' perspective, Charalambous approaches the left through both social movements and party politics, looking at identities, rhetoric and organisation, and bringing a fresh new approach to radical history, as well as assessing challenges for both activists and scholars.

EU foreign policy has long been considered the exclusive domain of member states. This book challenges such conventional state-centered wisdom by analyzing the influence of the Brussels-based EU officials in the sensitive area of security and defense. It asks why the member states have delegated important functions to the EU and continues to examine how EU civil servants affect the planning and conduct of civilian and military operations.
Using multiple case studies and unique insights from over a hundred interviews, this book shows how everyday security policy is made in practice. Whether it concerns the deployment of uniformed personnel to Aceh, Bosnia, Chad or Kosovo, the EU officials in the Council and the European External Action Service shape outcomes and make a difference. This book will be of interest to scholars, students and practitioners of EU foreign policy.

This book questions the accepted origins of the field of International Relations (IR). Commonly understood to have emerged from the horrors of WW1 with the goal of bringing about world peace, the authors argue that on the contrary, IR came from a somewhat less noble tradition - that of the Round Table. The Round Table were a network of imperialists emerging in the late 1800s across five key British imperial societies: Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and India. Their aim was to improve imperial governance, placing the empire into a position to control world affairs. Although they ultimately failed to rearrange world order according to their vision, they did help to build what we now call the discipline of IR. The Round Table's 'scientific method' for the study of world affairs was rapidly subsumed into each geopolitical context. Through telling this story, the authors recover it, and interrogate its meanings for the discipline of IR today. They show the importance of the Global South to IR's foundations, and argue that IR scholarship in this period was intertwined with imperial racial thought in ways that it should not and cannot forget.

This book provides a detailed analysis of the policies and institutions used by the EU to create a single market. Through a historical overview, sectoral case studies, and an assessment of recent policy initiatives, the author provides a comprehensive account of the evolution of European economic integration.

With the European Parliament comprising politicians from many different countries, cultures, languages, national parties and institutional backgrounds, one might expect politics in the Parliament to be highly-fragmented and unpredictable. By studying more than 12,000 recorded votes between 1979 and 2004 this 2007 book establishes that the opposite is in fact true: transnational parties in the European Parliament are highly cohesive and the classic 'left-right' dimension dominates voting behaviour. Furthermore, the cohesion of parties in the European Parliament has increased as the powers of the Parliament have increased. The authors suggest that the main reason for these developments is that like-minded MEPs have incentives to form stable transnational party organizations and to use these organizations to compete over European Union policies. They suggest that this is a positive development for the future of democratic accountability in the European Union.

The EU's 'social dimension' today is a product of the ideology of the 1990s. Its employment field is directed to increase the employability of workers and the adaptability of labor market regimes. The book argues that this social-liberal approach is best explained with a set of ideas strategically advanced by 'thought communities' in the policy process. It traces the success of this new approach in the debates among academic experts and policy-makers in the mid-1990s, the decisions leading to the adoption of the Treaty of Amsterdam, and the establishment of the approach in the policy field between 1997-2007. The author explores the processes through which ideas came to matter in the policy process. At every stage, the claim that ideas played a predominant role is strengthened by addressing the most viable alternative explanations such as institutional constraints set by Economic and Monetary Union and the preferences of political leaders.

This book provides a framework for comparing EU citizenship and US citizenship as standards of equality. If we wish to understand the legal development of the citizenship of the European Union and its relationship to the nationalities of the member states, it is helpful to examine the history of United States citizenship and, in particular, to elaborate a theory of 'duplex' citizenships found in federal orders. In such a citizenship, each person's citizenship is necessarily 'layered' with the citizenship or nationality of a (member) state. The question this book answers is: how does federal citizenship, as a claim to equality, affect the relationship between the (member) state and its national or citizen? Because the book places equality, not allegiance to a sovereign at the center of its analysis of citizenship, it manages to escape traditional analyses of the EU that measure it by the standard of a sovereign state. The text presents a coherent account of the development of EU citizenship and EU civil rights for those who wish to understand their continuing development in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. Scholars and legal practitioners of EU law will find novel insights in this book into how EU citizenship works, in order to be able to grasp the direction in which it will continue to develop. And it may be of great interest to American scholars of law and political science who wish to understand one aspect of how the EU works as a constitutional order, not merely as an order of international law, by comparison to their own history. Jeremy Bierbach is an attorney at Franssen Advocaten in Amsterdam. He holds a Ph.D. in European constitutional law from the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands.