As the EU further enlarges and deepens through rounds of treaty reforms, it is imperative to understand the dynamics of the major decisions, or big bangs, in the integration process. This book will present the first comprehensive and comparative analysis of the major rounds of treaty reform over the past two decades, in an attempt to answer whether the path from the Single European Act in 1985 to the present Constitutional Treaty has been pushed by the Franco-German tandem, or has been the result of leadership provided by other actors such as the Commission or smaller member states.

This highly topical book is an original contribution to the current literature on counter-terrorist financing, compliance and soft law. Specifically, the book focuses on Financial Action Task Force recommendations and counter-terrorism financing legislation. This thought-provoking investigation demonstrates that an understanding of the counter-terrorism financing regime can shed light on the departure from regular international law-making processes, and on the emerging forms of international governance in an era of globalisation. An understanding of the regime s multi-layered approach shows how this can be replicated as a tool in the prevention and resolution of conflict and the promotion of international justice in areas such as human trafficking, drug trafficking, and weapons of mass destruction. This book will be an invaluable resource for those studying and researching in law, terrorism studies, criminal justice and finance, in particular comparative law and compliance with hard and soft law. It will also be relevant to policymakers and practitioners working in counter-terrorism.

Over three-quarters of a century, the UN has been impacted by major changes in the balance of powers among its member states. This unique and insightful book offers detailed commentary on its historic effectiveness and reviews the capacity of the UN to reform and adapt to global challenges. This book constitutes a judgement on the overwhelming importance as well as the vulnerability of multilateralism at a time when the UN has never been more indispensable This book describes: How autocracy in the US, China and Russia constrains the UN Why North-South politics has been a constant feature of intergovernmental debate How the UN development system became an extended patronage system What the UN learnt from its peacekeeping failures, and how it continues to adapt Four areas of needed and feasible reform to restore UN credibility. This impressive book will be vital to the staff of permanent missions of member governments to the UN, as well as UN secretariat staff. It will also benefit researchers exploring international organizations and the staff of development NGOs, as well as a broader audience of those interested in UN and global politics.

This book examines conflict resolution efforts in Latin America by the Organization of American States (OAS) over the past fifty years by exploring the relationship of the United States with other member states within the context of the OAS. The book focuses on the impact of institutional factors on the influence that member states are able to wield within the organization. This innovative theoretical approach yields general insights into organizational behaviour and interstate relations within an international organization. The examination of thirty-one cases provides a wealth of empirical data and facilitates cross case comparisons.

What is the European Union international role and identity becoming after the cold war, September 11th and the transatlantic rift? Is the second global actor challenging the trends towards a 'pax americana'? EUROPE: A CIVILIAN POWER? provides an original account of the features and the external relations of the EU as a civilian power in the making. It addresses the key questions on the new security threat, world emergencies challenging the EU, not only as a peace and democracy stablizer on a continental scale, but also as an actor which shares responsibility for global governance and world order. MARIO TELO provides a comparative analysis of regional cooperation in Europe, Africa, Asia and Latin America and focuses on the interregional relations with the EU. He highlights the international relevance of the current EU constitutionalization process and gives a critical review of the concepts of civilian power, soft power, civilizing power, multilateralism, multipolarism, international fragmentation, empire, hegemonic stability and global legitimacy. Analysis of the best literature on international relations and European integration is completed by MARIO's practical experience as an advisor to the EU institutions and a lecturer in Asia and Americas.

By analyzing the UN Environment Programme's (UNEP's) contribution to peacebuilding, this book aims to show how international bureaucracies develop knowledge and thereby come to matter on the world stage. Portraying UNEP as an open system, it explores how a growing understanding within the Programme of how environmental degradation shapes insecurities and vice versa has motivated its work on peacebuilding. The theoretical part of this book addresses knowledge, open systems, and knowledge creation. It then presents a historical discussion of UNEP's development in an open system context. Finally, it investigates how knowledge emergence on the linkage between the environment, conflicts, and insecurities influenced UNEP's interests and its work on environmental peacebuilding.

This volume offers a timely and important study on how norms are transferred from the international into the domestic domain through processes of socialization. It seeks to understand the process of change in post-Cold War Europe from a divided continent into a community with a common identity, based on shared values and ideas. It also offers an explanation for why the process of change has occurred easily in some countries and with more difficulty or not at all in others.

This handbook offers a comprehensive picture of the European activities of national parliaments in all 28 member states of the European Union. In the aftermath of the Lisbon Treaty, it assesses the extent to which national legislatures actually matter in European governance.

This study considers the ftrst century of international adjudication as a permanent fixture of the international society. By using speciftc international courts to which I was attached, as either a researcher or an employee, I was allowed to consider the various limitations to effective adjudication on the international plane. I recall the day in January of 1992 when the seeds of this manuscript were ftrst planted. I was on the fourth-floor of the Loeb Building at Carleton University leafing through a copy of Thomas Burgenthal's International Human Rights Law in a Nutshell when I came upon a chapter on the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. "How could this be?", I thought. "A little known human rights court in a part of the world fraught with human rights abuses". That semester, I followed through on a course in international human rights law with Professor Maureen Davies and accepted a University Fellowship to do graduate work at Brock University (Canada) the following year. Supported in my interest by Professor James Patrick Sewell, I sought and received an Organization of American States Fellowship to spend an academic year studying the Inter American Court of Human Rights, in situ, in San Jose, Costa Rica. It is from this period that I witnessed ftrst-hand how the Inter-American Court, although similar on paper to the European Court of Human Rights, was limited in its effectiveness through the lack of ftnancing and stafftng allocated to it by American States.

The launch of the ASEAN Economic Community raises key issues: the deepening of regional trade and the associated problem of exchange rate management. This volume questions the capacity of a shallow institution to deal with complex impacts on employment and inequality. Contributors analyze ASEAN's potential and weakness in readable terms.

Taking an historical approach, the author explores both how the UN has affected world politics and how the international political system has formed and limited the work of the Organization. He looks at why the UN was created, how it was affected by the Cold War and how successive Secretaries General struggled to find a role for themselves. The book shows how negative and even hostile views of the UN were changed by the end of the Cold War and by the UN-sponsored action in the Gulf, why the UN overreached itself in Bosnia and Somalia and how it failed to stop the genocide in Rwanda. While the main focus of this book is the role of the UN in promoting international peace and security, it also examines the work of the UN in other areas, including human rights and environmental protection.

Fully updated chapters and a new Introduction, including discussion of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. the world's response to COVID-19, and the revival of ultranationalism and great-power rivalry. New sections on the theory and practice of neoliberalism and populism, the UN's use of the "Responsibility to Protect" in the Middle East, the Arab Spring, and multifaceted roles in the developing world, with special attention to Africa. Updated analysis of twenty-first century challenges to collective security, including in Syria and, particularly, in Ukraine. Unique special section on the student Model United Nations experience. Coverage of the UN's efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals; and Resources with supportive materials and documents. Fresh descriptions of the U.S.-China relationship within the UN environment, including inventive and challenging Chinese global financial and economic policies.

Chaya Arora assesses the diplomatic path of influence taken by German decision-makers during the early nineties in pursuit of their cautiously articulated interest in and commitment to the eastward enlargement of NATO."

During its comparatively short life as a set of institutions, the European Union (EU) has experienced rapid growth in size, remit and policy competence. In addition, the resulting analytical and factual literature has more than matched this growth. As Roger Levy notes, '[a] visit to the institutions of the EU now requires a travel itinerary on the scale of the cultural tour once favoured by the aristocracy.' This valuable and detailed study provides, for the first time, a systematic empirical analysis of EU programme management in all of the main spending areas over a 20 year period. After setting out the management framework in each area, Roger Levy looks methodically at audit evidence to build up a comprehensive performance profile. The management of EU spending programmes is subject to almost continual media speculation about its propriety and efficiency. The unprecedented resignation of the Santer Commission en masse in March 1999 was a direct result of its management failures. Using up-to-date, original data, this valuable book provides an empirical antidote to much of the speculation which dominates this issue. This accessible analysis of the vast data available on this contentious area will prove invaluable reference to anyone studying the European Union, as well as European and national government officials, research organisations and pressure groups.

European countries have much in common. They are geographically and culturally close and they all face the problem of relative weakness vis-a-vis larger actors. However, while their many similarities lead them to cooperate, their geopolitical differences and specificities translate into conflicting priorities over how to arrange the terms of cooperation. European security is hence defined by a powerful tension between conflict and cooperation. And Europe's most powerful countries largely delineate the mechanics of such tension. By examining the interplay between geopolitical change, British, French and German grand strategy and the evolution of NATO and the European Union's (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) between 2001 and 2010, this book seeks to shed light on the nature and evolution of European security. Only by examining the grand strategies of Europe's most powerful countries can we get a sense of their interests. However, in order to properly grasp the nature and evolution of such interests we must observe how they play out at the level of specific debates. Very often, it is only when it comes to organising the specific terms of cooperation that conflicting priorities can be properly appreciated. Herein lies the importance of the EU-NATO conundrum. Throughout the 2001-2010 period, NATO and CSDP remained the best thermometers of the powerful tension between conflict and cooperation that defines European security. This book is thus fundamental reading for students, academics and practitioners with an interest in European security, geopolitics, NATO and CSDP.

The project includes almost 30 contributions from prominent worldwide scholars assessing the state of EU US relations after the war in Iraq. These articles were commissioned at the meeting of the 25 EU Foreign Ministers at Rhodes in May 2003, during the EU Greek Presidency. EU US Relations offers answers to the major questions and thorny problem of the future of transatlantic relations. The book presents viewpoints from both sides of the Atlantic, from academics and politicians. It also offers the potential solutions as to the future of EU US relations and the strengthening and organization of the common foreign policy of the EU after the war in Iraq. GILLES ADREANNI DAVID ANDREWS EMILIOS AVGOULEAS SCOTT BARRETT DICK BENSCHOP TOM BENTLEY CHRISTOPH BERTRAM JAN DIRK BLAAUW ELMAR BROK JOHN BRUTON TED GALEN CARPENTER THEODORE A. COULOMBIS KEMAL DERVIS A.A. FATOUROS TIMOTHY GARTON ASH BRONISLAW GEREMEK MISHA GLENNY ALAN K. HENRIKSON CHRISTOPHER HILL STANLEY HOFFMANN DIMITRIS KONSTAS F. STEPHEN LARRABEE JONATHAN LIPKIN ANAND MENON KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS JOSEPH NYE GEORGE A. PAPANDREOU Greek Foreign Minister GEORGIOS PAPASTAMKOS WILLIAM PFAFF FRIEDBERT PFLGER POTSDAM CENTRE FOR TRANSATLANTIC

This book explores the EU's approach to peacebuilding and questions the EU global role as crisis manager and capacity builder. It highlights the significant contributions of the EU to civilian peacebuilding and also critically evaluates the activities of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) within their rule of law and human rights peacebuilding missions. It draws on the author's twenty years of experience working on CSDP and EU defence matters including his research on EU police missions in Africa and Middle East. It exposes emergent tension between peacebuilding in its neighbourhood and security issues. It examines the practice of EU peacebuilding including performance of its missions and how deployed personnel can professionalise their diplomatic (mediation, negotiation and dialogue facilitation) capacity to fully realise the potential of missions and exploit opportunities for expanding the vision of peace. It formulates convincing policy recommendations for the future planning of EU external relations in post conflict environments and offers valuable insights into how to connect with people and communities in the aftermath of conflict.

In Brexit and the Future of Private International Law in English Courts, Mukarrum Ahmed discusses the impact of Brexit upon jurisdiction, foreign judgments, and the applicable law in civil and commercial matters. By providing a commentary on the principal post-Brexit changes in England, this book faces towards the future of private international law in English courts. It utilises a once-in-a-generation opportunity to analyse, understand, and reframe some fundamental assumptions about the discipline with a view to suggesting adjustments and law reform. Ahmed argues that a conscious unlearning of the central precepts of EU private international law would be detrimental to the future of English private international law. The multilateral issues that lie ahead for the discipline rely on the legal epistemology of EU private international law, which also serves as a useful reference point when comparing aspects of English private international law. Unshackled from the EU's external competence constraints, the UK will have the opportunity to play a more prominent role in the development of the Hague Conference's global instruments. A methodologically pluralist approach to English private international law may be the best route to sustain its global leadership in this field, as well as simultaneously assimilating the best private international law developments from the Commonwealth, Europe, and beyond.

The patent disconnection between the institutions of the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been widely attributed by political leaders and scholars to a 'communications gap', that is, to the way EU affairs are mediated by the media, and to the apparent lack of interest by national elites in conveying the importance of Europe. This book challenges this 'mediation theory' and suggests instead a cultural and systemic explanation for the distant and bureaucratic character of the European Union. Apportioning the blame for the communication gap to the media and national politicians neglects two real deficits which prevent Europe from enjoying a vibrant public sphere: a deficit of domesticisation, a popular disconnection with the idea of the EU, and a deficit of politicisation with European politics, it being difficult to categorise as through traditional methods of 'left vs. right'. This book suggests that popular disengagement with the EU is a consequence of the fact that Europe as a cultural community is an interdependent continent rather than a nation and that, as an political institution, the EU is a pseudo-confederation full of anti-publicity bias, elite-driven integration, corporatism and diplomacy. The result is a book that is an essential read for students and scholars of political communication and of the European Union.

In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is separate from peace enforcement blurs this difference and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. Solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French, and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, this book integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping. It exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan. The peacekeeping system has largely outlived its usefulness and is bound to fail when applied to currently predominant violent and messy conflagrations. Lacking radical changes in that system, the UN should disarm, restricting the peacekeeping to military observers' missions and to subcontracting other operations out to military alliances and regional organizations. The widely lamented massacres of innocent civilians under UN Peacekeeper eyes in Rwanda, Srebrenica, and the Congo influenced neither the UN's approach nor the analysis of the methods. In this book, Andrzej Sitkowski confronts two basic peacekeeping myths. First, the belief that peacekeeping is distinct from peace enforcement blurs this distinction and undermines the viability of peacekeeping operations. In fact, it is the UN's definition of self-defense, which is understood to include actions of troops against forceful obstructions to discharging their mandates, that confuses the issue. Nevertheless, that distinction remains a cornerstone of the UN doctrine. Secondly, it is widely believed that the peacekeepers are allowed to apply force only in self-defense and lack the authorization to use it in defending UN Security Councils mandates. This myth persists, even in cases when the UN Security Council undertakes explicit authorization to enforce specific goals of the mandate. Sitkowski offers a critical re-appraisal of the fundamental principles of peacekeeping, including both the largest successes (Namibia) and worst disasters (Rwanda). Drawing heavily on personal accounts, the book is solidly anchored in official primary sources originating from the UN, national governments, parliamentary inquiries (Dutch, French and Belgian) and from the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda. It integrates the most recent recommendations related to peacekeeping originating from High-Level Panels and endorsed by Kofi Annan. Finally it exposes how the UN peacekeeping syndrome of soldiers safety first crept into the NATO's strategy and compromises its missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan.

Departing from the idea that political controversies are embedded in the very framework of European integration, this volume focuses on the relationship between politicisation and European democracy. The contributors to this edited volume trace the various ways of understanding 'politicisation' before and beyond the 2019 European elections. The aim is to offer constructive reinterpretations of the concept for further research in the field. Encompassing different approaches, the book shows a plurality of perspectives and provides innovative analytical tools to make sense of the phenomenon of politicisation in the EU context. Assuming that EU politicisation can be seen both as vice and virtue depending on the way in which it takes place, the authors analyse under what conditions it has a positive or negative influence over European democracy. Emphasising that scholars ought to be aware of the normative assumptions underlying the conceptualisation of politicisation, the book illustrates how many of the features in European politics that were intensified during the Covid-19 pandemic were already present earlier. Tracing the Politicisation of the EU will be of interest to students and scholars in EU Studies, Comparative Politics, Media and Communication, Political Theory and Political Sociology.

The modern British Commonwealth, linking fifty countries around the world in voluntary association, cooperation, and consultation, is a unique body in world history. The area of its member countries covers a third of the globe and collectively their peoples represent a quarter of the world's total population. Though essentially different from the British Empire from which it originated, the Commonwealth shares many common historical ties with Britain. Patricia M. Larby and Harry Hannam have assembled an unrivaled body of literature to illustrate the growth of the Empire into the Commonwealth.

This extensive bibliography identifies, lists, and annotates the most important publications on the development and growth of the Commonwealth; its present status and functions; and its role in education, literature, sport, and the arts and sciences. It includes its historical origins: its cooperation in economics, politics, and international issues such as the environment; and its many spheres of professional activity including medicine, law, and architecture. Strong emphasis is placed on the role of the English language in the Commonwealth and as a medium for creative literature in many disparate cultures worldwide.

"The Commonwealth "appears at a time when this unique organization is on the threshold of a new era in its history. The proposals emerging from the 1991 Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting include statements on democracy and human rights; environmental affairs; and global concerns such as international crime, drug abuse, and AIDS. No previous comprehensive bibliography of the Commonwealth exists, and this volume fills a long-standing gap in the bibliographical coverage. It will be an essential reference source for libraries and scholars involved in Commonwealth studies and will be of particular interest to historians, political scientists, economists, and educators.

This book imagines how Europe might re-organise and re-group after the COVID-19 crisis by assessing its effectiveness when responding to it. For this purpose, it directs its focus on: i) sovereignty challenges; ii) technological challenges and iii) governance challenges. These three challenges do not present hermetic legal problems, they intersect and connect on many levels. The book shows this by examining the relationship between public and private power, and illustrating how the rise of technocratic authority is deeply connected to the choice of technological solutions. It illustrates how constitutional decisions taken during states of emergency give rise to private governance challenges related to cybersecurity and data protection. Experts from the fields of EU governance, data protection, and technology explore these questions to provide answers to how the EU might develop in the future.

This book analyzes changing national preferences towards the EU CFSP and ESDP by providing detailed accounts of British, French and German crisis decision-making in FYROM, Afghanistan, Lebanon and DR Congo. While transatlantic relations remain important, crisis management under the EU label is increasingly accepted in national capitals.

In May 2004, after bringing their legislation into accordance with EU regulations, ten more countries joined the European Union. The contributors to this volume assess the impact of this historical development on gender relations in the new and old EU member states. Instead of focusing on either western or eastern Europe, this book investigates the similarities and differences in diverse parts of Europe. Although initially limited, gender equality was part of the original framework of the European Union, an organization often more open than national governments to feminist demands, as this volume illustrates with case studies from eastern and western Europe. The enlargement process thus provides some important policy instruments for increasing equality between men and women.