'A Responsible Europe?' seeks to understand the EU's global role from a distinct normative perspective. This book identifies moral principles that could serve as guidelines for a responsible role of the EU in global affairs, and applies these principles to selected policy areas and regional co-operation frameworks.

"State and Society in Post-Socialist Economies" provides detailed examinations of a range of state-society relations in post-socialism. It examines ways that the state regulates or sets the parameters for regulating capitalist practices and the ways in which the state interacts with social groups focused on changing state policy. The cases cover the full range of post-socialist countries, from the Central European new members of the EU, to those in Eastern Europe, as well as a range of countries of the former Soviet Union, including a "progressive" country (Lithuania) and a "reform resister" (Belarus).

Preoccupation with the EU's internal affairs risks ignoring the extent to which Europe itself will now be shaped by foreign affairs. The future of Europe lies in its own hands only if it organizes itself to adjust to events in a world diplomatic system over which it can hope to have only limited control. The global setting in which Europe will have to find a place is the reverse image of its post-1945 direction. Whereas Western Europe's states have renounced 'power politics' among themselves, the rest of the world has done no such thing. The basis of inter-state relations remains remarkably similar to Rousseau's description as the 'constant action and reaction of powers in continued agitation'. Failure to recognize the persistence of power politics is now among the principal obstacles to Europe's future. It is as if recovery from the nemesis of mid-century has produced hubris towards its end. Europe finds it hard to accept that it must coexist with the outside world on terms increasingly set not by its own virtuous example of reconciliation among old enemies and the creation of political union, but by states who see little reason to follow its example. More fundamental than blueprints and policies for European Monetary Union and the European Union enlargement, Europe needs a trustworthy grasp of the world's foreign affairs to which its diplomacy must apply and its statecraft contribute.

This Handbook uses a thematic and interdisciplinary approach to discuss and analyse the various governance structures of the EU, focusing in particular on how these are administered. Key chapters, written by leading experts across the field, engage with important ongoing debates in the field of EU administrative law, focusing on areas of topical interest such as financial markets, the growing security state and problematic common asylum procedures. In doing so, they provide a summary of what we know, don't know and ought to know about EU administrative law. Examining the control functions of administrative law and the machinery for accountability, this Research Handbook eloquently challenges areas of authoritarian governance, such as the Eurozone and security state, where control and accountability are weak and tackles the seemingly insoluble question of citizen 'voice' and access to policy making. Practical and engaging, this timely Research Handbook is sure to appeal to scholars and researchers of EU administrative law and EU law more broadly. Legal practitioners and EU policy makers will also benefit from its high level of engagement with contemporary deliberations. Contributors include: V. Abazi, M. Baran, T.A. Boerzel, K. Bradley, A. Brenninkmeijer, E. Chiti, D. Curtin, H. Darbishire, M. de Visser, G. della Cananea, M. Everson, J. Grimheden, E. Guild, C. Harlow, E.G. Heidbreder, H. Hofmann, C. Joerges, M. Kjaerum, P. Leino, L. Leppavirta, I. Maher, J. Mendes, L. Muzi, N. Poltorak, T. Raunio, R. Rawlings, M. Ruffert, J.-P. Schneider, C. Scott, G. Toggenburg

This volume presents a radical reinterpretation of the European Community or Union as a neo-liberal construction. It was neo-liberal rather than classically liberal because it was designed and used as an external instrument to weaken the interventionist welfare state that protected working people and strengthened the hand of labor. It was founded on the vision of a free market untrammelled by public intervention and worked to ensure competition, sound money and profitability against the inflationary force of workers and unions and the welfare state. Monetary union in particular restored profitability but produced slow growth, mass unemployment, and insecurity and came under challenge, most dramatically in France, by working people from below. This view is substantiated by an economically based study of member-state performance and complemented by a series of national studies on the monetarist turn by leading scholars.

When he passed away in July 1999, Federica Mancini had served for seventeen years at the Court of Justice of the European Communities, first as an Advocate General and then as a Judge. As such, he participated in some of the most important judicial developments in European Community law to date and witnessed the transformation of the Community into a monetary and, to a certain extent, political union. Throughout this time, he also contributed widely to academic debates and literature on the role of the Court in the process of European integration, the changing nature of the European Union and on specific areas of law such as the protection of fundamental rights and labor law. This collection of essays brings together his most important writings in English, which concentrate largely on the issues of democracy, constitutionalism and individual rights in the European Union. The book presents the unique perspective of someone who witnessed the birth of European integration, contributed to

The creation of the European Central Bank and the Euro have brought new challenges to EU integration and economic policy. This book looks into issues of monetary and factor market policies. The analysis also presents new theoretical and empirical research on the - transitory - decline of the Euro. Issues of exchange rate policy and international economic relations also are addressed.

The establishment of Banking Union represents a major development in European economic governance and European integration history more generally. Banking Union is also significant because not all European Union (EU) member states have joined, which has increased the trend towards differentiated integration in the EU, posing a major challenge to the EU as a whole and to the opt-out countries. This book is informed by two main empirical questions. Why was Banking Union - presented by proponents as a crucial move to 'complete' Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) - proposed only in 2012, over twenty years after the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty? Why has a certain design for Banking Union been agreed and some elements of this design prioritized over others? A two-step explanation is articulated in this study. First, it explains why euro area member state governments moved to consider Banking Union by building on the concept of the 'financial trilemma', and examining the implications of the single currency for euro area member state banking systems. Second, it explains the design of Banking Union by examining the preferences of member state governments on the core components of Banking Union and developing a comparative political economy analysis focused on the configuration of national banking systems and varying national concern for the moral hazard facing banks and sovereigns created by euro level support mechanisms.

Memory and the future of Europe examines the role of collective memory in the origins and development of the European Union. It traces Europe's political, economic and financial crisis to the loss of the remembrance of the rupture of 1945. As the generations with personal memories of the two world wars pass away, economic welfare has become the EU's sole raison d'etre. If it is to survive its future challenges, the EU will have to create a new historical imaginary that relies not only on the lessons of the past but also builds on Europe's ability to protect its citizens against the power of global market forces. Framing its argument through the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, this volume will attract readers interested in political and social philosophy, collective memory studies, European studies, international relations and contemporary politics. -- .

This book contends that far-right parties play pivotal roles in setting the tone of political debates, shaping the political party system, and structuring government policy. Increasingly, as national governments attempt to cope with new realities of greater global migration, strained welfare states, and threats of foreign terror, opportunities have opened for parties of the far right to position themselves strategically.

Stephen Hill analyzes the factors that affected the success or failure of the UN disarmament processes during intra-state peacekeeping missions conducted between 1991 and 1999. He examines seven case studies including Cambodia, Mozambique, the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, El Salvador, and the last two operations in Angola. The text utilizes developing approaches to conflict resolution in order to create an analytical framework through which to assess the UN's attempts at disarmament.

This book analyses the Europeanization of the Portuguese political system in the context of globalization and the so-called Third Wave of Democratization. It pursues the thesis that democratization and Europeanization are two intertwined processes in the case of Portugal. Inte gration into the European Union has changed considerably the rationalities within the political structures of the Portuguese political system. Furthermore, the author stresses the necessity to encourage greater political participation of the population and to evolve towards a project of sustainable democracy.

This history of the United Nations recounts the actions of the UN in confronting the world's crisis situations, the conflicting policies of the member states and the initiatives undertaken in each case to preserve the peace. It is based on detailed examination of the record UN discussions.;This volume deals with a period when the organization was involved with major crises over Suez, Hungary, Lebanon, India, the Congo, the Cuba Missile Crisis and armed conflicts in Cyprus, Kashmir and the Dominican Republic. It covers the first UN peace-keeping operations: in Sinai, the Congo and Cyprus. It examines the effectiveness of the UN's peace-keeping role in these countries and suggests how this might be improved.

This book provides a unique study of the role of universities, as organisation systems, in the pursuit of the Europe 2020 strategy. While Europe 2020 focuses on creating the basis for the advancement and cohesion of the EU's member states, it also has an important role in influencing the development strategies for potential candidate states. In this regard, the book examines two new member states - Slovenia and Croatia - and two potential EU candidate states - Serbia and Kosovo - in the Western Balkans. Based on these cases, the author argues that the operationalization of the Europe 2020 strategy depends to a great extent of the role and contribution of tertiary organisations such as educational institutions, i.e. public and private universities, and therefore requires the formulation of an economic development strategy at the national level that is capable of duly allocating the available financial resources. The study suggests that the paradigm shift represented by Europe 2020 has helped to forge a new academic identity, adding to the relevance of university organisations as fundamental agents for the promotion of economic development; in addition, it shows that an intensive learning process involving major structural changes is underway in the four countries discussed, as well as many other EU member states.

United Nations peacekeeping has undergone radical transformation in the new millennium. Where it once was limited in scope and based firmly on consent of all parties, contemporary operations are now charged with penalizing spoilers of peace and protecting civilians from peril. Despite its more aggressive posture, practitioners and academics continue to affirm the vital importance of impartiality whilst stating that it no longer means what it once did. Taking Sides in Peacekeeping explores this transformation and its implications, in what is the first conceptual and empirical study of impartiality in UN peacekeeping. The book challenges dominant scholarly approaches that conceive of norms as linear and static, conceptualizing impartiality as a 'composite' norm, one that is not free-standing but an aggregate of other principles-each of which can change and is open to contestation. Drawing on a large body of primary evidence, it uses the composite norm to trace the evolution of impartiality, and to illuminate the macro-level politics surrounding its institutionalization at the UN, as well as the micro-level politics surrounding its implementation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, site of the largest and costliest peacekeeping mission in UN history. Taking Sides in Peacekeeping reveals that, despite a veneer of consensus, impartiality is in fact highly contested. As the collection of principles it refers to has expanded to include human rights and civilian protection, deep disagreements have arisen over what keeping peace impartially actually means. Beyond the semantics, the book shows how this contestation, together with the varying expectations and incentives created by the norm, has resulted in perverse and unintended consequences that have politicized peacekeeping and, in some cases, effectively converted UN forces into one warring party among many. Taking Sides in Peacekeeping assesses the implications of this radical transformation for the future of peacekeeping and for the UN's role as guarantor of international peace and security.

"Globalization and Regionalization in Post-Socialist Economies" explores the reconfiguration of economic spaces in the 'new Europe' with a focus on the post-socialist economies of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. It is made up of an interdisciplinary collection of essays by leading scholars and brings together new perspectives on the economic transformations in post-socialist countries as they struggle with the development of market mechanisms.

The Yearbook contains documentary materials of a legal character concerning the United Nations and related intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). The present volume covers activities in 2016 and contains: legislative texts and treaties, or provisions thereof, concerning the legal status of the UN and related IGOs; a general overview of the legal activities of the UN and related IGOs; selected treaties concerning international law concluded under the auspices of the organizations concerned; selected decisions of administrative tribunals of the UN and related IGOs; selected legal opinions of the UN and related IGOs; a list of judgments, advisory opinions and selected decisions rendered by international tribunals; selected decisions of national tribunals relating to the work of the UN and related IGOs

Cognisant of the ongoing pandemic and political turmoil across Europe, this timely book examines the growing influence of populist movements in Central and Eastern Europe. Simona Kukovic and Petr Just bring together contributions from experts working in the fields of political science and sociology to study the roots and ramifications of populism in this historically turbulent region. Developing a critical analysis of both left- and right-wing populist movements and notorious populist leaders throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the book explores the ways in which populism has spread through developed and developing countries in both established and more recent democracies. Chapters investigate the origins of nationalist populism in the region, from historical trauma and social and economic instability to the emerging crisis facing traditional parties and institutions. It further considers the progressive impact of social media as a means through which populist leaders can penetrate the political space. Positioning itself in defence of liberal democracy, the book ultimately seeks to uncover what unites and inspires the populist community emerging across Central and Eastern Europe. Contributing to the urgent scholarly debate surrounding the rise of populist leaders, political parties, and movements throughout Central and Eastern Europe, this incisive volume will be an essential read for researchers and academics invested in better understanding why the region is such a hotbed of European populism.

This book explores post-Soviet Eurasian regional security governance, as embedded in the military alliance of Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). CSTO was established in 2002 and consists of six post-Soviet countries: Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Moving studies of regional security governance beyond the so-called Eurocentrism trend expressed, inter alia, via the focus on Western military alliance, such as NATO, this book examines CSTO as a new, post-Soviet form of regional security cooperation by looking at the reasons and drivers behind the establishment of the post-Soviet Eurasian security governance; the organization's institutional design; the military capabilities of its member states; the degree of the members' integration within the alliance; the cooperation pattern adopted by CSTO members; as well as the effect and effectiveness of this military alliance.

This open access book explores the role of the ILO (International Labour Organization) in building global social governance from multiple and mutually complementary perspectives. It explores the impact of this UNs oldest agency, founded in 1919, on the transforming world of work in a global setting, providing insights into the unique history and functions of the ILO as an organization and the evolution of workers' rights through international labour standards stemming from its regulatory mechanism. The book examines the persistent dilemma of balancing the benefits of globalization with the protection of workers. It critically assesses the challenges that emerge when international labour standards are implemented and enforced in highly diverse regulatory frameworks in international, regional, national and local contexts. The book also identifies feasible ways to achieve more inclusive labour protection, putting into perspective the tension between the economic and the social in the ILO's second century of operation. It includes reflections on the work of the ILO World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalisation by Tarja Halonen, who as President of Finland co-chaired the Commission with Benjamin William Mkapa, President of Tanzania. Written by distinguished experts and scholars in the fields of international labour law and international law, the book provides an insightful and in-depth analysis of the role of the ILO as an international organization devoted to decent work and social justice. It also sheds light on tripartism and its particular role in the work of the ILO, examining the challenges that a profoundly changing working life presents in terms of labour protection and social justice, and examining the transnational dimension of labour law. Lastly, the book includes a postscript by Nobel economics laureate Professor Joseph E. Stiglitz.

This text critically analyzes the institutions of the EU and NAFTA. It covers both the general problems of building new and integrated markets, and several policy areas that are related to economic integration. The institutions established in both Europe and America are seen as deficient in several respects: not only are the "side effects" on labour markets, social and environmental conditions considered inadequately addressed. Without offering adequate replacements, the book claims, the economic integration projects are actually undermining some of the core institutions that serve the needs of the market economies institutions upon the integration process itself depends.

After an exploration of the experience gained by former central and eastern European countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Peter Naray gives an analysis of the Russian economic and social crisis and comes to the conclusion that this crisis is responsible for the delay of Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The author criticizes the approach taken in Russian reforms because the country's historical legacy (weak legal system, underdeveloped political and economic institutions etc.) was neglected. The book describes the steps made by Russia towards WTO membership underlining the present and expected difficulties. It warns against a fundamentalist approach by the members of the WTO that may result in Russia's isolation in political and economic matters that would represent a danger to the whole world.

As EU non-majoritarian bodies such as the European Commission, the Court of Justice of the European Union, and the European Central Bank grow in political influence, many have identified the pressing need to keep these bodies accountable to the repositories of the EU's democratic legitimacy. This collection of essays sheds light on the inherent tension between independence and legitimacy in the EU's institutional system and explores the options of reconciling the two. Featuring analysis from both legal and political perspectives, the volume assesses whether, to what extent, and how it is possible to control the various EU independent bodies and make them answerable for what they do, while at the same time upholding their independence.

The loss of its Empire and the "turn'' to Europe are the two striking features of Britain's foreign policy since 1945. The contributors examine the connection between the two processes. Utilizing a range of sources, the authors challenge conventional interpretations of the connection, and in doing so raise important questions about the nature, motivation, and effects of British policy.