This interdisciplinary book examines Brexit from a political economy perspective, enriched by insights from scholars of political science, history and law. Shedding light on the key motivations for Brexit, this incisive book seeks to better understand what shapes the UK's political and economic preferences and the fundamental causes and issues that have moulded its stance on the EU. Political issues explored include the political rationality of Brexit and the reasons for the UK's unsustainable position in the EU, specific UK sovereignty concerns in the absence of a written constitution, the issue of preferences, and the UK's prospective standing in the world post EU exit. Economic considerations such as the root causes of Brexit, examination of the properties of the single market and EU regulation, including the issue of the City of London, and the importance played by subjective wellbeing rather than economic growth are investigated, as well as the challenges to be confronted post-Brexit. The Politics and Economics of Brexit will be a key resource for scholars and students interested in the European Union, European governance and political economics. Analysing the Brexit impasse from 2016-2019, this comprehensive book will also be valuable to those working in comparative politics, international relations, business and industry. Contributors include: S. Baroncelli, A. Bongardt, R. Bourgeot, P. Della Posta, R. Di Quirico, E. Diodato, S. Giusti , S. Rehman, M. Rosini, L.S. Talani, F. Torres

This book offers an analytical overview of schools of thought on European integration which offer useful insights into EU social politics. Building on this framework, the chapters then examine in detail pre-Maastricht social policy and the 'social partners', the innovations of the Treaty itself, and where EU social policy stands at the end of the 1990s. Case studies of European Works Councils, parental leave, and atypical work, are included to highlight the day-to-day processes at work in social policy formation and the major interest groups and EU institutions involved. This is an up-to-date and accessible study which finds the social policy-making environment in the EU has become increasingly corporatist in the 1990s.

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"This book makes a vital contribution to the current literature on human well-being. Through a condensed but incisive analysis of a wide range of sources, from ancient philosophy to the political constitutions of modern nation states, Annie Austin builds a strong case for a universal core of human well-being. Her identification of the vital importance of an "infrastructure of sociality" should be noted by academicians, politicians and policy-makers who are seeking to use well-being as a means of rethinking how we are to meet the challenges of the 21st century." -Allister McGregor, University of Sheffield, UK This book examines the differing policy implications of the different conceptions of wellbeing across the world. There is an ongoing debate, in both philosophical and policy circles, about the legitimacy of universal frameworks of wellbeing. Who should decide what it means to live a good life? Is it possible to arrive at a shared definition, or is there simply too much individual and cultural diversity in conceptions of the good life? By devising an 'overlapping consensus' on wellbeing, the book represents a starting point for political negotiation and public deliberation about the kinds of societies we (as collectivities) wish to create, and the kinds of lives we (as individuals embedded in those societies) want to live. The book provides philosophically-informed public policy insight, making it a valuable contribution to interdisciplinary wellbeing scholarship.

This book explores the reactions to Europeanization and globalization in times of economic distress, including the transformation of European values in national legal cultures. The authors explore how European values, tradition and new legal challenges interconnect and dictate the paths of transition between old and new Europe. The first chapter starts with a question: can Roman Legal Tradition play a role of identity factor towards a New Europe? Can it be considered as a general value identifying new Europe, built on a minimum core of principles - persona, dominum, obligation, contract and inheritance - composing the whole European private law tradition? Subsequent chapters attempt to provide possible responses to the question: what is Europe today? The answers diverge, depending on the research area. The inherent dichotomy of human rights protection in Europe and the concept of 'one law, one court' are investigated in the second chapter, whereas the third chapter focuses on asylum and the interrelation and interdependence of the Court of Justice of the EU and the European Court of Human Rights. The next three chapters concentrate on matters of equal treatment and non-discrimination. The first contribution in this part reflects on the crisis and methodological and conceptual issues faced by modern anti-discrimination law. It is followed by a specific analysis of the empowerment of women or gender-balancing in company boards. The third contribution reveals the impact of the Croatian anti-discrimination law on private law relations. The next chapter deals with the issue of social rights in Croatia and the method of their regulation in the context of the new European values. The immense challenges posed by the market integration imperative and democratic transition have brought about different reactions in the national legal systems and legal cultures of both old and new Member States. As such, Europe has effectively been reunited, but what about the convergence of national legal cultures? This is the focal point of the remaining chapters, which focus on various issues, from internal market, competition law, consumer welfare, liberalization of network industries to the EU capital market. The magnitude of EU activity in these areas offers conclusive evidence that old and new paradigms are evolving and shaping the future of the EU.

This book examines the role of the European Court of Justice in the regulation of the internal market from a competence perspective. However, rather than focusing on the Court's role in enforcing the limits of EU competence in the EU's political decision making, it explores a related, albeit understudied, question: to what extent does the Court observe the constitutional limits of EU competence and its own institutional powers in the interpretation of EU internal market law laid down in the Treaties? The book provides an answer to this question through the analysis of EU free movement case law in light of the constitutional principles that govern the allocation of competences and powers in the EU: conferral, subsidiarity and proportionality, on the vertical level, and institutional balance, on the horizontal level. Why should the Court be bound by these principles? What do they mean when applied to judicial practice? To what extent are they observed in the free movement case law? The book argues that the Court's observance of the four principles has been inconsistent, thereby creating substantive and constitutional tensions in the EU's relationship with the Member States and upsetting the institutional balance of powers between the EU legislature and judiciary.

The World Trade Organization grew out of the post-war General agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) through a series of negotiated enhancements to GATT. Recently, the WTO has attracted controversy, accused of perpetuating the economic subservience of the Third World. This text explores the main issues.

This text contributes to the continuing debate surrounding the European Integration process. Drawing on a wealth of material, including the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference and budgetary negotiations, the contributors develop insights and theories about the nature of the integrative process. This collection brings together leading academics and practitioners in the field and should be useful to students, teachers, practitioners and anyone interested in the evolution of European unity.

This book critically engages with NATO's two main referent objects of security: civilisation and individuals. By rethinking the seemingly natural assumption of these two referent objects, it suggests the epistemological importance of an unconscious dimension to understand meaning formation and behaviour change in international security. The book provides a historicised and genealogical approach of the idea of civilisation that is at the core of the Alliance, in which human needs, narratives, and security arrangements are interconnected. It suggests that there is a Civilised Subject of Security at the core of modern Western security that has constantly produced civilised and secure subjects around the world, which explains NATO's emergence around a civilisational referent. The book then proceeds by considering the Individualisation of Security after the Cold War as another stage of the civilising process, based on NATO's military operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan.

European integration has profoundly changed the relationship between national and subnational governments and has led to the emergence of the "Europe of the Regions." This edited volume highlights some of the problems involved in the integration of the three main levels of governance in the European Union: the regional, national, and supranational level. The contributors address recent developments in various regions and examine the way these regions have adjusted to the growing importance of the European Union's multilevel governance system. Among the issues discussed are the emergence and institutionalization of new regional political systems, such as those of Scotland, Wales, and Flanders; the channels available to the regions for influencing the EU policy process in relation to their constituencies; and horizontal projects of integration among regions, which make the whole multilevel governance system more flexible as well as more complex.

Since the late 1970s, the European Union (EU) has seen an immense growth in regulatory measures aimed at environmental protection. In more recent years, this regulatory activity has come under increasing criticism. This has coincided with a more general disenchantment with regulation, resulting in a wave of "deregulation" initiatives. These initially focused on privatization and market liberalization in various industries (economic deregulation), but subsequently have also been applied to environmental policy itself. This text looks at two separate, but related facets of deregulation in the EU. Through case studies of the energy transport and water sectors, it examines the environmental implication of economic deregulation. Dealing with options for deregulation in environmental policy, the book looks at self-regulation, negotiated agreements and environmental management systems. A number of other issues are also addressed such as the links between deregulation, environmental protection and competition.

The Rio Summit has pointed to the urgency for the development of an international conservation policy, and the post-Maastricht debates in Europe have highlighted the need for the EU to reassess structural funding in nature conservation, as well as the influences on policy and practice. This text is a "route map" through the legislative and policy frameworks and explains how conservation works in Europe. It goes through the policies for nature conservation in the European Community and its constituent member states and sets out the mechanisms for delivering this policy. Practitioners in the fields of countryside, conservation and general land management should find this text a useful guide to the working of the EU, as well as helpful in appreciating their local role within the wider community objectives.

The principle of effective judicial protection ('PEJP') is specifically provided for in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights Article 47. But how effective is the provision and the protection it affords? This ambitious, innovative project examines that question over two volumes. In the first volume an expert team explores how the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has interpreted the PEJP, as expressed in particular by Article 47, in selected policy areas, and reflects on the impact of the principle on the EU's constitutional structure. Taking both a horizontal interpretation, analysing the constitutional themes in play, and a vertical one, which looks at the Court's interpretation in specific policy areas, it shows the interplay of the protection within the wider architecture of the EU. Addressing key questions such as legal certainty, judicial autonomy and division of competences, it significantly adds to our understanding of judicial protection within the EU.

This broad ranging new text provides a systematic assessment of the emergence of gender as a significant issue on the EU agenda and of the EU's impact on gender inequality, both in terms of specifically gender-related policies and the gender dimensions of other policies.

Fully updated chapters and a new Introduction, including discussion of the Paris Climate Change Agreement. the world's response to COVID-19, and the revival of ultranationalism and great-power rivalry. New sections on the theory and practice of neoliberalism and populism, the UN's use of the "Responsibility to Protect" in the Middle East, the Arab Spring, and multifaceted roles in the developing world, with special attention to Africa. Updated analysis of twenty-first century challenges to collective security, including in Syria and, particularly, in Ukraine. Unique special section on the student Model United Nations experience. Coverage of the UN's efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals; and Resources with supportive materials and documents. Fresh descriptions of the U.S.-China relationship within the UN environment, including inventive and challenging Chinese global financial and economic policies.

Cette version revisee est basee sur les evolutions applicables a compter du 1er janvier 2021. Elle contient des dispositions nouvelles ou revisees concernant notamment le transport des systemes de stockage electrique (y compris les batteries au lithium installees dans les unites de transport de marchandises et les batteries defectueuses), les dechets medicaux et les matieres radioactives. La pandemie COVID-19 a entraine une augmentation de la demande de gaz medicaux (en particulier d'oxygene medical), qui, avec les substances infectieuses, dangereuses ou radioactives, sont transportees avec un soin particulier et sont couvertes dans cette edition. L'Accord concernant le transport international des marchandises dangereuses par route (ADR) est un outil important de facilitation des echanges et contribue ainsi a reduire le risque de protectionnisme. Sauf pour les marchandises dangereuses dont le transport est totalement interdit, et sauf lorsque le transport est reglemente ou interdit pour des raisons autres que la securite, le transport international de marchandises dangereuses par route est autorise par l'ADR sur les territoires des Parties contractantes, a condition que les dispositions de l'accord sont respectes. En tant que partie contractante, pendant la periode de transition et post-Brexit, le Royaume-Uni continuera d'appliquer les exigences ADR. This revised version is based on changes applicable from 1 January 2021. It contains new or revised provisions concerning in particular the transport of electrical storage systems (including lithium batteries installed in goods transport units and defective batteries), medical waste and radioactive materials. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to an increase in demand for medical gases (particularly medical oxygen), which, along with infectious, hazardous or radioactive substances are being transported with special care and are covered in this edition. The Agreement concerning the International Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Road (ADR) is an important trade facilitation tool and thus helps reduce the risk of protectionism. Except for dangerous goods which are totally prohibited for transport, and except when transport is regulated or prohibited for reasons other than safety, the international transport of dangerous goods by road is authorized by ADR in the territories of the Contracting Parties, provided that the provisions of the agreement are respected. As a Contracting Party, during the transitional and post-Brexit period, the United Kingdom will continue to apply ADR requirements.

The possibility that the European Union might expand to thirty members in the first quarter of the next millenium poses fundamental questions about the objectives and processes of the EU.
This study addresses many of the key issues raised by the increasing exapnsion of the EU. Analysing the traditional 'Community method' of expansion and finding many short comings with its ability to handle future enlargement, Chris Preston explores:
* the past experience of enlargement and the lessons that can be drawn
* the impact that enlargement has had on EU policies, institutions and the new members themselves
* the likely future developments in the enlargement process
Focusing on the Mediterranean, Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet countries, this book will be essential reading for students, specialists and practitioners of European Politics.

This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.

The war in the Western Sahara recently entered its sixteenth year. Although progress toward peace has been made, concrete steps to a final resolution have not yet occurred. This has had serious political, social, economic, and military consequences for the countries in the region. Despite the significance of the issue, until now very few scholarly works have dealt with the regional and international dimensions of the conflict. In particular, little attention has been paid to the role of the superpowers and of the United Nations in the region and to the other related issues which are the focus of this book.

The Western Sahara conflict raises serious questions about the role of international law and of the United Nations in achieving the decolonization of former colonial territories and resolving regional conflicts. Taken together, the work of the scholars, diplomats, and experts in international law who have contributed to this volume constitutes a significant contribution to our understanding of the role of outside powers in the origins and evolution of the war in the Western Sahara. Their work also casts new light on the efforts of the Maghrebi states to overcome regional divisions by themselves and on the continuing attempts by the United Nations to resolve the conflict in the Western Sahara and restore respect for international law. This work will interest specialists West African affairs and in international law and organizations.

The 1990s have seen intense debates about the role of regions in European integration. Changes in EU structural funding rules, the innovations of the Maastricht treaty, and the growing importance of federal and regional government within EU member states have all boosted the significance of regional tiers of government in EU politics. Taken together their effect has been to shift the balance of decision-making responsibility within the EU to a third (regional) level of government emerging in the EU policy process alongside the first (union) and second (nation-state) levels. As a result, a system of multi-level governance can increasingly be identified, in which different levels of government adopt different roles in different fields or phases of the European policy process.

The 1990s have seen intense debates about the role of regions in European integration. Changes in EU structural funding rules, the innovations of the Maastricht treaty, and the growing importance of federal and regional government within EU member states have all boosted the significance of regional tiers of government in EU politics. Taken together their effect has been to shift the balance of decision-making responsibility within the EU to a third (regional) level of government emerging in the EU policy process alongside the first (union) and second (nation-state) levels. As a result, a system of multi-level governance can increasingly be identified, in which different levels of government adopt different roles in different fields or phases of the European policy process.

In 1989, the floodgates of revolution were opened in Eastern Europe. Communist governments toppled in all of the East European countries that were members of the Warsaw Pact. Glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union, the prospect of increasing West European integration leading to the further marginization of Eastern Europe, and long-suppressed alienation of the public from the political leadership throughout Eastern Europe were amongst the immediate factors leading to the upheavals of 1989. In this research volume, Alpo Rusi, Director of Planning and Research in the Political Department of the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, examines the history of the postwar east-west relationship in Europe, the underlying proceses of change and the implications of the present period of transition to a new European order.;In Dr Rusi's view the events of 1989 are but a harbinger of a new security order in Europe. The author analyses the rise of bipolarism, both during the conflict of the Cold War and during the growth of detente, and lays stress on the parallel process of an evolution towards multilateralism. Dr Rusi's view is that in exploring the prospects for Europe's future, analysts

A vision for a restructuring of the United Nations, this volume offers an insider's look at how the UN can respond more effectively to the challenges of the future in an age of globalization. It also analyzes the roles of major UN functions such as the General Assembly and the Trusteeship Council.

The European Union is paradoxical: it is not a state, yet it performs many traditional functions of the state. Its regulatory powers are immense but its redistributive functions are negligible; its decisions penetrate all aspects of economic and social life, yet Brussels has no local administration or tribunals, no controllers capable of guaranteeing the correct and faithful implementation of the regulations or objectives which frame European policies. Ths book explores the means through which this paradox is confronted. It examines the nature and modalities of policy-making at Community level and discusses the implications of the specific nature of European institiutions for bargaining group mobilization and policy style. It then studies how the three major nation states have adjusted their policy processes and institutions to the European challenges. Finally, it considers the impact of community decisions in three areas: industrial, competition and social policy.

This book explores and explains the reasons why the idea of universal history, a form of teleological history which holds that all peoples are travelling along the same path and destined to end at the same point, persists in political thought. Prominent in Western political thought since the middle of the eighteenth century, the idea of universal history holds that all peoples can be situated in the narrative of history on a continuum between a start and an end point, between the savage state of nature and civilized modernity. Despite various critiques, the underlying teleological principle still prevails in much contemporary thinking and policy planning, including post-conflict peace-building and development theory and practice. Anathema to contemporary ideals of pluralism and multiculturalism, universal history means that not everyone gets to write their own story, only a privileged few. For the rest, history and future are taken out of their hands, subsumed and assimilated into other people's narrative.

The European Union is becoming increasingly involved in health policy. The Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam require the EU to consider health issues in all that it does. Even though the Union has no direct involvement in the delivery of health services, its range of responsibilities, including the ramifications for health of the Single European Market, make it a key player. This is the first major academic book solely devoted to EU health and health-related policy.