From Global to Grassroots looks at how transnational activism aimed at combating violence against women is being used to instigate changes in local practice. Focusing on the case of the European Union, this study provides empirical and intersectional feminist analysis of the transnational processes that connect global and grassroots advocacy efforts, with a particular emphasis placed on the roles played by regional organizations and networks. Over the past several decades, the complex and evolving system of EU multilevel governance has provided new venues for women's transnational activism. Despite a predominantly economic focus, the EU has undertaken various initiatives that utilize different tools of authority to combat violence against women. This book first traces the processes by which violence against women became a European Union issue, examining the role played by global movements and organizations as well as European advocates within and outside of EU institutions. Second, it explores and analyzes the different strategies that the EU has utilized to influence its member and candidate states to change their practices. Third, it evaluates the impact that these strategies have had at the local level by investigating the interaction of international and regional efforts with domestic characteristics. The regional and positional variation provided by the expansion of the EU allows comparative leverage for exploring how different strategies, power relationships, and domestic circumstances interact to provide a range of responses in member and candidate states. While other studies have emphasized formal policy change as evidence that domestic change has occurred, this study looks beyond the rhetoric to examine the extent to which violence against women is addressed, paying special attention to the ways in which different strategies may impact particular groups of women.

The volume at hand contains invited papers addressing the normative is sues of democracy and the European Union. Most papers were fIrst discussed at the conference "Democracy and the European Union," held in Oslo on Au gust 8-10, 1996, with the support of the Norwegian research programme Ad vanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State (ARENA). The editors wish to thank the organisers and participants of the Oslo con ference. They are grateful to Kristin Johansen and Simen Brrein for managing the conference, to Anna Maria Hauk and Victoria Pogosian for professional assistance with the manuscript, and to Andreas Holm Bakke and Torstein Buggeland for generating the index. Hannover, Germany, and Oslo, Norway, May 1997 Peter Koslowski Andreas F011esdal Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V PETER KOSWWSKI, ANDREAS F0LlESDAL Democracy and the European Union: Challenges ANDREAS F0LlESDAL. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Part A EU Institutions Chapter 1 Is it Really Possible to Democratize the Euro-Polity? PHILIPPE C. SCHMITTER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Chapter 2 Democracy and Governance in the European Union MARKUS JACHTENFUCHS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Chapter 3 Democratic Legitimacy and the Role of the Commission JANNE: HAALAND MA'ILARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 CONTENTS Chapter 4 The EU Intergovernmental Conference 1996/97: The Moment of Constitutional Choice for a Democratic Europe? MICHAEL NENTWICH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Chapter 5 Double Asymmetry as Normative Challenge SVERKERGUSTAVSSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 PartB Historical and Comparative Perspectives Chapter 6 Democracy in Multicultural Societies and Multinational Settings RUSSELL L. HANSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Chapter 7 How to Create Supra-National Institutions Democratically."

An interdisciplinary approach to the study of the EU in UN human rights and environmental governance which addresses the legal and political science dimensions. With contributions from academics and policy-makers, this volume is a comprehensive analysis of how the challenges it faces impact on the EU's position in UN fora.

One of the most enduring questions in economics involves how a nation could accelerate the pace of its economic development. One of the most enduring answers to this question is to promote exports -either because doing so directly influences development via encouraging production of goods for export, or because export promotion permits accumulation of foreign exchange which permits importation of high-quality goods and services, which can in turn be used to expand the nation's production possibilities. In either case, growth is said to be export-led; the latter case is the so-called "two-gap" hypothesis (McKinnon, 1964; Findlay, 1973). The early work on export-led growth consisted of static cross-country com parisons (Michaely, 1977; Balassa, 1978; Tyler, 1981; Kormendi and Meguire, 1985). These studies generally concluded that there is strong evidence in favour of export-led growth because export growth and income growth are highly correlated. However, Kravis pointed out in 1970 that the question is an essen tially dynamic one: as he put it, are exports the handmaiden or the engine of growth? To make this determination one needs to look at time series to see whether or not exports are driving income. This approach has been taken in a number of papers (Jung and Marshall, 1985; Chow, 1987; Serletis, 1992; Kunst and Marin, 1989; Marin, 1992; Afxentiou and Serletis, 1991), designed to assess whether or not individual countries exhibit statistically significant evidence of export-led growth using Granger causality tests."

'At a time when peacekeepers are struggling to fulfil increasingly demanding mandates and UN peacekeeping is in danger of losing the distinct character that won it the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize, this important book argues for a clear theoretical redefinition within a conflict resolution framework and examines the practical implications for training. This is a valuable and original contribution to the peacekeeping literature.' - Dr. Oliver Ramsbotham, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford 'Both for the 'blue helmets' on the ground, and for the diplomats at UN headquarters, conflict resolution skills are essential for conducting peacekeeping operations. Betts Fetherstone's excellent study points the way forward to a synthesis between conflict management and peacekeeping?' - Hugh Miall, Research Fellow, European Programme, Royal Institute of International Affairs The prevailing over-taxed ad hoc system of peacekeeping does not meet the growing demands posed by the post-Cold War world. This volume argues that peacekeeping needs to be placed on firm conceptual footing directly congruent with its peaceful third party role. The implications of this conceptualisation of peacekeeping for practice are then discussed. Training is cited as a key means of translating conceptual understanding into practice. Without this foundation work, UN has little chance of changing its existing, and largely ineffective, system of conflict management. At a time when peacekeepers are struggling to fulfil increasingly demanding mandates and UN peacekeeping is in danger of losing the distinct character that won it the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize, this important book argues for a clear theoretical redefinition within a conflict resolution framework and examines the practical implications for training. This is a valuable and original contribution to the peacekeeping literature.

This book is the first comprehensive study of the creation and work of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). It summarises the history of the development and use of chemical weapons. The authors describe the negotiation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and the work of the Preparatory Commission for OPCW. They review the first ten years of operation of the Treaty and the organisation. The book describes how the abstract concepts contained in the Treaty were translated into an operational international organisation, able to send inspectors to military and civil chemical facilities around the world. It offers a detailed example of international multilateral diplomacy in action and provides a detailed case study of how a convention negotiated by diplomats is put into effect by a broad range of government officials and private actors. Last but not least, lessons are drawn for the creation of other treaty based organisations. As such, the book is of great interest to academic libraries and students of International Relations, as well as government officials, legal scholars and experts involved in the implementation of international treaties. The publication of this book coincides with the 10th anniversary of the Treaty entering into force. Ian R. Kenyon was Executive Secretary to the Preparatory Commission for the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (1993-1997). He is currently active as a Visiting Fellow at SPRU Science and Technology Research, University of Sussex and a Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Mountbatten Centre for International Studies, University of Southampton. Daniel Feakes was the Harvard Sussex Program Researcher at OPCW (1997-2000). He is currently a Research Fellow at SPRU Science and Technology Research, University of Sussex.

This book provides a comprehensive analysis on the design of institutions for the new Europe. Addressing critical issues such as the appropriate distribution of political powers, the next step in the constitution process, allocation of taxing powers and distribution of policy-making responsibilities.

This book offers a novel contribution to the study of post-Cold War European defence. Interdisciplinary in approach, it uses the insights of EU law to assess the utility of existing theoretical accounts of European defence cooperation.Dyson and Konstadinides link legal and IR scholarship to undertake a detailed exploration of the structural factors which facilitate and hinder closer cooperation in the field of defence. Exploring the explanatory power of Neorealism, they focus on the balance of threat as a driver of the European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This book critiques the assumption inherent in governance accounts of CSDP that a transition from the 'sovereign' to the 'functional' will be possible in this policy area.European Defence Cooperation in EU Law and IR Theory sheds new light on the factors underpinning the development of the CSDP and the potential for more extensive cooperation in trans-Atlantic relations. The capacity of legal analysis to provide important empirical insight and of international relations theory to enrich legal scholarship by contextualizing it within its political context, makes this book of great relevance to scholars from both disciplines.

In the face of emerging new threats, the EU's capacity to build a distinctive role in crisis management remains problematic. Analysing EU policies and actions, this collection sheds light on the EU's role in managing crises and peacekeeping, exploring avenues for a strategic EU vision for security and defense.

In order to better understand processes of European integration, this book offers a new perspective that compares past experiences of change to current transitional moments at the European level. It addresses key questions about European society, EU integration and social change to reveal the social construction of emergent polities and societies.

This book examines the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (EU) and evaluates the democratic credentials of the EU s main decision-making procedure. It finds that though there is potential for democratic decision-making in the EU, the actual process is dominated by technocrats and secret meetings.

The book assesses and discusses the conditions for democratic input in decision-making with five empirical chapters each addressing the ordinary legislative procedure from different dimensions: democratic deliberative forums, inclusion, openness, power neutralising mechanisms and decision-making capacity. The analytical framework provides for an in-depth assessment of the ordinary legislative procedure s potential democratic qualities and examines whether it fulfils democratic criteria, how the procedure works in practice and whether it has the necessary democratic clout. The author provides both a theoretical discussion and an empirical assessment of what role the principle of democracy could play in the EU.

Filling a gap in EU legislative studies and contributing to the debate on the European democratic deficit, "Democratic Decision-making in the EU" will be of interest to students and scholars of European Union politics, legislative studies and deliberative democracy.

Terrorism and the International Legal Order introduces the various aspects surrounding the efforts which have been undertaken to enhance cooperation and coordination in the war against terrorism. It deals with jurisdiction and extradition, with the ICC and the ICJ, with safe havens and cross-border aspects. Van Krieken brings together key documents on terrorism in the context of the international legal order, all preceded by succinct introductions. He pays ample attention to all the UN organs, the Security Council and ECOSOC in particular, and to the European Union and its efforts to harmonize legislation. As fear exists that the fight against terrorism will erode the human rights regime, Van Krieken puts human rights in the broader context of international law and the quest for peace and justice. But he also extensively addresses the issue of asylum seekers and migrants who may have been, are, or might become involved in terrorism-related acts.

The EU's self promotion as a 'conflict manager' is embedded in a discourse about its 'shared values' and their foundation in a connection between security, development and democracy. This book provides a collection of essays based on the latest cutting edge research into the EU's active engagement in conflict management. It maps the evolution of EU policy and strategic thinking about its role, and the development of its institutional capacity to manage conflicts. Case studies of EU conflict management within the Union, in its neighbourhood and further afield, explore the consistency, coherence, and politicization of EU strategy at the implementation stage. The essays examine the extent to which the EU can exert influence on conflict dynamics and outcomes. Such influence depends on a number of changing factors: how the EU conceptualizes conflict and policy solutions; the balance of interests within the EU on the issue (divided or concerted) and the degree of politicization in the EU's role; the scope for an external EU role; and the value attached by the conflict parties to EU engagement - a value that is almost wholly bound to their interest in a membership perspective (or other strong relationship to the EU) rather than to 'shared values' as an end in themselves. This book was based on a special issue of Ethnopolitics.

This original study explores three generations of approaches to ending conflict. Oliver P. Richmond examines how peacekeeping, mediation and negotiation, conflict resolution, peacebuilding approaches, and UN peace operations have played major roles in replicating an international system prone to intractable forms of conflict.

The United Nations is at a critical juncture. It is faced with two distinct choices: to remain a "decision frozen in time" or to develop a long-term adaptation agenda (and strategy) that would allow it to be a relevant institution of global governance for the 21st century. Reform and reflexive institutional adjustments have failed to address underlying problems facing this organization. After 55 years of existence it is still considered an inefficient and ineffective world body. Worse yet, its relevance is being questioned. This study offers a critique of existing UN change processes and then shifts to considerations of institutional learning strategies that would allow the UN to maintain relevance amidst the evolution of global governance arrangements.

Relief Chief is Mark Lowcock's behind-the-scenes account of his experience as the world's most senior humanitarian official-the UN Relief Chief. In his four years on the job, Lowcock coordinated the work of UN agencies, the Red Cross, and countless national and international humanitarian groups to save lives and protect the most vulnerable. Appointed in 2017, Lowcock was witness to the biggest explosion in humanitarian need in modern history. Wars, droughts, floods, storms, earthquakes, volcanoes, and then the COVID-19 global pandemic put humanitarian agencies under unprecedented strain. Long-standing crises like those in Syria, Yemen, and the Sahel got worse. New ones arose, in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Venezuela, and elsewhere. Over his tenure, Lowcock raised record amounts of money to tackle these problems, but this was not enough to prevent humanitarian agencies from being overwhelmed by the emergencies they were asked to deal with, as Lowcock documents from a personal, inside perspective. Part memoir and part manifesto for reform, Relief Chief depicts the brutality, misery and inhumanity inflicted on innocent people in crises. Lowcock recounts what people he met in dozens of countries-especially women and children-shared with him about their plight and the help they needed. He warns that crises will continue to get worse without a renewed global effort to tackle their causes. But Relief Chief is also an uplifting story of lives saved and suffering reduced, and a detailed, practical agenda for solving crises faster and better in the future.

This book addresses the central theme of adjusting the United Nations system in light of the broadening definition of security, a perceived shift from modernity to post-modernity, and the contemporary debate about reform, adaptation, and institutional learning in multilateral institutions during transitional periods. The authors in this study focus on the lessons learned from the organization's recent performance in collective security, preventive diplomacy and deployment, and peacekeeping, among other things.

The Performance of the EU in International Institutions marks one of the first attempts to systematically analyse the subject. It focuses on the role of the EU in decision-making within international organizations and regimes as a major locus of global governance. The book unpacks the concept of EU performance into four core elements: effectiveness (goal achievement); efficiency (ratio between outputs accomplished and costs incurred); relevance (of the EU for its priority stakeholders); and financial/resource viability (the ability of the performing organization to raise the funds required). Based on the case studies herein, the findings presented in this book relate to the identified core elements of performance with a particular emphasis on the dimensions of 'effectiveness' and 'relevance'. Most notably, the EU appears, on balance and over the past two decades, to have become much more relevant for its member states when acting within international institutions. The book highlights four particular factors explaining EU performance in international institutions: the status of relevant EU legislation and policies, the legal framework conditions including the relevant changes that the Lisbon Treaty has brought about, domestic EU politics, and the international context. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of European Integration

This book provides a conceptual and legal analysis of one of the most important challenges facing international organizations today: their exercise of sovereign powers. The book examines the exercise of sovereign powers by organizations such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the European Union. It makes a significant contribution to the content of the law that governs both the exercise of sovereign powers by international organizations and the relationships between organizations and their Member States. The book also tackles the fundamental question of what values should constrain international organizations in their exercise of sovereign powers. These sovereign powers have been conferred on international organizations by States and may include the full range of executive, legislative, and judicial powers. Sarooshi develops an innovative three-tiered typology of conferrals which ranges from agency relationships, to delegations of powers, to full transfers of powers. These categories prove useful in answering a number of legal issues that arise out of the relationships between international organizations and their Member States. These include: When an international organization exercises conferred powers, does it do so on its own behalf or on behalf of the State? Whose legal relations are changed by the exercise of powers: the State's or the organization's? In the case where the State has retained the right to exercise powers it has conferred on an organization, whose interpretation of the powers will prevail in the case of a conflict that arises from the concurrent exercise of powers? What fiduciary duties are owed by the organization and Member States towards each other? And who is responsible for breaches of international law that may occur as a result of the organization's exercise of conferred powers: the State or the organization or both? These issues lead on to a consideration in the book of the measures available to a State under international law when it wants to try and change the way that an organization is exercising conferred powers.

This book provides a theoretical and historical examination of the speech and deeds of European founders. Using a fresh and innovative approach, this monograph connects political theory with concrete political practices based on empirical evidence, and theorizes the internal process of European reconciliations as it has been experienced by those involved. The book draws upon over 100 interviews, memoirs, autobiographies and essays of elite and grassroot actors across the history of the European Union, from the founding of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1950-2 to the 2010 financial crisis. It introduces the reader to major contemporary Western political thinkers, Hannah Arendt, Jurgen Habermas, Charles Taylor and Paul Ricoeur, and examines how their theories develop the interpretation of political phenomena such as European integration. As one of the first studies of EU memories, this approach opens a unique window of analysis to view the development of the European community, and makes a fascinating contribution to our understanding of the political tradition born of 60 years of European integration. A Political Theory of Identity in European Integration: Memory and Policies will be of strong interest to students and scholars of European politics, contemporary democratic theory and EU studies.

This is a complete update and revision of Stoetzer's classic reference work on the Organization of American States (OAS), first published by Praeger in 1965. The work will provide the reader with an understanding of the OAS in today's world and will give a realistic and indepth interpretation of the inter-american system, its background, and its development. The work not only deals with basic information, such as the activities and organization of the most important organs and institutions of the OAS, its commissions and agencies; it also covers the changes that have taken place over the last forty-five years, since the founding of the OAS in 1948, including much material not readily available from other sources.

This comprehensive work on the OAS will be a mandatory reference for all those involved in inter-american and world affairs and international organizations. It will also appeal to scholars in inter-American history and affairs, Latin American studies, and political science.

The purpose of the volume is to analyze the impact of European Union on inward foreign direct investment in Europe and to discuss what type of effects are being created by this race for FDI.
The volume deals with two levels of discussion: First, by looking at the policy issues as addressed by the EU authorities and incentive regimes exercised in single countries by local governments. Second, by looking at company strategies towards location selection and whether there is a trend towards concentration in some countries or regions. Although academically it is still under discussion, most countries believe that inward foreign direct investment is beneficial for local economies.
It is considered positive not only for job opportunities but also for tax income, technological development and competitiveness of local firms. Countries thus create different type of incentives for foreign firms, such as; direct incentives/subsidies, tax relief, soft loans and preferred handling. This race for attracting inward FDI has been intensified in the European Union. However, there has hardly been any research to understand the impact of EU on the competition among EU-countries to attract FDI. This volume will investigate whether there is such a race or not and provide evidence from different countries. .
- Provides evidence from different countries
- Analyzes the impact of EU on the competition among EU-countries to attract FDI

Turkish accession to the European Union is an important but controversial item on the agenda of the European Union. By focusing on the various domestic sources that drive Turkish politics, this comprehensive study of both classic and new topics supported by fresh, new insights fills a void in the current literature on Turkey-EU relations. This volume is a comprehensive, state of the art study of domestic politics and policies and their role in Turkey's EU accession. Contributions are obtained from established scholars, acknowledged for their expertise in their respective fields. The content is structured along issues, dynamics, actors and policies that drive Turkish politics and it provides an integrated assessment of the dynamics in Turkey-EU relations to general readers, students and specialists in EU Enlargement and Turkish politics alike. Original contributions to 'classic' topics such as the customs union, human rights, military, civil society, public and elite opinion, political parties and the Kurdish issue are made by assessing the domestic sources of recent developments during the negotiations period. In addition, 'new' topics are included that previously have not been covered or analyzed in volumes on Turkish-EU relations such as the Alevi issue, European Turks, corruption in Turkey, and Turkish parliamentary elite opinion on Turkey and the EU. This book was published as a special issue of South European Society and Politics.

The volume contains articles from high-ranking experts from politics and academia of different Member States about the basic principles of the actual constitutional law of the European Union and its need of reform through a Constitution for Europe. By analysing the rules to govern a Europe of 25 and in time 28 and more Member States the publication intends to make a contribution to the emerging "Ius Publicum Europaeum."