This fresh look at the 1963 crisis in the western alliance following de Gaulle's veto of the British EEC application uses much new unpublished source material to offer a fascinating insight into the personal relationships of the western leaders. It challenges the orthodox view, showing that the ultimate breakdown came after Anglo-German and Anglo-American cooperation to ensure that de Gaulle was made the sole scapegoat, in order to isolate France within the EEC.

This is a distinctive new textbook on the political dynamics of the EU which offers a refreshing alternative to the traditional history-policy-institutions model. Assuming no prior knowledge, it introduces a wide range of key debates with a central focus on how the need to accommodate a range of state interests shapes the EU political system and on the implications this has for its democratic functionality and the process of Europeanization and integration.

The Treaty on European Union introduced specific objectives for the Development Co-operation Policy of the Community. The inclusion of Articles 130u--y marks an important stage in the emergence of the Community's Development Co-operation Policy. It affords the Community an opportunity to eliminate the inconsistencies of the past which have arisen through the gradual and patchwork development of that policy. It also affords the Community a much-needed opportunity to adopt an integrated and coherent policy which will promote the economic and social development of all developing countries and their gradual integration into the world economy and which should make a significant contribution to the campaign against poverty in developing countries. The general scope of the objectives set for the Development Co-operation Policy are examined in Chapter One, which provides an overview of the development of the general outline of that policy up to 1992. Chapters Two to Five concentrate on the region-specific application of the Community's Development Co-operation Policy by examining the relationships established through the Lome Conventions with the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific, and through other agreements with the countries of the Mediterranean, Latin America and Asia. In each chapter, the focus of attention is the trading relationship established with the Community. Chapter Six is an examination of two problems of co-ordination; between the Development of Co-operation Policy and other Community policies; and between the Community Policy and those of the Member States. The conclusion emerging from the discussion is that one very important area of co-ordination was omitted from the provisions of Articles u--y, namely the co-ordination of the instruments of development co-operation themselves. The final chapter proposes a new Development Co-operation Policy for the Community to meet new objectives set by Articles 130u--y.

Much of the literature on the emerging role of the EU as a non-proliferation actor has only a minimal engagement with theory. This collection aims to rectify this by placing the role of the EU in the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons within an analytical framework inspired by emerging literature on the performance of international organisations.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which have been described as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all the major relevant factors identified here (i.e. a common Strategic Culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence-spending decline) that contributed to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through an historical and empirical analysis, and the relationship between the CSDP and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is also explored. This approach facilitates analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of the CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led European Union (EU) leaders to support the CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical examination of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in this sector facilitated the emergence of the CSDP and are therefore analysed in the light of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and Research and Development (R&D) impact. This book will be of interest to students of European security, EU politics, defence studies and International Relations.

The management of international organizations is attracting growing attention. Most of this attention is highly critical of both the UN system and International NGOs. Sometimes, this criticism lacks depth or reflects insufficient understanding of these organizations, or is based on narrow, and sometimes biased, internal political concerns of a particular country. International relations theory has insufficiently studied the type of linkages that these organizations provide between international decision-making and Northern fundraising on the one hand, and practical action in the South on the other. As a result, current theory too rarely focuses on the inner functioning of these organizations and is unable to explain the deficiencies and negative outcomes of their work. While the authors identify and describe the pathologies of international organizations in, for example, international diplomacy, fundraising, and implementation, they also stress positive elements, such as their intermediary role. The latter, in particular, could form the basis of more efficient and effective policies, in addition to other recent trends, also described in this volume, that hold hope for a stronger functioning of these organizations in the future. This book presents a long overdue empirical and theoretical overview of criticism on and cures for these organizations. It provides a fundamental rethinking of current approaches to the management of international organizations.

Under pressure from globalization, the classical distinction between domestic and international law has become increasingly blurred, spurring demand for new paradigms to construe the emerging postnational legal order. The typical response of constitutional and international lawyers as well as political theorists has been to extend domestic concepts - especially constitutionalism - beyond the state. Yet as this book argues, proposals for postnational constitutionalism not only fail to provide a plausible account of the changing shape of postnational law but also fall short as a normative vision. They either dilute constitutionalism's origins and appeal to 'fit' the postnational space; or they create tensions with the radical diversity of postnational society.
This book explores an alternative, pluralist vision of postnational law. Pluralism does not rely on an overarching legal framework but is characterized by the heterarchical interaction of various suborders of different levels - an interaction that is governed by a multiplicity of conflict rules whose mutual relationship remains legally open. A pluralist model can account for the fragmented structure of the European and global legal orders and it reflects the competing (and often equally legitimate) claims for control of postnational politics. However, it typically provokes concerns about stability, power and the rule of law.
This book analyzes the promise and problems of pluralism through a theoretical enquiry and empirical research on major global governance regimes, including the European human rights regime, the contestation around UN sanctions and human rights, and the structure of global risk regulation. The empirical research reveals how prevalent pluralist structures are in postnational law and what advantages they possess over constitutionalist models. Despite the problems it also reveals, the analysis suggests cautious optimism about the possibility of stable and fair cooperation in pluralist settings.

In this study, an international and multidisciplinary team take stock of the promise and shortfalls of 'Social Europe' today, examining the response to the Eurocrisis, the past decade of social policy in the image of the Lisbon Agenda, and the politics that derailed a more Delorsian Europe from ever emerging.

This book, authored by a multi-national team, draws a complicated, yet logically evolving picture of the problems in the security sector reform field of South-East Europe, examining the post-totalitarian and post-conflict challenges to be faced.

This volume of the Academy of International Business series looks at International Business in the context of a rapidly changing Europe. Leading contributors have come together to present the latest research, attempting to answer a number of important questions: * is the vision of a Single European market realistic? * what are the barriers to its achievement? * what are the prospects for Eastern Europe? * how should firms enter East European markets? * what does the process of transition imply for corporate policy?

The European Union means many different things to its many peoples. In Germany, for example, the European project was conceived mainly as post-national, or even post-sovereign. In France, by contrast, President Emmanuel Macron has pursued the vision of a sovereign Europe; that is, an EU that would become a formidable geopolitical actor. Yet, instead, Europe has struggled to ascertain its values abroad and even domestically, facing a sovereignist rebellion from its newer member states, such as Hungary and Poland, and the departure of Britain. The eurozone crisis has undermined the EU's economic credentials, the refugee crisis its societal cohesion, the failure to stand up to Russia its sense of purpose, and the Covid-19 pandemic its credibility as a protector of European citizens. The key argument of this book is that the multiple crises of the European project are caused by one underlying factor: its bold attempt to overcome the age of nation-states. Left unchecked, supranational institutions tend to become ever more bureaucratic, eluding control of the people they are meant to serve. The logic of technocracy is thus pitted against the democratic impulse, which the European Union is supposed to embody. Democracy in Europe has suffered as a result.

British policy towards European integration has been one of the most divisive issues in British politics since 1945. Based on a detailed evaluation of the newly accessible government records, of the Conservative Party records, private papers and interviews, this timely book analyses British European policy between 1945 and de Gaulle's veto against British EEC membership in 1963. It explores, in particular, the ambiguities in Britain's first EEC application of 1961. The epilogue highlights some of the most important continuities in British European policy until the present.

The book provides a comprehensive analysis of the international development policies of ten Central and Eastern European countries that joined the EU between 2004 and 2007. The contributors offer the first thorough overview of the 'new' EU member states' development cooperation programmes, placing them in a larger political and societal context.

Escaping the economic and security-centered approaches, prevalent in contemporary U.S. debate the contributors explore political relations between the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).Their inter-disciplinary perspectives touch on domains such as security, comparative integration, human rights, energy.

The democratic nation state of the post-war era has undergone major transformations since the 1970s, and political authority has been both internationalized and privatized. The thirteen chapters of this edited collection deal with major transformations of governance arrangements and state responsibilities in the countries of the OECD world. A unified conceptual and explanatory framework is used to describe trajectories of state change, to explain the internationalization or privatization of responsibilities in the resource, law, legitimacy and welfare dimensions of the democratic nation state, and to probe the state's role in the today's post-national constellation of political authority. As the contributions show, an unravelling of state authority has indeed occurred, but the state nevertheless continues to play a key role in emerging governance arrangements. Hence it is not merely a 'victim' of globalization and other driving forces of change.

Each enlargement of the European Communities/Union since 1973 has emphasized the strain that the 'widening' puts on the 'deepening' of the European integration process. The recent rounds of EU enlargement have stretched the operational capacity of the European Union to the maximum, triggering a debate on the final shape and borders of the Union and prompting the Member States to review the framework of primary law on the basis of the failed Constitutional Treaty. This book explores legal options to reconcile the desire of EU Member States to deepen their cooperation in certain (new) policy fields with the commitments made towards today's candidate countries to widen the EU, once all membership conditions have been met. Seasoned academics shed light on the absorption capacity of the Union, the current state and future of the enlargement process, alternatives to full membership, new models of governance and cooperation in the EU, as well as the need to further integration in the sphere of the internal market and the fight against trans-border crime. This academic collection is a valuable contribution to the debate that the EU so much needs to reconcile its deepening and widening agendas. Dr. Steven Blockmans is Senior Research Fellow in EU law and Deputy Head of Research at the T.M.C. Asser Instituut, The Hague, The Netherlands. Prof. Dr. Sacha Prechal is Professor of European Law at the Faculty of Law of Utrecht University and one of the directors of its Europa Institute.

In this book, author Otto Spijkers describes how moral values determined the founding of the United Nations Organization in 1945, and the evolution of its purposes, principles, and policies since then. A detailed examination of the proceedings of the UN Conference on International Organization in San Francisco demonstrates that the drafting of the UN Charter was significantly influenced by global moral values, i.e. globally-shared beliefs distinguishing right from wrong, good from bad, and the current from a preferable state-of-the-world. A common desire - to eradicate war, poverty, inhuman treatment, and to halt the exploitation of peoples - has led to an affirmation of the values of peace and security, social progress and development, human dignity, and the self-determination of all peoples. All these values ended up in the UN Charter. The book further analyzes how the UN, and especially its General Assembly, has continued to influence the maturing of global morality through contributions to the values debate, and to the translation of these values into the language of international law, including the law on the use of force, sustainable development, human rights, and the right to self-determination. (Series: School of Human Rights Research - Vol. 47)

This book provides a detailed analysis on the history and development of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS) and the Conference on Disarmament (CD) and the coordination and cooperation between these two fora. Furthermore, it discusses the future challenges that these fora will have to deal with and conclude in which way the current system can change to cope with the evolution of space matters. This is necessary for the proper discussion of space matters because these matters cannot simply be divided between military and non-military, but are interrelated.

This book makes the case for a standing UN Emergency Peace Service. With this one development - effectively a UN first responder for complex emergencies - the organization would finally have a rapid, reliable capacity to help fulfill its tougher assigned tasks. To date, the UNEPS initiative has encountered an unreceptive political, fiscal, and security environment. Yet overlapping crises are now inevitable as are profound shifts. This book presents an insightful review of the worrisome security challenges ahead and analysis of two recent high-level UN reports. It addresses the primary roles, core principles, and requirements of a UNEPS, as well as the arguments for and against such a dedicated UN service. Further, it reveals that the primary impediments and lessons learned also help demonstrate what may work and, equally important, what won't. With modest support, the book shows, the next steps are feasible, although it's important to recall that ideas, even good ideas, don't work unless we do.

In May 1981 Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman established the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to facilitate cooperation, settle disputes, and strengthen security. This is the first English-language book to describe the GCC and assess its impact on the security and stability of the Gulf. It addresses four specific aspects of the GCC: a description of the basic charter and the United Economic Agreement; its structure and the policy of summitry; its achievements and the challenges before it; and the official, popular, and reformist views of its proper role.

Building upon a wide range of literatures, this book argues that international regulatory institutions become stronger when oligopolistic institutional arrangements decay and competitive pressures intensify. This is shown to be the case for global finance by the study of two inter-state institutions - the Basle Committee on Banking Supervision and the International Organization of Securities Commissions, and of the international banking and securities industries which they seek to regulate. There is also the development of the concept of "private" regimes.

Since 2001, the prevention of violent conflicts has turned into a priority of the European Union's external policy. In addition to new operational competences developed under the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the European Union is particularly suited to combating the root causes of conflicts spreading throughout the world. It is noteworthy that the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, signed in Rome on 29 October 2004, proposes to insert the prevention of conflicts in the Constitution. In 25 original essays written by both practitioners and scholars from European institutions, international organisations, universities and NGOs, this book proposes to explore and scrutinize the progress achieved by the European Union in the definition of a concrete conflict prevention strategy, as well as the challenges it still faces. In particular, the book dwells on the following issues: the definition of and indicators for conflict prevention; institutional and financial dimensions of conflict prevention; EU instruments for the prevention of violent conflicts; structural conflict prevention and the mainstreaming of conflict prevention into EU policies; and cooperation with other international organisations and other actors, such as NGOs and the private sector.

Reconstructing the integration process with a view to the Eurozone crisis, Eriksen provides an insight into the conditions for integration and the nature of the EU. The book offers a novel account of what has made European integration possible based on a pragmatist approach. The force of reasons in legally organized orders constitutes the core component of this approach. Eriksen identifies the main reasons for European integration as imperatives - as normative musts. The book explains why further integration has become a moral duty and why there is an expectation that the EU should be democratic. A novel model of the EU as a non-state government premised on a set of democratic innovations is suggested. This model, which has a cosmopolitan underpinning, is in line with changes in international relations brought about by the integration process; the conditioning of sovereignty upon the respect of democracy and human rights.

This book explores the triangular dynamics of securitisation and desecuritisation that underpin the EU's approach to trafficking in women for sexual exploitation. That is, the progressive securitisation of trafficking in women for sexual exploitation within the EU's anti-trafficking policies and the existence of two distinct and competing approaches that coexist among feminist struggles against such trend and that largely follow the two opposing views that structure feminist debates on prostitution: a neo-abolitionist approach, on the one hand, that is increasingly defended from within EU institutions, and has therefore become increasingly entangled with the securitisation of trafficking in women; and a sex work approach, on the other hand, that has been largely relegated to the domains of academia and civil society. As such, this book addresses the intersection of security and feminist neo-abolitionism within the EU's anti-trafficking policies, as well as the de-securitising potential of the anti-trafficking advocacy of both neo-abolitionist and sex worker organisations operating at EU level. This book is unique in that it unprecedentedly brings together three bodies of literature that rarely interact: Critical Security Studies, EU Gender Studies and the feminist literature on prostitution and trafficking in women and demonstrates their fruitful interaction in an extensive empirical analysis of the EU's internal security, violence against women and anti-trafficking policies.

Nuclear technology in all countries of the world is subject to controls from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to prevent its misuse for military purposes. Recently these controls (or "safeguards") have come under criticism for lack of effectiveness, and the IAEA has now elaborated a strengthened safeguards system reaching deep into the domains of national sovereignty. Problems and prospects of the new system are discussed in this book by a team of German and international scholars, practitioners and officials.