In this fascinating volume, Carlos P. Romulo, retired Foreign Minister of the Philippines and first Asian President of the United Nations, describes the development of that organization from its founding in San Francisco in 1945, when he signed its charter, to his farewell speech to the General Assembly in the fall of 1983. Related in the form of personal memories and impressions, the facts and dates in his narrative have been thoroughly checked and corroborated by his wife and co-author so that they blend integrally with the broader fabric of United Nations history. Not only is this a personal memoir but also an accurate and valuable historical account of a critical period in the history of the world.

This book provides a comprehensive and updated legal analysis of the equality principle in EU law. To this end, it argues for a broad definition of the principle, which includes not only its inter-individual dimension, but also the equality of the Member States before the EU Treaties. The book presents a collection of high-quality academic and expert contributions, which, in light of the most recent developments in implementing the post-Lisbon legal framework, reflect the current interpretation of the equality principle, examining its performance in practice with a view to suggesting possible solutions in order to overcome recurring problems. To this end the volume is divided into three Parts, the first of which addresses a peculiar aspect of the EU equality that is mostly overlooked in the investigations devoted to this topic, namely, equality among States. Part II shifts to the inter-individual dimension of equality and explores some major developments contributing to (re)shaping the global framework of EU anti-discrimination law, while Part III undertakes a more practical investigation devoted to the substantive strands of that area of EU law.

After two decades of research into the impact of the EU on domestic politics and policies, this book explores the relationship between Europeanization and EU integration. It argues that Europeanization should be considered as a stage in the development of EU integration as well as questioning the notion of incremental Europeanization.

In the first decade of the 21st century, five rising powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) formed an exclusive and informal international club, the BRICS. Although neither revolutionaries nor extreme revisionists, the BRICS perceive an ongoing global power shift and contest the West's pretensions to permanent stewardship of the existing economic order. Together they have exercised collective financial statecraft, employing their expanding financial and monetary capabilities for the purpose of achieving larger foreign policy goals. This volume examines the forms and strategies of such collective financial statecraft, and the motivations of each individual government for collaborating through the BRICS club. Their cooperative financial statecraft takes various forms, ranging from pressure for "inside reforms" of either multilateral institutions or global markets, to "outside options" exercised through creating new multilateral institutions or jointly pushing for new realities in international financial markets. To the surprise of many observers, the joint actions of the BRICS are largely successful. Although each member has its unique rationale for collaboration, the largest member, China, controls resources that permit it the greatest influence in intra-club decision-making. The BRICS cooperate due to both common aversions (for example, resentment over being perennial junior partners in global economic and financial governance and resistance to infringements on their autonomy due to U.S. dollar dominance and financial power) and common interests (such as obtaining greater voice in international institutions, as the IMF). The group seeks reforms, influence, and enhanced leadership roles within the liberal capitalist global system. Where blocked, they experiment with parallel multilateral institutions in which they are the dominant rule-makers. The future of the BRICS depends not only on their bargaining power and adjustment to market players, but also on their ability to overcome domestic impediments to sustainable economic growth, the basis for their international influence.

This volume collects selected papers on the European Union from the 13th Congress of the International Economic Association held in Lisbon, September 2002. It starts with an address by Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission, who sets the tone for the other papers by describing and evaluating two of the greatest accomplishments of the EU: economic and monetary union, and EU enlargement. Other authors deal in detail with various aspects of these and other issues, using a mixture of theoretical, empirical, and other tools. Firenze, Italy MICHELE BOLDRIN University of Minnesota, Minneapolis-St Paul, Minesota., USA MAURIZIO GRASSINI Universite di Firenze, Italy ARJAN LEJOUR The Netherlands Bureau for Economic Research, The Hague, The Netherlands MATTHIUS LUTZ Universite St-Gallen, Switzerland RICHARD NAHUIS The Netherlands Bureau for Economic Research, The Hague, The Netherlands ROMANO PRODI President of the European Commission, Brussels, Belgium ROBERT M. STERN University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich., USA ROBERTO TAMBORINI Universite di Trento, Italy NUNO VALRIO Technical University of Lisbon, Portugal MARKET 1: Postgraduates and scholars in the fields of International Economics, European Economics and European Union Studies

This collection examines how the EU is seen in the two regions that are at the centre of its geopolitical interest. Focusing on Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa, it provides a critical assessment of how their external perceptions relate to EU policy towards them.

"recommended for most academic and large public, and some special libraries." Library Journal

This book assesses the use and limitations of the principal-agent model in a context of increasingly complex political systems such as the European Union. Whilst a number of conceptual, theoretical and methodological challenges need to be addressed, the authors show that the principal-agent model can still provide deeper insights into a wide range of political phenomena. Through an empirical analysis of multiple principal-agent relations in the EU, covering a variety of policy fields and political actors, the volume refines our theoretical understanding of the politics of delegation and discretion in the EU. It will appeal to scholars in interested in EU politics and policy, public administration and governance, and international organisations. The chapter 'Multiple principals preferences, different types of oversight mechanisms, and agent's discretion in trade negotiations' is published open access under a CC BY 4.0 license via link.springer.com.

The logic behind European monetary cooperation and integration can only be understood through an examination of French efforts to maximize their monetary power in relation to Germany and America. This book provides a detailed and historically-informed study of the motives and economic and political attitudes that shaped French policy on European developments over a 30-year period, from the collapse of the International Monetary System in the late 1960s and early 1970s through to the start of EMU on January 1, 1999.

This book examines how business, the social sciences, science and technology will impact the future of ASEAN. Following the ASEAN VISION 2020, it analyses the issues faced by ASEAN countries, which are diverse, while also positioning ASEAN as a competitive entity through partnerships. On the 30th anniversary of ASEAN, all ASEAN leaders agreed to the establishment of the ASEAN VISION 2020, which delineates the formation of a peaceful, stable and dynamically developed region while maintaining a community of caring societies in Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. In keeping with this aspiration, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UitM) Perlis took the initial steps to organise conferences and activities that highlight the role of the ASEAN region. The Second International Conference on the Future of ASEAN (ICoFA) 2017 was organised by the Office of Academic Affairs, Universiti Teknologi MARA Perlis, to promote more comprehensive integration among ASEAN members. This book, divided into two volumes, offers a useful guide for all those engaged in research on business, the social sciences, science and technology. It will also benefit researchers worldwide who want to gain more knowledge about ASEAN countries.

Do international bureaucracies have a meaningful influence on world politics? Using the UN Secretariat and the evolution of UN peacekeeping as an example, this book shows that even international bureaucracies with limited autonomy can shape international politics. Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decades, UN Blue Helmets have been sent all over the globe and have been performing an expanding set of intrusive tasks, while being supported by increasingly professional institutional structures. Silke Weinlich covers these operational, conceptual and institutional dimensions and focuses on three specific decisions that have been crucial to the evolution of UN peacekeeping: the establishment of the UN transitional administration in East Timor, the development of a peacekeeping doctrine, and the establishment of the Standing Police Capacity. With its integrative framework of analysis, this book makes a valuable contribution to the debate on the agency of international organisations.

The Return to Europe examines the ability of the central and south east European economies to withstand competitive pressures on entry to the EU. Trade with the EU largely involves the export of labour intensive goods in exchange for human capital intensive goods. The export structure of central European economies, which have attracted foreign direct investment, is improving. The Balkan economies remain dependent on exports of low-wage products. Will this create permanent divisions in Europe, with implications for European security?

A critical examination of the origins of today's anti-Islamic rhetoric in Europe, this book focuses specifically on representations of Turkey. Applying a novel theoretical framework that understands collective identities as dramaturgical achievements, it shows that stereotypes of Turks continue to provide an important "Other" against which a supposed European "Self" is contrasted. The book identifies two competing meta-narratives that have long vied for the right to define Christendom and later Europe, and argues that the struggle over these narratives--one tragic, the other comic--have come to a head in Turkey's current bid for EU membership.

The development of non-binding new governance methods has challenged the traditional ideals of EU law by suggesting that soft norms and executive networks may provide a viable alternative. Rather than see law and new governance as oppositional projects, Mark Dawson argues that new governance can be seen as an example of legal 'transformation', in which soft norms and hard law institutions begin to cohabit and interact. He charts this transformation by analysing the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) for Social Inclusion and Protection. While this process illustrates some of the concrete advantages for EU social policy which new governance has brought, it also illustrates their extensive legitimacy challenges. Methods like the OMC have both excluded traditional institutions, such as Courts and Parliaments, and altered the boundaries of domestic constitutional frameworks. The book concludes with some practical suggestions for how a political 'constitutionalisation' of new governance could look.

The gradual legal and political evolution of the European Union has not, thus far, been accompanied by the articulation or embrace of any substantive ideal of justice going beyond the founders' intent or the economic objectives of the market integration project. This absence arguably compromises the foundations of the EU legal and political system since the relationship between law and justice-a crucial question within any constitutional system-remains largely unaddressed. This edited volume brings together a number of concise contributions by leading academics and young scholars whose work addresses both legal and philosophical aspects of justice in the European context. The aim of the volume is to appraise the existence and nature of this deficit, its implications for Europe's future, and to begin a critical discussion about how it might be addressed. There have been many accounts of the EU as a story of constitutional evolution and a system of transnational governance, but few which pay sustained attention to the implications for justice. The EU today has moved beyond its initial and primary emphasis on the establishment of an Internal Market, as the growing importance of EU citizenship and social rights suggests. Yet, most legal analyses of the EU treaties and of EU case-law remain premised broadly on the assumption that EU law still largely serves the purpose of perfecting what is fundamentally a system of economic integration. The place to be occupied by the underlying substantive ideal of justice remains significantly underspecified or even vacant, creating a tension between the market-oriented foundation of the Union and the contemporary essence of its constitutional system. The relationship of law to justice is a core dimension of constitutional systems around the world, and the EU is arguably no different in this respect. The critical assessment of justice in the EU provided by the contributions to this book will help to create a fuller picture of the justice deficit in the EU, and at the same time open up an important new avenue of legal research of immediate importance.

This book explores how elite commitments to cooperate with international organizations can be supplanted by domestic political constraints. It contends that the most popular explanation for defections from international commitments in the foreign policy analysis literature, the two-level game model presented by Robert Putnam, does not fully account for surprising defections from agreements. A new framework is presented which interprets international defections as the product of domestic constraints on foreign policy-making that often materialize in the post-commitment ratification process, the period when domestic conditions and actors align relative to an international agreement.

To explore the dynamics of post-commitment politics, eight cases studies of the foreign policy decision-making process in the Federal Republic of Germany relative to commitments to the European Community and NATO in the 1970s and 1980s are presented. A comparative analysis of the cases demonstrates the importance of modifying the two-level game model to account for the sequential and complex nature of the ratification process in the post-commitment phase. The study concludes that factionalism in the major party government and inter-party coalition differences are primary, but often hidden, constraints on a leader's ability to uphold international agreements, and it shows how international commitments can awaken dormant domestic constituencies along the road to ratification. This is a work of great significance to scholars and researchers in the areas of foreign policy analysis, international organizations, and German politics.

In twenty years, there could be a European Federation, a United States of Europe, of which Britain would be a part, with Brussels as the capital. There will be a President of Europe and a European Government; the European Parliament will make laws and the European Court will give rulings. Britain will be a province of Europe, as it was in Roman times long ago. It is therefore vital to understand the nature and characteristics of the EU, to know what sort of entity it is.

The purpose of this book is to contribute towards such an understanding by scrutinizing the Union from the constitutional and legal angle. It looks, for instance, at whether the European Court behaves as a court ought to behave; at the problems caused by the vague and elastic nature of Community law; at whether the division of power between the Union and the Member States is based on any sort of principle, and, if so, whether that principle is consistently applied; at me enforcement of Community law and the problems caused by the different levels of compliance in different Member States; and, finally, at the issue of whether Member States have ceded their sovereignty. These issues raise questions which we must ask, and try to answer.

This book will be of interest not only to experts in Community law, but to all lawyers -- indeed, to non-lawyers as well -- who want to understand the Community. To make this possible, an introductory chapter has been added to provide the necessary background.

This book investigates the EU's regional growth dynamics and, in particular, the reasons why peripheral and socio-economically disadvantaged areas have persistently failed to catch up with the rest of the Union. It shows that the capability of the knowledge-based growth model to deliver its expected benefits to these areas crucially depends on tackling a specific set of socio-institutional factors which prevents innovation from being effectively translated into economic growth. The book takes an eclectic approach to the territorial genesis of innovation and regional growth by combining different theoretical strands into one model of empirical analysis covering the whole EU-25. An in-depth comparative analysis with the United States is also included, providing significant insights into the distinctive features of the European process of innovation and its territorial determinants. The evidence produced in the book is extensively applied to the analysis of EU development policies.

"Euro on Trial looks back - to the aspirations of the founders - and forward - to the possibility of reform or splitting up. After five years of experience with the new currency, new insights are possible into the old arguments for and against union. Monetary union is reversible in part or in whole and this book assesses the costs and benefits. Brown examines several mainstream scenarios for the future of the euro in these essential readings for market practitioners as well as academics. For example, how long will the euro survive? The author shows that the answer depends principally on Germany. Any of the small or medium-sized economies could leave monetary union without threatening its existence. But were Germany to pull out it is highly doubtful whether there would be a core of countries that would perserve inside. Germany's membership so far has brought much disappointment. How many more years of disillusion are required before the question of EMU reform or break-up enters the mainstream of German political debate?

Trade theories predict and explain the consequences of economic integration. Generally, they show that freer international trade leads to specialisation, technological convergence and faster economic growth. This study compares the conclusions of the trade theories with empirical observations of economic changes in the European Union. These empirical analyses show that the main conclusions also hold empirically. However, many detailed empirical observations often contrast the theoretical expectation. Hence, although the trade theories do predict the general changes correctly, they are not capable of predicting the more specific empirical outcomes.

The empirical analyses use intercountry input-output tables in constant prices with 6 EU countries (Germany, France, Italy, The Netherlands, Belgium and Denmark) of the years 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985. These data prove to be a valuable contribution to analysing the economic effects of international integration, since they provide a consistent database that can be used to analyse many economic aspects, such as technology, specialisation, intra-industry trade, economic growth, sectoral distribution, and direct and indirect effects.

This book will be especially useful to Regional Economists and Economists specialising in international trade, input-output analysis or European integration.

Are diplomats agents of international co-operation or transmission belts for states? Traditional theories of international relations seriously underestimate the ability of diplomats as a collective to impact outcomes in the international environment beyond initial state preferences. The European Diplomatic Corps argues that diplomats comprise a transnational network of experts or 'epistemic community' which has been critical in determining co-operation or non-co-operation among European states. The cases considered are the congresses of Westphalia (1648), Berlin (1878), Paris (1919) and Maastricht (1992).

Europeanization has become a key topic in analysis of the politics of the new Europe both in terms of increasing influence of the EU as a decision-making body and in terms of policy convergence between European states. This broad-ranging new text focuses centrally on the impact of the EU on its member states but also on the way in which states 'up-load' their policy priorities to the European level.

The Cold War produced a matrix of Canadian/US extra-governmental military and economic relationships which significantly shaped Canadian political decision-making as it related to the defence of the continent under the auspices of the North American Air/Aerospace Defence Agreement (NORAD). In the post-cold War era, these relationships continue to effectively support a traditional security agenda for the Canadian government. The rewritten NORAD Agreement, signed in March 1996, is the vehicle for Canadian participation in US missile defence programs worldwide. Paying particular attention to the decisions to adopt a nuclear weapons role for Canada's continental air defence forces, to test the US air-lunched cruise missile in the Canadian North, and to become increasingly involved in active missile and space-based defence programs, the author examines: * the Cold War construction of Canadian/US military and economic relationships * the effects of these relationships on political decision-making * the public discourse as a site of alternative understandings of Canada's role in the Cold War. Ann Denholm Crosby provides a challenging analysis of Canadian defence decision-making in both its Cold war and post-Cold War contexts.

Providing a picture of the processes of economic change in Europe, of which EU harmonization policies and transition policies form an integral part, the editors present a collection of articles on current issues in central and east European countries. Perhaps the most dramatic phenomenon to impact on Europe in the next two decades will be the economic integration of central and east European countries with the rest of Europe. Consequently, significant impacts should be seen in regional and international patterns of trade, demography, employment, and financial flows. The editors discuss the problems transitional economies will face and the strategies they may adopt in the context of the European economic integration process and these sectoral issues. Bringing together novel research by those within the emerging market economies, this book will be of great interest to researchers and policymakers and planners in organizations dealing with economic integration and transitional economy issues.

Making European Citizens examines the forms of transnational citizenship developing in Europe. Previous discussions have focused on the construction of a European identity and the granting of common European rights, but rarely explore whether citizens have developed the capacity for self-rule. Active citizenship involves more than simply voting. Citizens must be able to organize socially and politically as well. Achieving such mobilization at a transnational level may involve new democratic techniques and skills. The volume explores how far European citizens have acquired the requisite methods and qualities.