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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > International institutions
In May 1981 Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman established the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to facilitate cooperation, settle disputes, and strengthen security. This is the first English-language book to describe the GCC and assess its impact on the security and stability of the Gulf. It addresses four specific aspects of the GCC: a description of the basic charter and the United Economic Agreement; its structure and the policy of summitry; its achievements and the challenges before it; and the official, popular, and reformist views of its proper role.
Building upon a wide range of literatures, this book argues that international regulatory institutions become stronger when oligopolistic institutional arrangements decay and competitive pressures intensify. This is shown to be the case for global finance by the study of two inter-state institutions - the Basle Committee on Banking Supervision and the International Organization of Securities Commissions, and of the international banking and securities industries which they seek to regulate. There is also the development of the concept of "private" regimes.
Since the mid-1990s, the European Union has defined the Asia Pacific as one of its key strategic targets on its ambitious road towards a global power. Over the past decades, big changes have taken place on both sides and the wider world. It's high time to evaluate the EU's performance in its Asian policy. In fact, the EU is at crossroads with its Asia Pacific policy. On several aspects, the EU is compelled to redefine its interests and roles, and rethink its strategies and policies towards the dynamic and ever important Asia Pacific region. This volume addresses this theme, by elaborating the general context, major issues and countries in the EU's Asia Pacific policy. It covers issue areas of traditional security, economy and trade, public diplomacy, and human security and focuses on the EU's relations with China, Japan, the ASEAN countries, and Australasia. -- .
Reconstructing the integration process with a view to the Eurozone crisis, Eriksen provides an insight into the conditions for integration and the nature of the EU. The book offers a novel account of what has made European integration possible based on a pragmatist approach. The force of reasons in legally organized orders constitutes the core component of this approach. Eriksen identifies the main reasons for European integration as imperatives - as normative musts. The book explains why further integration has become a moral duty and why there is an expectation that the EU should be democratic. A novel model of the EU as a non-state government premised on a set of democratic innovations is suggested. This model, which has a cosmopolitan underpinning, is in line with changes in international relations brought about by the integration process; the conditioning of sovereignty upon the respect of democracy and human rights.
This book explores the triangular dynamics of securitisation and desecuritisation that underpin the EU's approach to trafficking in women for sexual exploitation. That is, the progressive securitisation of trafficking in women for sexual exploitation within the EU's anti-trafficking policies and the existence of two distinct and competing approaches that coexist among feminist struggles against such trend and that largely follow the two opposing views that structure feminist debates on prostitution: a neo-abolitionist approach, on the one hand, that is increasingly defended from within EU institutions, and has therefore become increasingly entangled with the securitisation of trafficking in women; and a sex work approach, on the other hand, that has been largely relegated to the domains of academia and civil society. As such, this book addresses the intersection of security and feminist neo-abolitionism within the EU's anti-trafficking policies, as well as the de-securitising potential of the anti-trafficking advocacy of both neo-abolitionist and sex worker organisations operating at EU level. This book is unique in that it unprecedentedly brings together three bodies of literature that rarely interact: Critical Security Studies, EU Gender Studies and the feminist literature on prostitution and trafficking in women and demonstrates their fruitful interaction in an extensive empirical analysis of the EU's internal security, violence against women and anti-trafficking policies.
Nuclear technology in all countries of the world is subject to controls from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to prevent its misuse for military purposes. Recently these controls (or "safeguards") have come under criticism for lack of effectiveness, and the IAEA has now elaborated a strengthened safeguards system reaching deep into the domains of national sovereignty. Problems and prospects of the new system are discussed in this book by a team of German and international scholars, practitioners and officials.
Since 2001, the prevention of violent conflicts has turned into a priority of the European Union's external policy. In addition to new operational competences developed under the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the European Union is particularly suited to combating the root causes of conflicts spreading throughout the world. It is noteworthy that the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, signed in Rome on 29 October 2004, proposes to insert the prevention of conflicts in the Constitution. In 25 original essays written by both practitioners and scholars from European institutions, international organisations, universities and NGOs, this book proposes to explore and scrutinize the progress achieved by the European Union in the definition of a concrete conflict prevention strategy, as well as the challenges it still faces. In particular, the book dwells on the following issues: the definition of and indicators for conflict prevention; institutional and financial dimensions of conflict prevention; EU instruments for the prevention of violent conflicts; structural conflict prevention and the mainstreaming of conflict prevention into EU policies; and cooperation with other international organisations and other actors, such as NGOs and the private sector.
This book is one of the rare studies embracing, through a comparative and prospective approach, the emerging pan-Euro-Mediterranean regional integration. The main purpose of this study is to make an analysis and a systematic comparison of the preferential relations between the EU and its eastern and southern peripheries and to stimulate further reflection on this topic. The respective frameworks for these relations share considerable similarities but also many differences.
This impressive volume presents a detailed comparative analysis of merger remedies in the EU and US, motivated by the fact that a growing number of mergers are being scrutinised and reviewed under both jurisdictions. Merger remedies on either side of the Atlantic play an increasingly important role in the implementation of public policy with regard to the economic concentration of industry. The book provides an understanding of merger remedies in general, and of procedural and substantive differences in the approach of the EU and the US. The editors have gathered together leading European and American practitioners and scholars to comprehensively discuss this issue. They aim to help policymakers decide if, and how, current practices can be improved, and to help firms and their counsel better prepare cases and predict outcomes. This volume sets forth an agenda for future research by providing a critical overview of merger remedies and their implementation in the EU and US. It will become the requisite study in the field for scholars of industrial organisation, law and economics, and for legal practitioners and policymakers working in the realm of competition law.
'Structural adjustment' has been a central part of the development strategy for the 'third world'. Loans made by the World Bank and the IMF have been conditional on developing countries pursuing rapid economic liberalization programmes as it was believed this would strengthen their economies in the long run. M. Rodwan Abouharb and David Cingranelli argue that, conversely, structural adjustment agreements usually cause increased hardship for the poor, greater civil conflict, and more repression of human rights, therefore resulting in a lower rate of economic development. Greater exposure to structural adjustment has increased the prevalence of anti-government protests, riots and rebellion. It has led to less respect for economic and social rights, physical integrity rights, and worker rights, but more respect for democratic rights. Based on these findings, the authors recommend a human rights-based approach to economic development.
This unique book investigates the implications of the rising importance of supra-national regional organizations for global governance in general, and for the United Nations, in particular. It touches upon issues such as regional representation at the UN, high-level dialogues with regional organisations, as well as the coordination of UN member states' voting behaviour in the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council. The book further explores the regional dimension and coordination of UN operations in areas such as peace and security, human rights, and sustainable development. The contributions to the book are both in-depth chapters and shorter viewpoints, written by a combination of academics, policy-makers at regional organizations, and experts from international think tanks. The book is essential reading for anyone interested in the future of global governance.
This book explores the structural tensions and conflicts that arise with the abolition of border controls between the EU's member states and how this conflict ridden relationship affects and is affected by the institutional shape of the EU's external borders.
The European Union clearly matters for Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). EU officials and European political entrepreneurs has been crucial in the promotion of funding and access opportunities, but they have been proven to have little capacity to use CSOs for their own purposes.
Scholars and policymakers in European Union foreign policy lament the European Union's inability to assert itself on the world stage. This book explains this weakness by arguing that European Union foreign policy is burdened by various internal functions, and systemizes the analysis of internal functionality, pushing the study beyond the concern with effectiveness.
This book shows that the executive branch of government has added a supranational level that increasingly seems to operate in a similar way to national governments. The European Commission administration has enhanced its professional integrity while the College emerges as a fully-fledged political body. As a whole the Commission seems to operate very much according to a sectoral logic rather than a territorial one. Case studies illuminate how a genuine Community Administration might evolve.
Explores the paths of development unfolding from the inter-dependent histories of postwar Germany and the European integration process. The contributors explore these histories within the idea of 'semi-sovereignty': a set of constraints on the German state's power within the external constraints of Germany's multilateral commitments.
This book considers the environmental policies that the EU employs outside its borders. Using a systematic and coherent approach to cover a range of EU activities, environmental issues, and geographical areas, it charts the EU's attempts to shape environmental governance beyond its borders. Key questions addressed include: What environmental norms, rules and policies does the EU seek to promote outside its territory? What types of activities does the EU engage in to pursue these objectives? How successful is the EU in achieving its external environmental policy objectives? What factors explain the degree to which the EU attains its goals? The book will be of interest to students and academics as well as practitioners in governments (both inside and outside of the EU), the EU institutions, think tanks, and research institutes.
Once the sound of NATO bombing campaigns on Serbia died away, Europe was left with the problem of the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the conflict, both from Kosovo and from Serbia. Whatever Western governments say about the need for swift repatriation, in practice it is a long and difficult process. The situation became a testing ground for the EU's asylum and immigration laws which came into force in May 1999 with the Treaty of Amsterdam. This book describes and analyzes the vacillations of EU Member states concerning the management of the Kosovo refugee crisis. Contributors looks at seven states - Austria, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom - writing from the standpoints of law, political science, international relations and geography, and addressing key themes: the lessons to be learnt from the reception of refugee Bosnians; the national debates on asylum and immigration within which this crisis took place, and which influence policy making; the wider theortical issues; and the way EU integration impacts on national policy making.
THEBACKGROUND Why a book on Europe - Toward the Year 200l? There are two principal reasons why a European should embark upon such a hazardous enterprise. First, when the Treaty on European Union (popularly known as the Maastricht Treaty, and, hereafter referred to as the Treaty in this introduction) was signed in February 1992, it was agreed that the heads of government of the EU Member States would assemble, in 1996, to examine its workings. This meeting will be known as the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC). Second, by the end of the century, it is certain that arrangements will have been made for the admission of some countries of Central and Eastern Europe into the European Union (EU). Consequently, even with or without the holding of the IGC, it will be urgently necessary to reform some of the Community's policies - notably the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the structural poliCies which are linked, for example, 2 Europe - Toward 2001 with the Regional and Social Funds - before these countries become members. Failure to do this could result in bankruptcy for the EU. Of almost equal importance is the reform of the institutions and the actual workings of the Community. Already with 12 Member States, it was difficult enough to manage things on a daily basis. Now, as more countries join the Union, things could literally grind to a stop. Thus, changes in this area are indispensable.
Since the beginning of the European Community students of international politics and of international, resp. Constitutional law, have been wondering what kind of animal it is, and will be, once integration has been completed. Whereas the EC Treaty of 1957 stressed the economic aspects and envisioned a steady and dynamic progress towards a Single Market, it was conspicuously silent about the political implications of integration and the new democratic order. What is needed, so the author argues in this powerful and original contribution to the debate on democratisation of the European Union, is a flexible system that supplements the European decision-making process with various direct democratic instruments such as the use of referenda. These would serve to increase the accountability of the politicians without demanding or requiring a definitive resolution of the exact constitutional status of the Union.
The vision of the founders of the United Nations, the World Bank and the IMF some fifty years ago contrasts sharply with the often weak and limited performance of the institutions they created. The 15 papers in this volume critically assess this record in order to set out proposals for strengthening and restructuring the institutions to meet the new challenges of the 21st century. The changes proposed emphasize human security rather than military security, poverty eradication, gender equity and new international mechanisms to offset growing global inequality.
'In this important contribution to the analysis and construction of European Union citizenship, Charlotte O'Brien provides her characteristic blend of rigorous legal scholarship and compelling social vision. She identifies challenging questions about the relationship between justice and vulnerability that should concern the shaping of law at all levels of governance.' Professor Niamh Nic Shuibhne, University of Edinburgh 'Piercing the veil of well-known proclamations of "equality" and "non-discrimination", in this intimate portrait of Union law O'Brien sounds a sobering wake up call. The Union, to the genuine surprise of some converted, is a powerful actor of injustice, failing the vulnerable Europeans at many a turn, blinded by its own proclaimed righteousness and goodness to be aware of the plight of those it lets down. The sooner we dispel the oxymoronic myth of a "market citizen" as a necessary tool of the uniquely benevolent EU internal market project, the sooner the process of healing the Union turning its back on the majority of Europeans can begin. This book is an important part of this beginning.' Professor Dimitry Kochenov, University of Groningen 'Doctrinal mastery. Intellectual rigour. Conceptual depth. Empirical enrichment. O'Brien's landmark text offers its readers all of these qualities. But she also writes with a clarity and honesty of purpose that is an inspiration to her readers. Particularly at a time when certain political actors seek to vilify "expertise", Unity in Adversity is a testament to the value of independent and critical academic research.' Professor Michael Dougan, University of Liverpool The EU is at a crossroads of constitution and conscience. Unity in Adversity argues that EU market citizenship is incompatible with a pursuit of social justice, because it contributes to the social exclusion of women and children, promotes a class-based conception of rights, and tolerates in-work poverty. The limitations of EU citizenship are clearest when EU nationals engage with national welfare systems, but this experience has been neglected in EU legal research. Unity in Adversity draws upon the ground-breaking EU Rights Project, working first hand with EU nationals in the UK, providing advice and advocacy, and giving ethnographic insight into the process of navigating EU and UK welfare law. Its study of EU law in action is a radical new approach, and the case studies illustrate the political, legal and administrative obstacles to justice faced by EU nationals. Taken together, the strands demonstrate that 'equal treatment' for EU nationals is an illusion. The UK's welfare reforms directed at EU nationals are analysed as a programme of declaratory discrimination, and in light of the subsequent referendum, should be treated as a cautionary tale - both to the EU, to take social justice seriously, and to other Member States, to steer away from xenophobic law-making. Shortlisted for the 2018 BBC Thinking Allowed Award for Ethnography. Winner of the 2019 Hart-SLSA Book Prize.
This book is based on fresh and original research with 50 EU business associations and 150 of their members, drawing on literature from a wide range of disciplines, and presents some highly original synthesis. It assesses the effectiveness of EU business associations and their potential to bring value to the EU policy-making process and to their members, and lends a methodology by which they can be evaluated.The book bocates and assesses factors in the environment of EU business associations that influence their 'governabliity,' that is their ability to unify their members' intersts and to ensure they work together for the sam purpose. It then examines variation in the governability of EU business associations. From this, the reader will be able to understand the prospect for, and limitations on, the effectiveness of EU business associations, why they vary in their capacities and performance, and why they vary in their ability to bring value to their members and to the EU policy-making process.
Poland is one of Europe's economic out-performers. The country's history and geography encourage it to be in favour of deeper European integration. This book aims to contribute to discussions on the future shape of EMU and the next steps ahead.
This unique collection of data includes concise definitions and explanations relating to all aspects of the European Union. It explains the terminology surrounding the EU, and outlines the roles and significance of its institutions, member countries, foreign relations, programmes and policies, treaties and personalities. It contains over 1,000 clear and succinct definitions and explains acronyms and abbreviations, which are arranged alphabetically and fully cross-referenced. Among the 1,000 entries you can find explanations of and background details on: ACP states Article 50 Brexit competition policy Donald Tusk the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund the euro Greece Jean-Claude Juncker Europol migration and asylum policy the Schengen Agreement the Single Supervisory Mechanism the single rulebook the Treaty of Lisbon Ukraine |
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