Enlargement to Turkey is arguably the greatest challenge facing the European Union today. After the narrowly averted "train crash" over Cyprus in 2006, the second election victory of the Justice and Development Party in July 2007 opened new prospects for Turkish-EU relations. But in an EU emphasising a collective identity based on shared civilisational values, Turkey's European credentials have been increasingly called into question. Amending national identity through political change has become the key to the success or failure of the Turkish integration project. This volume examines the EU role in strengthening the domestic pro-reform coalition within Turkey, the paradox - and potential limits - of Turkey's europeanising Islamists, and the impact of Europeanisation through conditionality, including a case study of Turkish policy towards the Cyprus Question. Also addressed are the Western stereotypes of Turkish identity influencing the country's EU prospects, notably concerning the role of Islam in precipitating acts of political violence and its association with sexual and political violence in the discourse of European opponents of Turkish accession. Finally, the dynamics of EU accession negotiations are analysed and the potential role of a norm-driven rhetorical strategy in promoting Turkish accession as a moral and democratic imperative is discussed.

This volume brings together leading scholars from both sides of the Atlantic to examine the significance of 9/11 for the transformation of the Atlantic Alliance over the last decade. Blending international relations, political science, IR theory and history, it asks whether 9/11 represents a major transformative event for an alliance that was still grappling with the implications of the end of the Cold War. Examining key topics such as the alliance's wars in Afghanistan, its military operation in Libya, global partnerships, new security challenges, burden-sharing and relations with the US, Russia and other key actors, it offers a unique insight into the alliance's evolution since 2001.This comprehensive collection will appeal to scholars in political science, international and transatlantic relations, security studies and US and European foreign policy. Its contributors include Tim Bird, Sven Biscop, Magnus Christiansson, Alan Dobson, Trine Flockhart, Bastian Giegerich, Carl Cavanagh Hodge, Steve Marsh, Jeffrey H. Michaels, Magnus Petersson, Michael Ruhle, Terry Terriff and Mark Webber.

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"Air Transport and the European Union" investigates the emergence of the EU as a major policy actor in aviation and examines how Europeanization has transformed the governance, organization and structure of the sector since the mid-1980s. It addresses the question of how, when a detailed regulatory system already existed, the EU was able to establish its own policy-making competence and to override the wishes of the majority or member states opposed to EU involvement.

This book examines the link between political identity and legitimacy in the European Union. Stimulated by the crisis of legitimacy and identity suffered by the EU after the referenda on the Constitutional Treaty, the editors have developed a theoretical framework to examine the interplay between these two items in the problematic development of the EU into a fully-fledged political actor. The contributors to the volume seek to: Redefine the key notions in the rigorous way of political philosophy, thus avoiding the generic or imprecise language usage found in a large part of political science literature on identity Test these concepts in the analysis of EU policies that may reveal the world views and the principles upon which EU legislation is based, and whose degree of acceptance on the side of the citizens is an indicator of how far a shared political identity has developed. Featuring case studies on foreign and environmental policy, biosafety policy, biotechnology regulation, civil society, human rights promotion, as well as studies on the role of memory, space and external views on the process of European identity-building, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of political science, political philosophy, European politics and European Studies.

This text offers a concise and accessible coverage of the historical background, the organization and policies of the 15 social democratic parties in the European Union with a focus on the 1945-1990s period. It combines an updated study of the evolution of each party's ideology, sociology and policies, with attention also to the impact of European integration on the fortunes of social democratic forces. The book can be used as a reference text by academics, students and political practitioners and contains contact details and reference information for each party.;The book is aimed at departments of politics (European politics, politics of European Union, comparative politics and government, political ideology), sociology, history, European studies; trade unions, Left political parties in EU; political commentators, journalists, and party research centres.

The United Nations and the European Union: An Ever Stronger Partnership provides a comprehensive overview of EU-UN cooperation, identifying the role of the various actors involved in the decision-making process and its influence in areas stretching from environmental protection to human rights, crisis management, public health and the protection of refugees. By collecting contributions by renowned EU and UN experts, diplomats and scholars, the book will be of interest to a wide range of readers, including academics, students, policy makers as well as civil society actors. Specific to this book:* Allows readers to get a better insight into the way EU coordination is realized in practice in the various organs and whether this has proven successful* Allows readers to gain a better understanding of the rapid evolution of EU-UN cooperation in security matters; illustrates how this newly emerged partnership has been tested in the field* Illustrates how EU-UN cooperation has been/will be affected by the processes of EU enlargement and UN reform; makes up the balance of the present strengths and weaknesses of the partnership

If the plans concerning EMU will be realised, by 2002 national currencies will be replaced by the Euro and national central banks will be partially replaced by the European Central Bank. The Politics of Economic and Monetary Union starts with the argument that EMU is more a political than an economic project. It develops this theme by addressing five different questions. First, precisely what is the general role of EMU in the globalising political economy? Second, how EMU will change the power relations and the relationship between political' and economic'? Third, what effects will EMU have on generally accepted values - including for example efficiency, self-determination, and democracy? Fourth, how does the EMU-related politics of symbols - including money - take part in constructing political identities? And last, but certainly not least, what effects EMU will have on the social and political dimension of the Union and thus also on its legitimacy? The politics of EMU includes many dimensions. The book tries to explain the hegemony of the neoliberal and German vision of Europe in the context of recent development in the global political economy. It assesses the consequences of this hegemony and the possibility for alternatives from a variety of perspectives. In many chapters, it is also argued that the legitimation problems of the Union may turn into an acute crisis also because of EMU. We should expect an actualised crisis to lead to a transformation of the Union.

The text has again been brought up to date and extensively revised, especially the EC chapter. The chapter on the OECD has been transferred to Part One. The brought-up-to-date chapter on the CMEA has been maintained, but at the time ofwriting its abolition was still not decided. A new treaty on central andeasternEuropeancooperationwasnotyetapproved. My thanks are due to the persons listed below, who were kind enough to comment on the draft of certain chapters of part of chapters: my former students Mr Marc Quintyn of the International Monetary Fund and Luc Everaert of the World Bank, who - in addition - prepared information needed to bring the chapters concerned up to date, Dr Horst Bockelmann, economic adviser of the Bank for International Settlements. Mr J. Schotte of the Benelux secretariat, Mr Lars Erik P. Nordgaard of the EFTA Brussels Office. Of course, this does not necessarily imply that they share the conclu- sions of the chapters involved. Numerous international and national civil servants and libraries kindly answered my questions. I want to thank espe- Mr Jozef van den Broeck, head Information Office Belgium of the cially Commission of the European Communities, and Mr A. Carchon, conseiller d'AmbassadeBelgiumand thelibraryoftheBelgiancentralbank. I am very grateful to my wife, who has helped me at every stage of the preparation of this edition. She also undertook the compilation of the list of articles andtheindexes. MA. G. v. M.

The chapters in this volume identify and assess the political process and bases of support for multilateralism in terms of the shifting power relations in world politics, institutional innovations in the United Nations and non-UN multilateralisms. They seek to answer the question: What can and should be done to confront salient issues of the "global problematic" ? More specifically, the contributors ask whether currently existing multilateral mechanisms are up to the challenge.

Making often complex concepts easily comprehended, this book enables the reader to quickly build a solid and well-rounded understanding of the EU's history and present, covering:

• key debates on Europe
• the ambiguous relationship with the US
• the EU's internal and external activities
• structure and institutions
• future developments and new directions.

The security concerns of the United Nations today extend far beyond what the writers of the 1945 Charter could have imagined. As a result, the UN has been compelled to reconsider the parameters of what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, and what it means to be safe and secure in the twenty-first century. This text critically assesses the capacity of the UN to evolve in response to changing notions of security, and examines the complex history of people, places and politics that have helped shape this important global actor.

This collection of essays arises from two symposia held by the University of Cambridge's Centre for Public Law and Centre for European Legal Studies in the winter and spring of 1997. It presents an analysis of a cluster of issues arising in the EU public law arena but naturally falls into two interrelated but distinct parts. The first part deals with issues of liability in public law and the availability of remedies in EC and domestic law. The second part deals with EU public law on a broader canvas,by examining the phenomenon of cross-fertilization among national legal systems in Europe and between national systems and EU law. The book also examines the judgment of the Divisional Court of 31 July 1997 in R v. Secretary of State for Transport ex parte Factortame Ltd and the post-Francovich judgments in Palmisani, Maso and Bonifaci delivered by the Court of Justice on 10 July 1997. Contributors: John Allison, Jack Beatson, John Bell, Paul Craig, Piet Eeckhout, Ivan Hare, Mark Hoskins, Peter Oliver, Eivind Smith, Luisa Torchia, Takis Tridimas, Walter van Gerven.

Japan has consistently been pursuing the goal of a permanent UN Security Council seat for 30 years. The book investigates the motives for this ambition, and how it has been pursued domestically and internationally. It is therefore a study of the inner workings of the Japanese Foreign Ministry as well as of the country's underdeveloped multinational diplomacy.

Integration of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) into the European Union (EU) has become more a question of timing than a question whether it will or should be made. Since one of the objectives of the EU is to establish a system ensuring competition in the internal market is not distorted the question arises if the CEECs can be integrated into such a competitive system. Which rules of competition are appropriate to improve the economic integration of the CEECs and to promote at the same time the enduring transition process? The relationship between competition policy and East-West integration is the general theme of the contributions in this book. One central issue of this volume is the way of integrating the Central and East European countries into the EU and supporting their development by liberalizing trade with the EU. A second issue is the implementation of a market economy in the post-socialist countries of Eastern Europe and in particular the aspect of implementing competition rules at a time when markets are just emerging. The twelve selected papers are organized in three sections: -Competition Policy and Integration (part 1); -Competition Policy During Transition (part 2); -Competition, Trade Policy and East-West-Integration (part 3).

Once described by Trygve Lie as the "most impossible job on earth," the position of UN Secretary-General is as frustratingly constrained as it is prestigious. The Secretary-General's ability to influence global affairs often depends on how the international community regards his moral authority. In relation to such moral authority, past office-holders have drawn on their own ethics and religious backgrounds - as diverse as Lutheranism, Catholicism, Buddhism, and Coptic Christianity - to guide the role that they played in addressing the UN's goals in the international arena, such as the maintenance of international peace and security and the promotion of human rights. In "The UN Secretary-General and Moral Authority", contributors provide case studies of all seven former secretaries-general, establishing a much-needed comparative survey of each office-holder's personal religious and moral values. From Trygve Lie's forbearance during the UN's turbulent formative years to the Nobel committee's awarding Kofi Annan and the United Nations the prize for peace in 2001, the case studies all follow the same format, first detailing the environmental and experiential factors that forged these men's ethical frameworks, then analyzing how their "inner code" engaged with the duties of office and the global events particular to their terms. Balanced and unbiased in its approach, this study provides valuable insight into how religious and moral leadership functions in the realm of international relations, and how the promotion of ethical values works to diffuse international tensions and improve the quality of human life around the world.

The result of major research on development, security and culture, this collection, and second volume "Sustainable Development in a Globalized World," outlines the emerging field of global studies and the theoretical approach of global social theory. It considers social relations and the need for intercultural dialogue to respect "the other."

Common Heritage or Common Burden? contains a comprehensive and authoritative assessment of the US role in the negotiations on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and particularly in the negotiations on one of the remaining commons, the ocean floor beyond national jurisdiction. The author first examines the US view of the lawfulness of deep seabed mining under international law. He reviews the bureaucratic struggles, within the US Administration and the Congress, concerning the options to be pursued at the Conference; analyses the US position in the seabed negotiations from 1974 to 1980; and casts a fresh look both on the Reagan Administration's `policy review' of 1981-1982 which threatened the Conference's outcome, and current US oceans policy which remains an impediment to the Convention's early entry into force. The study suggests that despite significant compromises negotiated between the US and developing countries at the Conference up to 1980, the emerging seabed regime was not as widely endorsed by US officials as is generally assumed. Drawing on material collected from interviews with many key negotiators, the study contributes to a better understanding of domestic and international decision-making procedures and the dynamics of international negotiations.

In this important new book, John McCormick argues that the EU has become an economic and political superpower, whose new global role calls into doubt most of the recent assessments of unipolarity in world politics and American 'Empire'. In his inimitably clear and accessible style, McCormick shows how the rise of Europe has been underplayed because of traditional notions of power politics based on military might which, he argues, are much less relevant in the twenty-first century world than in the past.

This book analyses the European Parliament's relations with the national parliaments of the European Union, in terms of political party interactions, institutional arrangements, and two-way influence.;Each of the twelve chapters on the member-states of the EU covers three main themes: the links between party-political activity at the European and national levels; the degree of cooperation between the national and the European parliaments; and the extent to which the national legislature is influenced by the EP's resolutions or other communications.

The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has come a long way since its inception as the European Security and Defence Identity under NATO. Yet more than a decade after emerging as an autonomous entity, with its own capacity for civilian crisis management and military action, the European Union's CSDP is still very much a work in progress. This fully revised and updated new edition provides the most comprehensive account available of the CSDP and the debates surrounding it. Written by a leading authority in the field, the second edition draws on the author's own extensive research in the area, including hundreds of interviews with key actors, and takes account of developments since the reforms of the Lisbon Treaty. A brand new chapter assesses international relations theory and European integration theory as tools to understand the CSDP, and critically engages with theoretical approaches that view security and defence policy as the exclusive domain of sovereign nation-states. The book concludes with an analysis of future hurdles for the European Union as it responds to new and often unpredictable crises across the globe.

Karem is eminently qualified to write on the role of Nuclear Weapons-Free Zones (NWFZs) in the processes of averting nuclear weapons proliferation, arresting the nuclear arms race, and eliminating the scourge of nuclear weapons. Karem's well-written, extensively documented, and cogent argument for a NWFZ in the Middle East reflects his scholarly and professional expertise on the technical and political issues surrounding such a proposal. . . . This is an important and much needed contribution to the literature on peace studies, arms limitation, disarmament, and world order studies. It should be part of every library collection. Choice It is clear that the proliferation of nuclear weapons among the nations of the Middle East would pose grave problems for that politically explosive region and throughout the world. In this thoughful study, Dr Karem examines the possiblility of avoiding such a situation and reducing tensions generally by implementing United Nations resolutions calling for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone (NWFZ) in the Middle East. Arguing that the NWFZ approach is a viable solution, he suggests how to implement it and how diplomatic obstacles facing such an agreement can be overcome.

The expansion of the European Union in 2004 has had significant consequences for both existing and new members of the Union. New member states are assimilating into a new institutional and policy framework, while the changing geography of Europe provides a different context for policy development in pre-2004 member states. One of the more important fields in which these changes are impacting is regional development. The admission of the new countries changes patterns of economic and social disparities across the territory of the European Union, which in turn demands that existing approaches to regional development are reconsidered. An approach which has proved to be one of the most innovative is spatial planning. This book brings together a team of academics and policy makers from across the new Europe involved in regional development and spatial planning. Providing insights into different approaches, it offers a valuable opportunity to compare experiences across European borders.

This is a study of the principal negotiating processes and law-making tools through which contemporary international law is made. It does not seek to give an account of the traditional - and untraditional - sources and theories of international law, but rather to identify the processes, participants and instruments employed in the making of international law. It accordingly examines some of the mechanisms and procedures whereby new rules of law are created or old rules are amended or abrogated. It concentrates on the UN, other international organisations, diplomatic conferences, codification bodies, NGOs, and courts. Every society perceives the need to differentiate between its legal norms and other norms controlling social, economic and political behaviour. But unlike domestic legal systems where this distinction is typically determined by constitutional provisions, the decentralised nature of the international legal system makes this a complex and contested issue. Moreover, contemporary international law is often the product of a subtle and evolving interplay of law-making instruments, both binding and non-binding, and of customary law and general principles. Only in this broader context can the significance of so-called 'soft law' and multilateral treaties be fully appreciated. An important question posed by any examination of international law-making structures is the extent to which we can or should make judgments about their legitimacy and coherence, and if so in what terms. Put simply, a law-making process perceived to be illegitimate or incoherent is more likely to be an ineffective process. From this perspective, the assumption of law-making power by the UN Security Council offers unique advantages of speed and universality, but it also poses a particular challenge to the development of a more open and participatory process observable in other international law-making bodies.