A novel explanation of how EU member states overcome their divergent preferences to reach agreement on common foreign policies, with fourteen in-depth case studies covering diplomatic and security issues, enlargement, trade, development and environmental protection.

The United States and Mexico trade many commodities, the most important of which are indispensable sources of energy-crude oil and agricultural labor. Mexican oil and workers provide cheap and reliable energy for the United States, while US petro dollars and agricultural jobs supply much-needed income for the Mexican economy. Mexico's economic dependence on the United States is well-known, but The Politics of Dependency makes a compelling case that the United States is also economically dependent on Mexico. Expanding dependency theory beyond the traditional premise that weak countries are dominated by powerful ones, Martha Menchaca investigates how the United States and Mexico have developed an asymmetrical codependency that disproportionally benefits the United States. In particular, she analyzes how US foreign policy was designed to enable the US government to help shape the development of Mexico's oil industry, as well as how migration from Mexico to the United States has been regulated by the US Congress to ensure that American farmers have sufficient labor. This unprecedented dual study of energy sectors that are usually examined in isolation reveals the extent to which the United States has become economically dependent on Mexico, even as it remains the dominant partner in the relationship. It also exposes the long-term effects of the agricultural policies of NAFTA, which led to the unemployment of millions of agricultural workers in Mexico, a large percentage of whom relocated to the United States.

In this volume an international cast of contributors analyze and discuss the role of societal actors in European integration from the creation of the present-day European Union in 1958 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. Based throughout on newly accessible sources the authors discuss a variety of societal actors from political parties to business groups and civil society organizations demonstrating the scope and limits of their role in European polity-building and policy-making before the Maastricht Treaty, with an outlook on the period since then. This is an important text for students and Scholars of European Studies, European Union Politics and contemporary History.

Managing a Multilevel Foreign Policy is a helpful resource for enhancing current understanding of the European Union as an emerging actor in the global system. Analyzing the role of the EU in international affairs, Foradori, Rosa, and Scartezzini seek to foster understanding of the complexity of the present international conditions and the ways in which the EU is responding to threats and opportunities from the outside world. The numerous contributors examine the latest developments in the fields of EU foreign, security, and defense policies, providing a complete overview of the ways in which the EU has grown as a global actor with a significant impact on international affairs.

"Regional cooperation has become a distinctive feature of the Balkans, an area known for its turbulent politics. Exploring the origins and dynamics of this change, this book highlights the transformative power of the EU and other international actors"--Provided by publisher.

In accordance with Article 102 of the Charter and the relevant General Assembly Resolutions, every treaty and international agreement registered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat since 1946 is published in the United Nations Treaty Series. At present, the collection includes about 30,000 treaties reproduced in their authentic languages, together with translations into English and French, as necessary.

Social Mobility in Europe is the most comprehensive study to date of trends in intergenerational social mobility. It uses data from 11 European countries covering the last 30 years of the twentieth century to analyze differences between countries and changes through time.
The findings call into question several long-standing views about social mobility. We find a growing similarity between countries in their class structures and rates of absolute mobility: in other words, the countries of Europe are now more alike in their flows between class origins and destinations than they were thirty years ago. However, differences between countries in social fluidity (that is, the relative chances, between people of different class origins, of being found in given class destinations) show no reduction and so there is no evidence supporting theories of modernization which predict such convergence. Our results also contradict the long-standing Featherman Jones Hauser hypothesis of a basic similarity in social fluidity in all industrial societies 'with a market economy and a nuclear family system'. There are considerable differences between countries like Israel and Sweden, where societal openness is very marked, and Italy, France, and Germany, where social fluidity rates are low. Similarly, there is a substantial difference between, for example, the Netherlands in the 1970s (which was quite closed) and in the 1990s, when it ranks among the most open societies.
Mobility tables reflect many underlying processes and this makes it difficult to explain mobility and fluidity or to provide policy prescriptions. Nevertheless, those countries in which fluidity increased over the last decades of the twentieth century had not only succeeded in reducing class inequalities in educational attainment but had also restricted the degree to which, among people with the same level of education, class background affected their chances of gaining access to better class destinations.

After 40 years of Cold War, NATO found itself intervening in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan, where the ability to communicate with local people was essential to the success of the missions. This book explains how the Alliance responded to this challenge so as to ensure that the missions did not fail through lack of understanding.

In 2000, the European Union set out to shape itself into the world's most dynamic and competitive knowledge-based economy within a decade. But how great is the capacity of the EU to orchestrate 'competitiveness'? Can common policy instruments produce consistent effects across diverse varieties of capitalism? Has substantial policy learning taken place in response to the successes and failures of the Lisbon agenda? Europe and National Economic Transformation identifies the nature and limits of the transformative capacities of the EU's push for economic gains. The book does so by examining the consequences of the decade-long Lisbon process and its successor, Europe 2020. It explores a broad range of economic outcomes and consequences for an array of policy areas, including innovation financing, employment services, labor migration policy and pension reform.

Many of the central issues faced by EU Foreign Policy - such as state fragility, illegal migration and environmental degradation - are challenges of global development. For European policymakers the increasing importance of development as an external relations priority will demand the refinement of existing instruments and the testing of new approaches. This book addresses debates on how the EU manages various modes of governance in development policymaking, its engagement with other global actors and the effectiveness of its policy formulation and implementation. Given the restrictions of policymaking in an environment characterised by uncertainty, difficulty and complexity, the contributions to this volume explore decision-making and implementation across a wide range of issue-areas with the objective of highlighting choices that could improve the coherence, and thus the effectiveness, of European policy for global development.

In an EU increasingly worried about the security of its citizens and its territory, how should the European Parliament make policy decisions in these areas? This study investigates how the empowerment of the European Parliament has led it to abandon its defence of civil liberties in order to become a full partner in inter-institutional negotiations

This book examines selected pertinent topics on issues relating to current and future EU developments. In its initial sections, the book focuses on an array of wide ranging micro (agriculture, industry and competition) and macro (EMU, regional convergence and enlargement) issues. A final section is reserved for discussion on Britain's future relationship with the EU. In particular, the book posits possible alternative strategies (e.g. NAFTA membership and policy frameworks) and examines these from both a theoretical and empirical perspective.

With the increasing prominence of fundamental rights within the EU it increasingly interferes in the core competence of the Council of Europe. This book traces the EU and the Council of Europe relationship in the field of human rights - marked by mutual interferences and overlap - and explores which factors trigger cooperation or conflict between the two organizations. Investigating the cases of data protection, the fight against terrorism, challenging Roma discrimination, the Memorandum of Understanding and the Fundamental Rights Agency through the lens of an implementation literature and management studies-perspective, this book contends that the biggest threat to interorganizational cooperation is organizational self-interest, despite a shared policy outlook. The book furthers the agenda set by the literature in this field by providing a new theoretical framework and an in-depth empirical study of two main actors in the field of human rights protection in Europe from a political science perspective.

The United Nations effort in East Timor was precedent - setting in its use of a regional power to affect a UN mandate leading to the independence of a new nation. Based on first-person accounts, interviews, declassified documents, and secondary background sources, this book gives readers an insight into the significant actions and innovative techniques of the struggle for East Timorese independence from 1999 to 2006.The book begins with a two-chapter historical overview of the circumstances that caused the United Nations to intervene in East Timor in 1999, and then continues with a detailed account of the referendum on independence and the military operations required to restore order after the Timorese people decided upon freedom from Indonesia. In the final three chapters, the author describes the actions taken to support the first national elections, the writing of a constitution, and the formation of a new national government in East Timor. The final chapter compares UN operations in East Timor to previous operations in Somalia, Eastern Europe and Haiti, and outlines key lessons for the future, including the critical importance of economic development and good governance in fledgling states.

Sharp in focus and succinct in analysis, this Pivot examines the latest developments and scholarly debates surrounding the sources of the European Union's crisis of legitimacy and possible solutions. It examines not only the financial and economic dimensions of the current crisis, but also those crises at the heart of the EU integration project.

This new edition of a classic text, comprehensively revised throughout, appraises the emerging challenges to the centrality of the nation-state international system, such as humanitarianism, environmentalism, new international legal standards, and concepts such as "civil society" and "globalism." As inter-governmental and international non-governmental activities are increasingly being blended, for example in the area of peace-keeping, this poses a challenge to the sanctity of the territorial state as the primary political unit. Similarly, technological and social changes such as the emergence of the Internet, encourages "borderless" activities (both legal and illegal) by non-state actors. This book provides the basis for students to consider a thorough rethinking of our international system and its prospects for the future in the face of these fundamental and unprecedented developments. While the book as a whole is built around the unifying theme of "the management of cooperation," illustrative cases enhance the individual chapters and provide the basis for comparative analysis and discussion. These take the reader through the tangled webs of international cooperation in such areas as the European Union, NATO, humanitarian intervention, arms control, transnational criminal organizations, and global environmental issues. Discussion questions at the end of each chapter add to the usefulness of this text for students.

The first comprehensive analysis of Britain's complex relationship with UN peacekeeping operations during two formative decades. It charts the evolution of British views on an international organization running its own military forces and examines policy-makers' efforts to influence, contain and exploit individual operations: in Palestine, Kashmir, Egypt (following the Suez Crisis), Lebanon, Congo and Cyprus. Benefits included shedding colonial responsibilities, containing conflicts, face-saving, and burden-sharing; perceived risks included interference in remaining colonies and threats to postcolonial interests.

Since the 1970s, the international community of states has demonstrated increasing willingness to invest UN institutions with politico-ethical authority to act on its behalf in addressing human rights abuses. Through trial and error, some of these institutions have had a degree of success in securing better practical observance of international human rights standards. Flood examines the reasons why some structural approaches have had more impact than others. He argues that states must make policy choices in an environment where many political actors operate simultaneously and where several state interests are in play simultaneously. This situation creates the political space in which community structures can operate to influence behavior. Because states require the active or tacit cooperation of other states to promote their interests, they seek to avoid prolonged political isolation. Thus, the most effective UN human rights institutions are those linked in meaningful ways with Charter-based human rights mechanisms. These mechanisms--thematic and country-specific--have different structural advantages, and their concrete effectiveness depends on the specific circumstances of the particular case they are asked to address. There is evidence that they have greater impact when employed simultaneously, as well as when key states support their efforts bilaterally. Through case studies, Flood analyzes the work of the thematic mechanisms on disappearances and religious discrimination and the country-specific mechanisms used with Chile and Iran. He concludes that Charter-based UN human rights institutions have become an enduring part of the international environment and that their activities havestrengthened the concept and practice of state accountability to the international community for human rights conduct.

It was logical to expect that the European Economic and Monetary Union would lead ineluctably to an autonomous European defense; the very size of the European Union seems to demand it. The EU eventually will reach the point where its economic and demographic weight will far exceed that of the United States. Can it not be expected too that the EU will seek to make this weight felt internationally? Cogan tracks the halting creation of an independent European military structure, a third way between national armies and ATO, since the Iron Curtain's fall.

With the Cold War's end and subsequent western engagements in Central and Eastern Europe, it is no longer a question of whether NATO and the EU compare; they now must relate. They have to coordinate their planning and force postures so as to avoid duplication of resources and efforts. Although NATO's integrated command structure theoretically was an anomaly with the end of the Cold War, it nevertheless turned out to be the case in Bosnia, and later Kosovo, that nothing was possible until the Americans intervened. The virtue of integrated command -- American participation and know-how -- was once again seen as crucially important, despite the increasingly anachronistic deficit of sovereignty for Western Europe in defense matters. In the long run, Europe's economic power must be balanced by its military and diplomatic might.

The future of European Monetary Union (EMU) stands as one of the most important economic issues of the era. The author argues that in the event of macroeconomic shocks, rather than acting as a cohesive force, EMU could give rise to disunity. As EMU is not an optimal currency area, asymmetric shocks affecting each country differently could be critical to its future. The success of EMU depends upon the ability of institutions in the EU to satisfy the monetary and fiscal policy demands of sufficient numbers of national constituents, interest groups, and multinational corporations. This book employs principles from public choice to analyze the EU institutions that participate in the monetary policy making process of EMU and assesses whether they have the mechanisms to cope with asymmetric macroeconomic shocks. In particular, it examines the European Council, Council of Ministers, European Commission, European Parliament and the European Central Bank. This book provides an invaluable critique of the EMU plan and will be of interest to scholars of European economics, macroeconomics and public choice.

Differentiation was at first not perceived as a threat to the European project, but rather as a tool to promote further integration. Today, more EU policies than ever are marked by concentric circles of integration and a lack of uniform application. As the EU faces increasingly existential challenges, this timely book considers whether the proliferation of mechanisms of flexibility has contributed to this newly fragile state or whether, to the contrary, differentiation has been fundamental to integration despite the heterogeneity of national interests and priorities. Written by emerging and established experts in the field, the chapters examine the present and future of differentiation in EU law. Part I covers general institutional aspects, with contributors examining the nature and characteristics of the various institutional and extra-institutional forms of differentiation. Part II takes a policy-oriented perspective, focussing on areas of EU law and policy in which differentiated integration is prevalent or particularly intriguing. This includes Economic and Monetary Union, the internal market, justice and home affairs, and foreign policy. Differentiated integration is now a defining feature of the EU polity, with the potential to impact almost every facet of EU regulation. This book will be essential reading for students and academics in EU law or anyone interested in the future of EU integration. Contributors include: V. Borger, M. Dawson, M. de Visser, B. De Witte, W. Devroe, A. Durana, N. El-Enany, C. Fasone, E. Ferran, E. Herlin-Karnell, C. Herrmann, S. Kingston, P. Koutrakos, A. Ott, S. Peers, D. Thym, P. Van Cleynenbreugel, S. Van den Bogaert, A.P. van der Mei, E. Vos, M. Weimer

This book provides an analysis of the European Neighbourhood Policy by focusing on the impact of norms of justice and home affairs on EU external relations. Drawing on the literature of new governance it designs a framework for analysis which clarifies the contents, tools and processes of the external dimension of EU justice and home affairs.

The book analyses the changing roles of international agencies, governmental bodies, non-governmental organisations, and local communities around major road-building environmental impact assessment processes in order to examine whether the influence of the European Union has transformed environmental governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Serbia.

"Understanding Conflict between Russia and the EU" addresses the conflictual issues in EU-Russian relations and presents an innovative theory for the understanding of their emergence. Drawing on up-to-date research data, the author argues that conflicts in EU-Russian relations are generated by the clash of principles of state sovereignty and international integration, which characterize the policies of both sides.