The American public has become increasingly disenchanted with the United Nations. Some responsible sources in this country are already advocating withdrawal from U.N. agencies and perhaps even from the entire system.

This book, by the former Director of Research at UNITAR, the U.N.'s "think tank," examines the record of the U.N. during its first 40 years in the clear light of American national interest. Franck offers a balance sheet which confirms that the U.N. during its first 40 years in the clear light of American national interest. Franck offers a balance shet whcih confirms that the U.N. often operates in a way that undermines respect for individual human rights and hampers conflict resolution. At the same time, he does not shrink from showing that the fault frequently lies with the United States itself. He shows how the U.S. helped form the U.N. with unrealistic views of what it could do, how for a decade or more the U.S. was able to use the U.N. essentially as a tool and adjunct to its foreign policy, and how Washington failed to predict and plan for the inevitable shift in power at the U.N. led by the newly emergent Third World nations. Franck warns of the American penchant for treating international relations as a series of unrelated encounters instead of an ongoing, institutionalized system in which the tactics and outcome of one crisis inevitably affect the way the next context is played out.

Taday the U.S. and its allies are often the butt of antagonisms that the U.N. system seems to encourage and exaggerate. Nevertheless Franck shows that even now the U.S. position in the U.N. is far from hopeless, and he provides a blueprint for a strategy of "playing hard ball," which is far more realistic than abandoning the world organization.

About the Author:

Thomas M. Franck is Professor of Law and Director of the Center for International Studies at the New York University Law School. His previous books include Word Politics and Secrecy and Foreign Policy.

"This useful compilation of essays serves as an introduction and guide to the complexities arising from the theft of Jewish property during WWII...This anthology belongs in every library."
-- "Choice"

The campaign for the restitution of Jewish property stolen during the Holocaust has touched a raw nerve within European society, bringing many nations to confront their wartime past. Together with the end of the Cold War and generational change, the campaign has created a need to reevaluate conventional historical truths.

Following an unprecedented media campaign, pressure from Jewish organizations, and public opinion, more than 40 European commissions were established to investigate their fellow countrymen's behavior during the war and to ascertain how stolen property was dealt with in its aftermath.

The Plunder of Jewish Property During the Holocaust brings together a range of distinguished international experts to examine the major cases concerning restitution in several countries, covering specific issues such as Nazi gold, wartime theft of works of art, and the ownership of dormant accounts in Swiss banks. The contributors incorporate insights from diverse disciplines such as international law, economics, history, and political science which, taken as a whole, make clear that some chapters of European history will have to be rewritten.

With a preface by Edgar Bronfman and Israel Singer

From the end of the Cold War to the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001, the NATO Alliance has changed profoundly. This book explores the multifaceted consequences of NATO's adjustment to new international and domestic political and security realities. Internal Alliance politics and matters of relative power within the membership have strongly influenced recent NATO developments. Several major issues challenging the Alliance are examined, including how the impact of efforts to develop an enhanced common European security and defense policy have affected NATO: whether missile defense is driving the United States and its European allies closer or further apart; how the experience of NATO in the Balkans and elsewhere brought alliance members together or made MATO cohesion more difficult to maintain; and in what way the changing role of NATO has influenced American and Canadian participation in the Alliance. An important guidepost to pivotal changes and likely NATO developments, scholars and policymakers of Atlantic and international politics will find these meditations indispensable.

A number of authors also speculate on the likely changes for the alliance that will ensue in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, and the possibility that NATO will soon modify its mission and responsibilities in reaction to the threat of international terrorism. Indeed many of the same strategies and strains that affected NATO cohesion over the past decade are likely to complicate efforts to maintain Alliance unity as part of the anti-terrorist coalition.

This distinctive empirical account analyses security cooperation in the domain of inter-regionalism, identifying the emergence of the African Union (AU) as a regional actor and its implications for contemporary EU-Africa relations.The book considers the opportunities and constraints of trying to create something new from an existing EU-Africa institution, by focusing on two cases of building the capabilities of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Examining institutional interactions and decision-making processes between the European Union (EU) and the AU, it provides revealing new insights based on extensive fieldwork and original interviews with European and African officials. Addressing the prospects of true equality, partnership and local ownership, Haastrup explores the potential for the transformation of EU-Africa relations.This comprehensive and up-to-date account of security cooperation will appeal to scholars in international relations, comparative regionalism, international security and European Union and African Studies.

"The Siracusa Guidelines have appeared at an important and opportune moment. Those keen to promote accountability in conflicts around the world are increasingly relying on fact finding bodies to provide necessary documentation which will ensure that those responsible for human rights abuses are brought to justice. The 'Guidelines', developed from inputs by more than 80 experts, provide a thorough and welcome framework to ensure clarity and consistency throughout the processes of creating, investigating, reporting and follow-up for these various bodies." Karen Koning AbuZayd Commissioner, Syria UN CoI; Former High Commissioner UNRWA "The Siracusa Guidelines for fact-finding bodies derive from a wealth of combined knowledge and experience in the field. They address in a comprehensive and integrated way many essential issues which have often been inadequately dealt with or ignored. The application of the guidelines will not only improve the conduct and effectiveness of such missions but also enhance their legitimacy." Philippe Kirsch Former President, ICC; Former Ambassador and Legal Adviser, MOFA, Canada "Fact-Finding Bodies are an essential component of international, regional and national investigative processes. It is of paramount concern that they work to high and common standards. The obvious expertise and solid work of the Siracusa Committee has produced a draft of high quality, and of great practical application." Howard Morrison Judge, ICC; Former Judge, ICTY "These Guidelines are indispensable to those engaged in fact-finding and will contribute immensely to the process of international criminal justice." Hassan B. Jallow Chief Prosecutor, UNICTR/UNMICT "These guidelines are an essential resource for anybody working on issues connected with international investigation commissions in the future." Serge Brammertz Prosecutor, ICTY "Hindsight, Insight and Foresight...These Guidelines provide a wealth of wisdom for discussion and reflection." Vitit Muntarbhorn Professor of Law, Bangkok University; international human rights expert who served in several UN capacities

The widening and deepening of the European Union have brought to the fore the question of democracy at the European level. The system of domination already in place at the European level requires and aspires to direct legitimation--from the citizens themselves and not merely indirect, derived from the Member Nation States. Such can only be achieved by making the EU into a democratic polity.
But can democracy be disassociated from its putative nation-state foundation? A revised concept of democratic legitimacy based on discourse theory is developed. It is argued that post-national democracy requires a constitution but not necessarily a state.
The Union amounts to less than a state but more than an international organization and a system of transnational governance. In the political theory of the multilevel constellation that makes up the EU, it is conceived of as a regional subset of an emerging cosmopolitan order. The EU is a state-less government. As it is not premised on group identity, it is able to accommodate a high measure of variance with regard to territory and function.
The book analyzes the reforms undertaken to bring the EU 'closer to the citizens'. It documents elements of democratization and reduction of arbitrary power. However, democracy requires that the citizens can approve or reject the laws they are subjected to. Since the institutional as well as the civic conditions under which a public justification process would be deemed legitimate are not in place, European post-national democracy remains an unaccomplished mission.

Development and Human Rights examines how United Nations agencies are following a "rights based approach to development" in India. It asks two questions: how (if at all) does the implementation of a rights based approach differ from traditional development work? And what strategies do development agencies follow to overcome local opposition to this politically controversial strategy? Integrating human rights into the development process means that development agencies can be vitally important instruments in rights protection and promotion, which has been overlooked in almost all existing literature on human rights. This book, then, presents the first full-length study of how these agencies evaluate the rights situation in a single country, and the first study to look at both the good and the bad in a rights based approach. It begins with a description of what a rights based approach is, and an examination of the human rights challenges faced in India. It then focuses on the work of five agencies: UNICEF, the UN Development Programme, the World Bank, the UN Fund for Population Activities, and UN Women. Chapters then summarize how the UN navigates this difficult political terrain, and how effectively these policies are being implemented. It also considers how rights based approaches fit in the traditional discourse on human rights, and what it says about the ability of these agencies to initiate meaningful change on state behavior in the rights arena.

Britain's relationship with the EU has always been riddled with doubt, scepticism and awkwardness. This much-needed new book examines why, how and with what effect the EU has become such a contentious issue in UK politics. It places the debate in historical context by starting with an overview of debates about membership in the 1950s and 1960s and then goes on to examine the impact of Britain's membership since 1973 across core policy areas, including economic and monetary union, agriculture, and foreign and security policy. Andrew Geddes outlines major changes in the scope of the European project and assesses how central, devolved and local governments have responded to the EU. The book also assesses the EU's impact on domestic policies, assessing debates within and between the main parties and charting the rise of Euroscepticism as a key trend in contemporary British politics. Engagingly written, this text provides a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis both of the EU's impact on Britain and of Britain's contribution to the EU.

Gale explains why international negotiations have not produced a sustainable solution to tropical rainforest degradation. Using an innovative, critical approach to international regimes, the author analyzes the structure and operation of the International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO). He shows how the timber industry and producing- and consuming-country governments created a blocking alliance that favoured developmentalist interests and ideas. The ITTO bolstered this alliance by permitting environmentalists merely to voice, but not to negotiate, their concerns.

This new paperback edition of Justifying Interventions in Africa includes a new preface written by Professor Annika Bjoerkdahl from Lund University. Analysing the UN interventions in Liberia, Burundi and the Congo, Wilen poses the question of how one can stabilize a state through external intervention without destabilizing sovereignty. She critically examines the justifications for international and regional interventions through a social constructivist framework.

The Academy of European Law was established by the European University Institute in 1990 and extends the Institute's current programmes into a larger field of interest. It has as its main activity the holding of annual Summer Courses in the law of the European Community and the protection of human rights in Europe. In addition to General Courses, shorter courses are held on subjects of special academic and practical interest in both fields. Finally, special guest lectures on topical issues are given by policy makers, judges and persons who have held or currently hold the highest position in these fields. The courses are published in the language in which they were delivered (English and French).

EU internal security concerns such as migration, police and judicial cooperation are today part of EU foreign policy. This book shows how those concerns dominate the EU agenda towards Mediterranean countries. Adopting a rational-choice institutionalist approach, it explores EU policy and the strategic choices made after the 2011 Arab revolts.

The attitudes of European citizens towards the EU and its institutions before and after their respective countries integration into the Eurozone is an exceptionally important yet entirely understudied topic. Mapping perceptions of Europeans towards the EU from the outside before their accession and from the inside following their integration provides a crucial barometer for Political Scientists to analyse and understand the popularity and levels of satisfaction with the EU amongst the European population at large. In the first book of its kind, Simona Guerra uses data on the popularity of the EU in Central and Eastern before and after accession to explore how and why determinants of support change. In doing so, she also bridges the gap between Eastern and Western analyses on patterns of support for and oppositions towards EU integration. This book is important reading for students and scholars of European integration and the European Union at large.

Upton examines the U.S. policy process toward the five multilateral development banks-the World Bank Group, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the African Development Bank, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development-as a case study in how the United States manages its participation in multilateral institutions. The management of the U.S. role in these institutions is significant primarily because these institutions play an increasingly important role in the U.S. relationship with the developing world and because, for the most part, they are mature institutions being called upon to adapt their roles and operating styles to new financial and political realities. After examining the evolving role of the MDBs from the U.S. perspective, Upon describes the U.S. policy process toward the banks and assesses its strengths and weaknesses. She then sets out recommendations for improving the process and looks at the broader, more general lessons for U.S. policy formulation on multilateral institutions. An important assessment for scholars, researchers, and policy makers involved with international relations and economic policy.

This book consists of a collection of essays that deal with glocalization in Europe, including the idea of Europeanization as glocalization. The contributors deal with a range of topics including migration, media, football, beauty, Christianity, democracy and the European Union.

This volume provides an introduction to European law, law-making institutions and dispute settlement mechanisms, in relation to the changes brought about by the process of European unification. It presents European legal regimes for the general areas which are relevant to foreign lawyers, including corporate law, environmental regulation, securities regulation, anti-trust law, mergers and acquisitions, licensing, product liability, and dumping. The European regulations of specific industries are examined, such as broadcasting and telecommunications.

This book advances a novel interpretation of EU governance. Its central claim is that the EU's regulatory successes within--and increasingly beyond--its borders rest on the emergence of a recursive process of framework rule making and revision by European and national actors across a wide range of policy domains. In this architecture, framework goals and measures for gauging their achievement are established by joint action of the Member States and EU institutions. Lower-level units are given the freedom to advance these ends as they see fit. But in return for this autonomy, they must report regularly on their performance and participate in a peer review in which their results are compared with those of others pursuing different means to the same general ends. The framework goals, performance measures, and decision-making procedures are themselves periodically revised by the actors, including new participants whose views come to be seen as indispensable to full and fair deliberation.
The editors' introduction sets out the core features of this experimentalist architecture and contrasts it to conventional interpretations of EU governance, especially the principal-agent conceptions underpinning many contemporary theories of democratic sovereignty and effective, legitimate law making. Subsequent chapters by an interdisciplinary group of European and North American scholars explore the architecture's applicability across a series of key policy domains, including data privacy, financial market regulation, energy, competition, food safety, GMOs, environmental protection, anti-discrimination, fundamental rights, justice and home affairs, and external relations. Their authoritative studies show both how recent developments often take an experimentalist turn but also admit of multiple, contrasting interpretations or leave open the possibility of reversion to more familiar types of governance. The results will be indispensable for all those concerned with the nature of the EU and its contribution to contemporary governance beyond the nation-state.

The integration of the European Union may well be a worthwhile enterprise bringing many economic and social advantages, but integration faces many obstacles, from attachment to nationalism to opposition to a federal governmental system. Feld examines how the European Union countries arrived at their current situation and the prospects for further strengthening of ties. Feld contends that, given appropriate leadership in some EU member states, more and more citizens may begin to realize the advantages that flow from an effective combined effort, including a common currency capable of bringing extensive economic and social benefits to the EU population. As Feld maintains, the shape of future developments will depend on the number of added EU members and their economic and sociological histories. A work of value to students and researchers involved with the political and economic integration of Europe.

At the turn of the century the regional-global security partnership became a key element of peace and security policy-making. This book investigates the impact of the joint effort made by the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN) to keep the peace and protect civilians in Darfur.

This book focuses on the collaboration that takes place in the field of conflict management between the global centre and the African regional level. It moves beyond the dominant framework on regional-global security partnerships, which mainly considers one-sided legal and political factors. Instead, new perspectives on the relationships are presented through the lens of international legitimacy. The book argues that the AU and the UN Security Council fight for legitimacy to ensure their positions of authority and to improve the chances of success of their activities. It demonstrates in regard to the case of Darfur why and how legitimacy matters for states, international organisations, and also for global actors and local populations.

Legitimacy, Peace Operations and Global-Regional Security will be of interest to students and scholars of International Relations, African Security and Global Governance.

Successive EU treaties may have instituted a common framework for fighting racial discrimination and intolerance across Europe, but it is a framework that masks the significant differences that arise as a result of national context: for example, pre-existing national anti-racist policies and legislation; the degree of success, character and development of anti-racist movements as well as the political, socio-economic and cultural context in which these policies and movements arise. The aim of this book is to provide an understanding of these different national contexts by exploring the nature of anti-racist movements in six different EU member states and their relationship to political institutions and policy-making, while also reflecting on the impact of the new European sphere of decision-making. Drawing on extensive primary research involving interviews with movement and policy actors at the national and EU level, the book sheds light on the nature of racism and responses to it across Europe, analysing the impact of Europeanisation of policy-making on the sector, and exploring north-south and east-west differences and patterns of convergence.

The Euro-Zone represents the single most important step in European Integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. In this first major study, the author examines the major political questions raised by the birth of the Euro-Zone on January 1 1999 and argues for a more politically informed analysis and assessment of its nature, operation, and prospects. How does the Euro-Zone operate? What does it mean for European States and for the political strategies of governments? How is its operation to be explained? What are its prospects for stability? What kinds of policies are needed to strengthen its capacity to withstand crisis? The book stresses the ECB-centric nature of the Euro-Zone and its implications both for policy and polices in Europe and for theories of integration. The ECB emerges as a powerful 'policy pusher' and 'ideational leader', with an authority and power exceeding that of the European Commission in the integration process. Dyson examines the elated problems of social justice, democratic consent, and identity. He also argues that the Euro-Zone represents a process of transition to the EU as a 'stabilization Staten An innovative aspect of the book is its application of a strength-strain model for the purpose of analyzing and assessing the stability of the Euro-Zone. It concludes that the stability of the Euro-Zone will be strongly conditioned by three factors: how Kantian rather than Hobbesian or Lockeian its political culture proves to be, with a key reproducibility failing here on the quality of political leadership; its possession of policy interments to tackle liquidity as well as debt traps; and the speed and efficiency of mechanisms of 'bench marking, policy transfer, and 'lesson-drawing'.

In this timely volume, the ongoing, dramatic economic and geopolitical changes in NAFTA and the European Union are examined. Gianaris pays particular attention to the potential for stronger economic cooperation between North America and Western Europe. This unique book deals with similarities in economic organizations and related fiscal and monetary policies as they affect trade and financial transactions between these regions, and provides a detailed examination of trade and investment relations, capital flows, and currency realignments as well as transatlantic joint ventures. In addition, it deals with problems of privatization, employee participation, closer integration, and the challenge of enlarging NAFTA to include other Latin American countries and the European Union to include Eastern Europe. Gianaris weaves together a historical framework with comparative studies of the nation-states of NAFTA and the European Union. He discusses structural changes and the main problems and developments in the relationships between NAFTA and the European Union as well as problems of mutual trade, investments, and joint ventures. A useful book for students, scholars, and investors with a broad range of interests in the American and European continents.

In accordance with Article 102 of the Charter and the relevant General Assembly Resolutions, every treaty and international agreement registered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat since 1946 is published in the United Nations Treaty Series. At present, the collection includes about 30,000 treaties reproduced in their authentic languages, together with translations into English and French, as necessary.

This thought-provoking book examines the socio-legal mechanisms that drive EU constitutional tensions, as well as the role of principles and values in re-directing EU law and policy towards a democratic Social Europe. It addresses the current limits of Social Europe in relation to different areas of EU law, offering a critical assessment of the present status of EU integration. Covering areas such as posting of workers, the right to collective bargaining, political rights and free movement for EU citizens, and asylum policy, chapters provide a cross-disciplinary and policy-oriented treatment of these subjects alongside focused legal analysis. Complementing traditional concepts and methodologies with newly emerged empirical elements, the book exposes the EU's inherent tensions while also offering new perspectives on the ways in which EU constitutional principles, rooted in solidarity, could inform a future Social Europe. Law, Solidarity and the Limits of Social Europe will be a stimulating read for scholars and students of EU law and social policy. It will also be of interest to legal practitioners, policy makers and civil society organisations working in fields related to Social Europe.