Research on evaluation shows that low-use and non-use of evaluation is common, yet evaluation is hailed as beneficial and worthwhile. The worth of evaluation is tied to its utilisation, presenting a paradox if evaluation is both revered and underutilised. This book investigates this paradox in the under-researched context of small development non-profit organisations, which have specific resource constraints and 'bottom up' community development values that complicate their ability to do and use evaluation in line with top down directives. The book examines the utility, meaningfulness, and purpose of evaluation from small non-profit perspectives, and explores whether evaluation has value for these organisations. For development practice, it presents evaluative alternatives that reconceptualise evaluation as part of the active process of development rather than as an interval-based add-on. For evaluation theory, it highlights a historical preoccupation with improving evaluation without assessing its inherent worth, and considers alternative ways to enhance the value of evaluation for small non-profits.

This volume examines European Union policy instruments affecting the urban domain through the lens of Europeanisation. Instead of looking at EU instruments that are formally consecrated to cities, theoretical public policy analysis explores the arenas and causal mechanisms that structure the encounter between the EU and urban governance. The core variables that explain change concern the status of actors' preferences and the payoffs from Europeanisation. Their combination creates a four-dimensional space. We can therefore develop a typology for the modes of Europeanisation that chimes with current theorisations on the EU modes of governance. Dossi considers four modes of Europeanisation, which he analyses to grasp the essence of EU instruments and initiatives. The eventual Europeanisation of urban systems depends on the nature of strategic interaction, not on the legal 'tools' designated explicitly for cities

The eurozone crisis has raised fundamental questions about the EU's future and has also sparked debate about the wider functions and future direction of European integration in the 21st century. This engaging book provides a broad-ranging reassessment of the whole experience of integration to date and the challenges which face Europe today.

In the decade after 1945, as the Cold War freeze set in, a new Europe slowly began to emerge from the ruins of the Second World War, based on a broad rejection of the fascist past that had so scarred the continent's recent history. In the East, this new consensus was enforced by Soviet-imposed Communist regimes. In the West, the process was less coercive, amounting more to a consensus of silence. On both sides, much was deliberately forgotten or obscured. The years which followed were in many ways golden years for western Europe. Democracy became embedded in Germany, and eventually triumphed over dictatorship in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Britain and France faced up to the necessity of decolonization. The European Economic Community was founded and went from strength to strength, as the economies of western Europe bounced back from the devastation of the war. The countries of the East lagged far behind and seemed caught in a perpetual game of catch-up, but even there conditions had improved since the end of the war, albeit at a much slower rate. Above all, throughout this period the European world continued to be sustained by the broad anti-fascist consensus that had emerged in the years after 1945. However, as Dan Stone shows in this new history of the continent since the war, this fundamental consensus began to break down in the wake of the oil shocks of the 1970s, a process which has rapidly accelerated since the end of the Cold War. Globalization, deregulation, and the erosion of social-democratic welfare capitalism in the West, and the collapse of the purported Communist alternative in the East, have all fatally undermined the post-war anti-fascist value system that predominated across Europe in the first four decades after the end of the Second World War. Ominously, this has been accompanied by a rise in right-wing populism and a widespread revision of the anti-fascist narrative on which this value system was based. The danger of this shift is now evident: financial and social crisis, an increasing inability on the part of European populations to resist historical myth-making, and the re-emergence of fascist ideas. The result, as Dan Stone warns, is socially divisive, politically dangerous, and a genuine threat to the future of a civilized Europe.

What will citizenship mean to the peoples of a new, wider Europe? Welfare state retrenchment and technological change in the work place are undermining social citizenship rights and provoking a critical assessment of the West European concept itself. In the light of these changes, what models can the democratic, industrialized states of the West offer the transitional economies of the East?This innovative book presents new work by an international group of leading social scientists offers historical analysis and empirical description, as well as theoretical and political assessments, of work and citizenship in Europe. It examines the erosion of the welfare state, the emergence of poverty and the underclass, and the rights and duties connected with social citizenship. After a review of labour rights and obligations in the former socialist countries, it also assesses the state of industrial citizenship. It asks why the technological transformation of work tends to create segmentation and exclusion and argues for a debate about economic citizenship rights. Work and Citizenship in the New Europe concludes with theoretical and political arguments in favour of specific social policies on work and citizenship, examining such issues as labour participation, basic income guarantees and durable economic growth.

Where did the regulatory underpinnings for the global drug wars come from? This book is the first fully-focused history of the 1961 UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the bedrock of the modern multilateral drug control system and the focal point of global drug regulations and prohibitions. Although far from the propagator of the drug wars, the UN enabled the creation of a uniform global legal framework to effectively legalise, or regulate, their pursuit. This book thereby answers the question of where the international legal framework for drug control came from, what state interests informed its development and how complex diplomatic negotiations resulted in the current regulatory system, binding states into an element of global policy uniformity.

This book examines why Turkey has become infamous as a repressor of news media freedom. For the past decade or so it has stood alongside China as a notorious jailer of journalists - at the same time as being a candidate state of the EU. The author argues that the reasons for this conundrum are complex and whilst the AKP is responsible for the most recent illiberality, its actions should be taken in the wider context of Turkish politics - and the three way battle for power which has been raging between Kemalists, Kurds and Islamists since the republic was founded in 1923. The AKP are the current winners of this tripartite power struggle and the securitisation of journalists as terrorists is part of that quest. Moreover, whilst securitisation is not new, it has intensified recently as the number of the AKP's political opponents has proliferated. Securitisation is also a means of delegitimising journalism - and neutralizing any threat to the AKP's electoral prospects - whilst maintaining a democratic facade on the world stage. Lastly, the book argues that whilst the AKP's securitisation of news began as a means of quashing the reporting of illiberality against wider political targets, since 2016 it has become a target in its own right. In the battle for power in Turkey, journalism is now one of the many losers.

In the first interdisciplinary work focused on the European Ombudsman, expert observers of EU institutional affairs provide a thorough evaluation of the Ombudsman and its constitutional role, powers, activities and future potential. The book addresses the Ombudsman's impact on accountability in the EU's executive branch and offers new suggestions for the further development of the practice of 'ombuds review'. The contributions to the discussion within this book come from law, political science, administrative science and economics. Looking at comparative developments in EU law and policy they critically review, from a variety of perspectives and methodologies, the Ombudsman's role in the review of activity of EU institutions, bodies, offices and agencies. They then evaluate this role, and its achievements, against the original objectives for creating an Ombudsman some 20 years ago. This timely book will appeal to scholars and advanced students of the EU political and legal system. It is a also must-read for policy advisors and practitioners looking to enhance their understanding of alternative modes of dispute settlement and anyone interested in the future of administration in the EU. Contributors include: P.N. Diamandouros, D. Dragos, I. Harden, H.C.H. Hofmann, R. Mastroianni, J. Mendes, B. Neamtu, C. Neuhold, G. Tridimas, T. Tridimas, J. Trondal, A. Wille, J. Ziller

Is NATO still in the best interest of the United States? This provocative work argues that the focus on NATO distracts the U.S. from the vital foreign policy challenges of the 21st century, most notably China's rise in power. Since its beginning in 1949, NATO-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-has been at the center of U.S. foreign policy. The alliance was crucial during the decades of the Cold War, and the United States collaborated closely with NATO during crises in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Libya. But does the NATO alliance still serve the best interests of the U.S.? The NATO of today-one that has expanded to 30 member countries-risks involving the U.S. in unwanted military activities of the future, actions that were not intended in the original Atlantic alliance. In addition, the real challenges for foreign policy of 21st century are not in Europe, but in the expanding economic powerhouses in Asia, especially China. NATO Reconsidered argues that the changes in world politics in recent decades requires that the more than 70-year-old alliance should no longer be the principal focus of U.S. foreign policy. Makes an original and contrarian argument openly questioning U.S. participation in NATO in the 21st century Takes account of NATO's full history, putting today's international reality into context Analyzes surprising data on Germany's growing economic and political ties to Russia, questioning Germany's reliability as a NATO ally Reflects the author's unique perspective on NATO stemming from experience in the State Department, in international business, and as a professor teaching world politics with a focus on Europe Openly eschews the globalists' "party line" and offers solid analysis and conclusions needed to ensure the U.S.' future security

No analysis of migration in Europe today can avoid consideration of the role of the EU institutions, as well as the member states, in policy-making. This is because the obstacles for labour mobility which have confronted the EU in the post-enlargement period have been multi-dimensional in nature, have encompassed many different aspects of European integration process, and have operated at many different levels. Recent developments in the free movement of labour in Europe entail a comprehensive analysis of the dynamic of migration policy process, contextualising institutional change, cooperation, control and competition between the EU institutions and the member states. This book provides a picture of how governance of labour migration is constructed, managed, negotiated and decided at the European level. It brings together in an informed and well-organized way some of the key issues in the face of current migration crises and Brexit.

This book devises a new conceptual framework of 'moral power' and applies it to the policy of the European Union (EU) towards the South Caucasian states of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. It covers the period starting from the 1990s to the present and analyses policy domains (democracy promotion, conflict resolution, security, energy, trade) juxtaposing the policy of EU/member states with those of the United States (US), Russia, Turkey, Iran, as well as inter-governmental and regional organizations. 'Morality' is unpacked as composed of seven parameters: consequentialism; coherence; consistency; normative steadiness; balance between values and interests; inclusiveness; and external legitimacy. 'Power' is branched into 'potential', 'actual' and 'actualized' types. 'Moral power' is consequently developed as an objective and neutral framework to capture the foreign policy of an international actor in any geographic area and policy sphere. The book will be useful for students and scholars of International Relations and EU Studies, policy-makers and practitioners.

This book examines the political costs of monetary union in Europe. It does so by gauging the degree to which four small European states - Iceland, Latvia, Hungary and Ireland - employed their monetary policies in response to the financial crisis. Contrary to popular and academic perception, Moses finds that small states in Europe still enjoy monetary policy autonomy, and this autonomy was used to prioritise the needs of domestic constituents over those of international markets. Eurozone member states, by contrast, pursued policies that prioritised the (long-term) needs of international lenders and European institutions, at the (short-term) expense of their own constituents. By illustrating the degree to which monetary policy autonomy still plays an effective role in responding to economic shocks, this book documents the substantial sacrifices that states have made in joining a suboptimum currency area. These are the political costs of monetary union in Europe.

Twenty-first-century Europeans are suddenly confronting new choices about their place in the world. The most immediate challenges reflect tensions in the transatlantic partnership - long the keystone of European worldviews. In the Iraqi conflict President Bush posed a blunt general question to the world: 'Are you with us or against us?', and much of Europe chose the latter. More than at any time since 1945, Europeans are uncertain about the future of transatlantic cooperation. Internal European developments combine with this external shift to create the impression of a continental turning point. The fifty-year project of the European Union is entering a new phase. The Single Market program and monetary union realized the most ambitious visions of the EU's founding fathers. Most thinking about further integration is exceedingly vague. Simultaneous EU enlargement to the east (and beyond to Turkey) may create opportunities to reopen the Union's basic bargains. This book proposes to help students and scholars understand the many trends of change that have brought Europe to these crossroads. Its approach is novel in two ways. First, most similar scholarship either seeks a single grand theory of European change or implies that European politics is too complex to map change broadly. This book takes a middle-ground position, positing several distinct mechanisms of change and tracing them across policies and institutional settings. Second, it uses the United States as a reference point to chart European change. The aim is not comparative - the focus remains on Europe - but the volume maps out EU trends against American policy positions and institutional patterns, thus providing a useful comparative anchor for complex patterns. This is the seventh volume in the biennial series State of the European Union, launched in 1991, and produced under the auspices of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA).

The celebrations which marked the accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the European Union on May 1, 2004 signaled the end of a fourteen year process since the island had first applied to join -- and the end of six full years of complicated and intense negotiations. Upon joining the EU, Cyprus was widely regarded as the most advanced of the ten acceding states. Yet this did not prevent the conditions of accession and its aftermath from bringing widespread and comprehensive changes to the internal social, economic, and political situation of Cyprus, as well as to its external relations.
"""An Island in Europe" traces these developments, examining the process of accession and its wide-reaching repercussions. It offers an authoritative and comprehensive account of a critical phase in Cypriot history, from a range of experts in the fields of politics, academia and conflict resolution. The authors explain the economic, political, and legal ramifications of EU membership and explore how Cyprus has endeavored -- sometimes successfully, at other times less so -- to adapt to these demands. This book is an important contribution to an understanding of contemporary Cyprus. It will be a vital resource for anyone involved with the politics or history of the island or seeking to understand Cyprus as a case study for conflict resolution.

How does the EU resolve controversy when making laws that affect citizens? How has the EU been affected by the recent enlargements that brought its membership to a diverse group of twenty-seven countries? This book answers these questions with analyses of the EU's legislative system that include the roles played by the European Commission, European Parliament and member states' national governments in the Council of Ministers. Robert Thomson examines more than 300 controversial issues in the EU from the past decade and describes many cases of controversial decision-making as well as rigorous comparative analyses. The analyses test competing expectations regarding key aspects of the political system, including the policy demands made by different institutions and member states, the distributions of power among the institutions and member states, and the contents of decision outcomes. These analyses are also highly relevant to the EU's democratic deficit and various reform proposals.

The United Nations Disarmament yearbook has been a rich source of historical knowledge on developments, trends and achievements of multilateral disarmament for more than 30 years. In early Spring of each year, Part I of the Yearbook is published containing an annual compilation of text and statistics on disarmament-related resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly. In early Autumn, Part II is published presenting the main topics of multilateral consideration during the year, along with a convenient issues-oriented timeline. This year, volume 38 (Part II): 2013, with a foreword by the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, summarises developments and trends in 2013 on key issues of multilateral consideration at the international and regional levels; reviews the activity of the General Assembly, the Conference on Disarmament and the Disarmament Commission; and contains a handy timeline of highlights of multilateral disarmament in 2013.

When the Wall Street banker takes the side of the indebted developing countries in his feature articles reviewing the impact of the global sovereign debt crisis of the 1980s in the Dutch daily NRC-Handelsblad, it is time to leave banking. He is attracted to Unicef's vision and goal of Health for All and its tireless pursuit of structural economic adjustment programmes with a human face. In Africa, Boudewijn Mohr jumps into Unicef's hands-on work in the field. He spearheads the clearing of landmines in Unicef project areas in Mozambique, and engages with children throughout his travels on the continent. Thus he can be found playing football with former child soldiers in Monrovia; touring Nouakchott with street children who show him the tricks of pick pocketing; or gate crashing a diamond mine that exploits child labour near Kenema in the rebel-infested east of Sierra Leone. His stories are both an adventure and the search of fulfilment but at the same time a call to all those who want to do more and are uncertain of what the world holds. Part of the proceeds of this book are going to 'Hands-Up Foundation', a British charity working with Syrian doctors and nurses in Syria under harsh circumstances.

Questions of European economic and political integration have been placed firmly on the policy agenda as we enter the late 1990s. The Economic Emergence of a New Europe? explores the arguments and forms of analysis deployed by those who have been pressing for closer integration since the early 1980s.Although events in Denmark and the United Kingdom have thrown the future of the post-Maastricht European Community into some confusion, the agreements already reached will propel the Community along a path of ever closer economic co-operation. Casting a sceptical eye over much of the economic analysis used to explore the effects and implications of the integration process, this book critically examines the reasons behind the contemporary imperative for greater integration among the European states, and assesses the likely limits of this programme.

What major long-term factors will shape the European Community post-1992? Who are the central actors, how will they exert influence on Europe's future, and what are their expectations and intentions?In seeking to answer these questions, The European Challenges Post-1992 offers a multidisciplinary, qualitative approach, throwing new light on the aspirations and preoccupations aroused by the promise of the Community. Centring on socio-political and cultural concerns and their interplay with economic phenomena, this important book combines expert opinion from 12 large European research institutes - each of which provides an analysis of the major factors shaping the future of their own country - with the views of leading industrialists and business leaders. The editors bring together these different views and interpretations to offer a comprehensive assessment of the Community's future. The European Challenge Post-1992 includes contributions by the former Commissaire du Plan (Brussels), the Institute of International Economics and Management (Copenhagen), Commissariat General du Plan (Paris), Kiel Institute of World Economics (Kiel), Foundation of Economic and Industrial Research (Athens), Economic and Social Research Institute (Dublin), Centro Studi Investimenti Sociali (Rome), Institut Universitaire International (Luxembourg), Scientific Council for Government Policy (The Hague), Instituto de Prospectiva (Lisbon), Fundacion Empresa Publica (Madrid), McKinsey & Co. and the Policy Studies Institute (London). The product of a major research project, this distinguished book is an invaluable reference point for all those concerned with the future of the European Community.

This book focuses on the recent rise of new regional economic institutions such as the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which were established, in part, as a result of dissatisfaction of dynamic emerging markets with global economic institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank, and the GATT/WTO. The latter were formed by advanced economies in the West, after the historic Bretton Wood Conference of 1944. In doing so, the book addresses how this recent round of decentralisation, defined as the co-existence of "senior" global institutions and a plethora of newly-established regional institutions, has affected global economic governance, and the delivery of global public goods. It also poses the question if this has led to the fragmentation of global economic governance. The book adds value to existing literature by using a benefit-risk analytical framework to study the decentralisation process. Unlike the "contested multilateralism" argument used by some authors which focuses on the costs of decentralisation, the authors argue that benefits must also be considered. It also describes and analyses the establishment of global and regional international economic institutions and the evolving relationships between the two. Third, the authors argue that this decentralisation process will continue in the postpandemic period and recommend policies to reset the relationship between global and regional institutions. And lastly, the book discusses proposals to reform the international monetary system including the global reserve system with a view to reducing the hegemony of the US dollar. Throughout the book, the role for Asia is also identified, and elaborated on.

This pivot introduces the Arctic Council and its role as a platform for dealing with local, national, regional and global challenges of relevance to the "new" Arctic. Against the backdrop of climate change and increasing commercial activity, it considers what a future Arctic should look like, from ideas of total protection to expansive oil and gas extraction. It examines the Arctic's position on the political agenda, from Norway's High North hype to a more peripheral place in the foreign policy of the US and explores the Council's role as an important international forum for dialogue and cooperation on Arctic challenges and opportunities, and a significant arena for developing knowledge and learning about a changing region.

With the European Parliament comprising politicians from many different countries, cultures, languages, national parties and institutional backgrounds, one might expect politics in the Parliament to be highly-fragmented and unpredictable. By studying more than 12,000 recorded votes between 1979 and 2004 this 2007 book establishes that the opposite is in fact true: transnational parties in the European Parliament are highly cohesive and the classic 'left-right' dimension dominates voting behaviour. Furthermore, the cohesion of parties in the European Parliament has increased as the powers of the Parliament have increased. The authors suggest that the main reason for these developments is that like-minded MEPs have incentives to form stable transnational party organizations and to use these organizations to compete over European Union policies. They suggest that this is a positive development for the future of democratic accountability in the European Union.

Exploring the EU's Legitimacy Crisis provides a profound analysis of the causes and the consequences of the EU's growing legitimacy problem. Since the onset of the eurozone crisis the EU's governance has been narrowly driven by the semi-hegemonial leadership of Germany - manifesting itself in functionalist and technocratic policy reforms concentrated on strengthening economic governance coordination. Other crucial policy areas have been neglected as member states show decreasing solidarity and a growing emphasis on national interests in response to mounting external challenges. This book examines these developments in detail by scrutinising the EU's ability to maintain legitimacy through political leadership, democratic accountability and governance efficiency. This state-of-the-art exploration of the EU's internal and external challenges, including the eurozone and the migration crisis, provides critical analysis of the EU's leadership in the context of diverging national interests. The author outlines the essential background to understanding the rise in euroscepticism in the EU and provides an insightful analysis of the 2014 European Parliament election Spitzenkandidaten system. A comprehensive critical analysis of the latest developments in the EU's major policy areas in terms of their problem-solving capacity and democratic legitimacy is also included. This timely exploration of the reality of the EU's governance in light of persistent crises will appeal to students, academics and practitioners interested in the development of the EU, its member states and European politics more generally.

Multinational Investment in Modern Europe addresses the theoretical explanations for increased multinational investment and activity comparing Europe, Japan and America. It then focuses upon the consequences of cross-investment and strategic interaction between multinationals operating within the EC, paying particular attention to the impact on the competitiveness and technological capacity of selected countries and firms. It is suggested that the restructuring of the European networks of multinationals is affecting the geographical division of labour between EC countries.In conclusion, it examines patterns of national specialization by trade within the EC and changing business-government relationships. Containing new work by an international group of leading economists, this stimulating and instructive book will be invaluable to all those interested in multinational investment and the future of the European economies after the completion of the single market.

The essays which appear in this volume have been written to pay tribute to the Hon Mr Justice Nial Fennelly, judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland and former Advocate General at the European Court of Justice, on the occasion of his retirement. The overall theme of the book is the relationship between European Union law and national law, and the role of courts in defining that relationship. The book consists of four main parts - the structure and functioning of the European Court of Justice, material issues of European Union law, aspects of Irish law and transversal issues of national and European law. The contributors are all past and present members of the European bench, members or former members of the Irish judiciary or Bar and/or experts in European Union law, many of whom have worked with Mr Justice Fennelly during his long and distinguished career at the Bar and on the bench.