This book comes out of a conference in April of 1999 at the Center for European Studies at Harvard University on the topic of 'Gender Parity and the Liberal Tradition: Proposals and Debates in Europe and the United States.' It is a collection of short essays that attempt to capture the theoretical arguments and policy changes presented at the conference. The essays are divided into three sections, each of which approaches from a different angle the central question of whether liberalism has failed women. The first section aims to frame the discussion by outlining the theoretical arguments for the amendments or revisions implied by the proponents of the Parity Movement in Europe and for the concerns raised by critics. The second describes recent changes in party rules, European legal framework, and national constitutions, as well as the gains made by women in response to rule change. The third section provides American perspectives on the lessons that parity advocates might draw from affirmative action policies and speculations about how parity rules would work in the American context. The essays are drawn from top European and American scholars.

British post-imperial decline has been much examined. In these memoirs, David Hannay, one of Britain's leading behind-the-scenes players in this process, provides fascinating frontline information and insights into Britain's complex relations with Washington and Europe. From his early career in the Middle East to his role as a top diplomat, Hannay presents a detailed and authoritative narrative of British foreign policy in the second half of the 20th Century. A key player in European policy-making, he was directly involved in bringing about the UK's entry into the European Community, as well as being closely involved in the Annan plan while he was the UK's Special Representative in Cyprus. Hannay illuminates vital themes in the early relationship between Britain and the EU that are increasingly relevant today: British membership, EU enlargement and Britain's contribution to the European budget. From the complex relations between Margaret Thatcher and her diplomatic establishment to Britain's decisions leading up to the 1970s oil supply crisis, Hannay analyses the causes and consequences of major British foreign policy decisions over the past 50 years. An informed and balanced ringside view of diplomatic history over 50 years, this book will fascinate general readers and prove essential reading for specialists.

This book examines when, how and why internationalization affects national economic institutions. It confronts questions at the heart of debates in political economy and comparative politics: What does internationalization of markets mean? Who are its carriers in domestic arenas? Through which mechanisms does it affect decisions about national institutional reform? What are institutional outcomes in the face of internationalization?
The book responds to its questions by looking at key economic institutions in five strategic sectors: securities trading, telecommunications, electricity, airlines, and postal services. It compares across four countries that represent different 'varieties of capitalism', namely Britain, France, Germany and Italy, over the period between 1965 and 2005. Thus it combines cross-national, historical and cross-sectoral comparisons.
The author distinguishes technological and economic forms of internationalization from policy forms, notably decisions in powerful overseas nations and supranational regulation. He argues that, contrary to expectations, the first was met with institutional inertia. In contrast, policy forms of internationalization, namely reforms in the US and European Union regulation, played significant roles in undermining long-standing national institutions. The book explores the mechanisms whereby policy forms of internationalization were influential by looking at the strategies, coalitions and resources of key actors in national arenas. It also shows that institutional outcomes were surprising: all four countries, albeit through different routes, adopted increasingly similar reforms of economic institutions--privatization, the ending ofmonopolies and delegation to independent regulatory agencies.
The book rejects the view that technological and economic forms of internationalization drive institutional change. It suggests that policy forms of internationalization are more important because they become part of domestic decision making and aid the reform of well-established national institutions.

This books analyses how transnational gas markets have evolved and impacted on EU-Russia energy relations. It examines how the political conflict surrounding Ukraine has accelerated a negative interdependence in the region, with energy interdependence increasingly used as an instrument of diplomacy.

European integration has long been a controversial issue in British politics. Whether we should have the Euro and a European Constitution have caused even deeper divides to emerge. This timely and comprehensive book looks at the European policies of the British Left since the end of World War II and provides a clear illustration of the range of debates that have taken place. It also includes interviews with the key players including Tony Benn and Neil Kinnock.

"Thoughtful, provocative . . . a first-rate study."
--"Library Journal"

"Not the least of this book's many virtues is the way in which . . . it bridges the gap between the concern's of Du Bois's day and those of the civil rights era."
--Times Literary Supplement

"A rich and moving account of the complex life of one of the most influential black figures in twentieth-century America."
"aHerbert Hill, Evjue-Bascom Professor of African-American Studies, University of Wisconsin"

"We need this book to remind us of the competent leadership that we enjoyed in the past."
--"Black Issues Book Review"

"This work is a welcome addition to African American studies as well as to social and cultural history..."
--"Choice"

Activist, international statesman, reluctant black leader, scholar, icon, father and husband, Ralph Bunche is one of the most complicated and fascinating figures in the history of twentieth- century America. Bunche played a central role in shaping international relations from the 1940s through the 1960s, first as chief of the Africa section of the Office of Strategic Services and then as part of the State Department group working to establish the United Nations. After moving to the U.N. as Director of Trusteeship, he became the first black Nobel Laureate in 1950 and was subsequently named Undersecretary of the U.N.

For nearly a decade, he was the most celebrated contemporary African American both domestically and abroad. Today he is virtually forgotten.

Charles Henry's penetrating biography counters this historical tragedy, recapturing the essence of Bunche's service to America and the world. Moreover, Henry ably demonstrates how Bunche's riseand fall as a public symbol tells us as much about America as it does about Bunche. His iconic status, like that of other prominent, mainstream black figures like Colin Powell, required a constant struggle over the relative importance of his racial identity and his national identity. Henry's biography shines as both the recovered story of a classic American, and as a case study in the racial politics of public service.

International organizations do not always live up to the expectations and mandates of their member countries. One of the best examples of this gap is the environmental performance of multilateral development banks, which are tasked with allocating and managing approximately half of all development assistance worldwide. In the 1980s and 1990s, the multilateral development banks came under severe criticism for financing projects that caused extensive deforestation, polluted large urban areas, displaced millions of people, and destroyed valuable natural resources. In response to significant and public failures, member countries established or strengthened administrative procedures, citizen complaint mechanisms, project evaluation, and strategic planning processes. All of these reforms intended to close the gap between the mandates and performance of the multilateral development banks by shaping the way projects are approved. Giving Aid Effectively provides a systematic examination of whether these efforts have succeeded in aligning allocation decisions with performance. Mark T. Buntaine argues that the most important way to give aid effectively is selectivity - moving towards projects with a record of success and away from projects with a record of failure for individual recipient countries. This book shows that under certain circumstances, the control mechanisms established to close the gap between mandate and performance have achieved selectivity. Member countries prompt the multilateral development banks to give aid more effectively when they generate information about the outcomes of past operations and use that information to make less successful projects harder to approve or more successful projects easier to approve. This argument is substantiated with the most extensive analysis of evaluations across four multilateral development banks ever completed, together with in-depth case studies and dozens of interviews. More generally, Giving Aid Effectively demonstrates that member countries have a number of mechanisms that allow them to manage international organizations for results.

Reform discourse about the United Nations Security Council gives every reason to believe that flaws in its legal and institutional design prevent the Council from adequately meeting its responsibility to maintain or restore international peace and security - in part by allowing the Council to act in an ad hoc and unprincipled manner. In Towards a more accountable United Nations Security Council, Carolyn Evans argues that enhanced accountability of the Council, and corresponding evolution of practice, are feasible, salutary changes towards the Council better answering its raison d'e tre. Discussion proceeds by probing the why, to whom, for what, and how, of Council accountability - four corners of concerns central to seeing any actor held accountable.

Mention the word Europe in today's society and you are greeted with a range of responses, from impassioned debate, to scepticism and outright hostility. Yet long before the emergence of the modern European Union, the concept of Europe played a vital role in the creation of national identity. This book considers the wealth of contemporary and historical attitudes towards Europe and how these vary both within and between nation-states. Why are some countries 'Europhiles' whilst others are 'Europhobic'? How has Europe alternately been perceived as a threat to local culture and identity or as the core of nation-building? Why are individual responses to Europe so diverse? Comparing and contrasting experiences from twelve very different countries, the authors explore the multitude of ways in which established national discourses are reconciled with an emerging identity within the EU. In doing so, this book makes an important contribution to what has proved to be one of the most controversial and heated debates of our time.

Despite the sustained scholarly attention that the United Nations and international NGOs have received in the twenty-first century, they still remain under-researched from a management studies perspective. This volume brings together rich analyses of these organizations' functioning, arguing that they are best understood as intermediaries between international decision-making and funding bodies in the developed world and initiatives that take place on the ground, primarily in the Global South. Based on current management research, this follow-up to Rethinking International Organizations (Berghahn, 2002) provides a wealth of both empirical and theoretical insights, along with practical recommendations how these organizations can function more effectively.

This text brings together scholars from economic and political sciences to study the interactions within the European Union from a strategic or rational choice perspective. The contributors seek to understand the relationship between member states and competing European institutions, focusing on the horizontal, countervailing forces of legislative, regulatory, bureaucratic and constitutional decision making. Other examinations analyze the vertical structures, in particular the impact of the federal distribution of power on policy choices and on their implementation.

This book examines how business, the social sciences, science and technology will impact the future of ASEAN. Following the ASEAN VISION 2020, it analyses the issues faced by ASEAN countries, which are diverse, while also positioning ASEAN as a competitive entity through partnerships. On the 30th anniversary of ASEAN, all ASEAN leaders agreed to the establishment of the ASEAN VISION 2020, which delineates the formation of a peaceful, stable and dynamically developed region while maintaining a community of caring societies in Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. In keeping with this aspiration, Universiti Teknologi MARA Perlis took the initial steps to organise conferences and activities that highlight the role of the ASEAN region. The Second International Conference on the Future of ASEAN (ICoFA) 2017 was organised by the Office of Academic Affairs, Universiti Teknologi MARA Perlis, to promote more comprehensive integration among ASEAN members. This book, divided into two volumes, offers a useful guide for all those engaged in research on business, the social sciences, science and technology. It will also benefit researchers worldwide who want to gain more knowledge about ASEAN countries

This accessible introductory text provides a comprehensive and accessible account of the evolution of the Eurozone, from its beginnings in fixed exchange rate systems through to the aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis. It examines why the EMU was created, what went wrong to bring about the global financial crisis, and why countries were affected so differently. It assesses the impact of monetary union both in Europe and beyond and evaluates the prospects for the Euro as an international currency. Recognising that political union has long been seen as part of monetary integration, and that Eurozone membership often impacts domestic policy, Chang widens the scope of her evaluation to include consider effects and developments that are not purely economic in scope. Using theories drawn from economics and political science, this book provides students with an up-to-date analysis of the recent reforms undertaken, grounded in a long-term perspective of the trajectory of European integration. As well as suiting upper-level undergraduate and Master's courses on European Monetary Union, this text is beneficial for students of Politics, International Relations and European Studies on more general courses to foster an understanding of the impact of the EMU on the wider functioning of the EU. The text is filled with figures, maps, timelines and other pedagogical features to ensure this topic accessible to students of all levels.

An Inside View of the CAP Reform Process is about EU decision-making, in particular for the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). From its formation in the 1960s through to 1992 the CAP was almost immune to change; but from 1992 a series of major reforms took place. Many authors have asked why and how this change came about, including academics writing from political economy and political science traditions, and EU officials themselves. With the benefit of Arlindo Cunha's intimate insider's knowledge, this book delves into the mysteries of the policy making process by assessing the MacSharry, Agenda 2000, and Fischler reforms, explaining how, and why, CAP reform became part of the political agenda, and the decisions that were taken. It focuses in particular on the role of the Commission and the Commissioner for Agriculture, the Council of Ministers and its Presidency, and the European Parliament. Drawing upon the economics and political science literatures as appropriate, the book adopts a heuristic political economy approach.
The MacSharry reform was much influenced by the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations, and the 2003 Fischler reform by the Doha Round of WTO negotiations. A Delphi survey of key decision-makers, assessing their perception of the drivers of policy reform, and an analysis of subsequent CAP reform, including the Health Check in 2008 and preparations for the post-2013 CAP review, round-off the discussion. The former EU Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, Franz Fischler, contributes a Foreword.

What is the federal philosophy inspiring the structure of European law? The federal principle stands for constitutional arrangements that find 'unity in diversity'. The two most influential manifestations of the federal principle emerged under the names of 'dual' and 'cooperative' federalism in the constitutional history of the United States of America. Dual federalism is based on the idea that the federal government and the State governments are co-equals and each is legislating in a separate sphere. Cooperative federalism, on the other hand, stands for the thought that both governments legislate in the same sphere. They are hierarchically arranged and complement each other in solving a social problem. Can the European Union be understood in federal terms? The book's general part introduces three constitutional traditions of the federal idea. Following the American tradition, the European Union is defined as a Federation of States as it stands on the 'middle ground' between international and national law.
But what federal philosophy has the European Union followed? The special part of the book investigates the structure of European law. Three arguments are advanced to show the evolution of the European legal order from dual to cooperative federalism. The first looks at the decline of constitutional exclusivity on the part of the Member States and the European Union. For almost all objects of government, the Union and its States operate in a universe of shared powers. The second argument analyses the decline of legislative exclusivity. European and national legislation - increasingly - complement each other to solve a social problem. The third argument describes the 'constitutionalisation' of cooperative federalism in the form of the principle of subsidiarity and the idea of complementary competences. A final Chapter is dedicated to Europe's foreign affairs federalism. It analyses, whether the external sphere must be regarded as subject to different constitutional or federal principles. The book concludes that cooperative federalism will benefit both levels of government - the Union and the Member States - as the constitutional mechanism of uniform European standards complemented by diverse national standards best expresses the federal idea of 'unity in diversity'.

To what extent do American policies prevail in the General Assembly of the United Nations? How is this degree of influence achieved? The present study endeavors to answer these two questions through an analysis of the political issues which have come before the Assembly.

An examination of the skillful political maneuvering of William Borah and Hiram Johnson, two of the post-war leaders of Republican progressivism, this study analyzes efforts to prevent U.S. entry into the League of Nations despite overwhelming support for the organization among both Democrats and Republicans. Following the debacle of the 1912 election, the leadership of the Republican Party embarked on a strategy of reconciliation designed to end the acrimony between progressive and conservative factions so that it could unite against the Democratic Party. A small group of progressive Republicans quickly realized that they could threaten to resume infighting and could, thus, influence policy making on important foreign policy issues. This political environment enabled William Borah and Hiram Johnson to have an extraordinary influence over the Republican Party's position concerning the League of Nations, an organization which they regarded as an agency for the perpetuation of European empires and, therefore, a threat to American democracy. Borah and Johnson effectively intimidated their party leadership and blocked the American participation in the League. Once this pattern was established, it would continue to influence Republican Party actions, in particular the construction of the Republican Party platform in 1920, the U.S. position regarding the Washington Conference on Naval Disarmament, and the issue of U.S. membership in the World Court.

The European Community legislative process is still characterized by a certain lack of democracy, even after the Maastricht amendments to the European Community Treaties. It is therefore a matter of great importance that there is an adequate system of judicial review of community acts which will enable private parties to challenge illegal, invalid and unfair community administrative actions. There thus exists a system by which private parties can bring direct and indirect actions to seek redress. The direct actions are the actions for annulment and the action for a failure to act. The indirect action is the plea of illegality. In addition to this system specifically designed to assess the legality of community measures there are two other remedies not intended for this purpose but which are used to effect a consideration of the legality of a certain act: these are preliminary rulings on the validity of acts of the Institutions and actions for damages.
The book is divided into two parts. The first part deals extensively with annulment proceedings. The drafters of the EC Treaty attached severe conditions of locus standi to this remedy and it has fallen to the European Court of Justice to interpret and apply these conditions through its Case Law. Commentators have found it difficult to discern a common trend in the approach of the court to the locus standi issue. It appears clear however that the court has followed a very restrictive approach and that many actions have been dismissed as inadmissible. The author of this work re-examines the Case Law and systematizes it to highlight specific areas (particularly anti-dumping, competition and state aids cases) and to a lesser extent in the area of general management of the market where there has evolved a more lenient approach to the determination of the issue of locus standi of natural and legal persons.
The second part of the book deals with the alternative means of review (ie via an Article 177 Treaty reference) and suggests that these proceedings do not provide adequate protection of the interests of private parties in all situations where annulment proceedings cannot be brought because the applicants involved lack locus standi even though a certain degree of damage may have been inflicted to their interests.
Besides setting out the various remedies and showing how actions can be mounted successfully the book also assesses the extent to which the court may have shifted its approach to the locus standi question. It also reveals the areas where private parties may not always find an adequate or appropriate means of redress against illegal community actions.

There have been a number of EU military operations in the last few years, evidence of a growing European military confidence, which in turn is a reflection of a developing competence in security matters. The creation of the European Union and its Common Foreign and Security Policy by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 heralded this development, though the idea of a common defense can be traced to the beginnings of European integration. This book provides an analysis of the EU's evolving legal framework and powers on such matters, but it also recognizes that such a framework sits, sometimes uneasily, within the wider body of EU and International Law. The EU's security and defense policy also overlaps with those of other organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), but more especially the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). EU relations with NATO have, in particular, caused some concern and are still evolving as both organizations seek to play a wider security role in the post-Cold War, and now post-9/11, era. With security now dominating political agendas at the domestic, regional and international levels, it is no surprise that the EU's concern for security has grown, and, following the Union's respect for the rule of law, has been shaped legally as well as politically. This book evaluates the progress of the Union in this regard in its international context and in its wider context of European integration generally. The analysis is in the main a legal one, but is placed squarely within wider historical and political perspectives.

For over half a century, European Union has been a promising endeavor of cooperative institutionalism. It has shown that even nation states with a long history of conflict are capable of collaborating with one another to serve their own interests. However, the EU project has also made visible that there is no one-size-fits-all policy in economics that can be applied to all countries with success. Economics starts and ends with the society. Common culture determines the outcomes of economic policies, and ordinary people pick up the bill when policies turn out to be failures. This book presents two different tales of the European Union to provide an empirical challenge to oversimplified assumptions behind the neoliberal orthodoxy in policymaking: Favorable experience of the EU-candidate Turkey, and the regrettable venture of the EU-member Greece. The fact that these two neighboring countries with similar cultures have had vastly different experiences with the European Union suggests that the EU functions as a catalyst of change in the countries that associate with it, but this impact could be negative as well as positive depending on the role the EU plays. Political economist Bulent Temel presents a lucid analysis of the Turkish and Greek encounters with the EU based on contributions from a diverse range of social sciences; economics, game theory, finance, political science and sociology.

Enormous progress has been made in global health conditions during the past several decades, yet chronic hunger and illness persist in poor countries. The authors analyze the potential of international cooperation to improve health in poor countries. Drawing on various disciplines, including public health, economics, and other social sciences, the authors stress the need for collaborative processes and local institution strengthening.

In a historic decision at its Copenhagen Conference in June 1993, the European Union gave the green light to an eastward expansion. Initially, invitations to join the EU went out to just six countries of the former Soviet bloc: Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, Romania, and Bulgaria. However, it was not long before there was a queue of other applicants from Eastern Europe pressing at the EU's gates.
There were real fears in some quarters that the economic reforms demanded for entry into the EU would bring about more 'shock' than 'therapy' in Eastern Europe, and that a rapid move to the market would undermine support for democracy.
This volume of essays, by a group of internationally recognised experts, focuses on the eastward expansion of the European Union and the EU's relations with the applicant states. The primary aim of the volume is to provide a historical and analytical account of the enlargement process and to provide readers with a scholarly road map to guide them through the intricacies of the rapidly changing enlargement terrain. After region-wide studies of the enlargement process, there are case studies of eight countries: Bulgaria, Romania, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Croatia, Serbia, Poland, and Estonia.

Thoroughly updated, this extensive reference source provides in-depth information on all matters relating to the European Union (EU): EU energy policy in the context of the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine is covered in depth, as is the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on EU policy; EU citizenship after Brexit is discussed, together with EU migration policy and the EU's social framework; EU-Africa relations are reviewed, and current issues in overall foreign policy and security are addressed. Key Features: an up-to date chronology of the EU from 1947 to present an A-Z section contains definitions and explanations of organizations, acronyms and terms, and articles on each member state. Comprising some 1,000 entries, terms listed include: Brexit; the European Institute for Gender Equality; Next Generation EU; REPowerEU; and Team Europe articles written by experts on the EU provide an overview of its policies and activities. a directory of principal names, addresses, telephone numbers, and e-mail and internet addresses of all major European Union institutions and their official bodies. This information is supplemented by summaries of important treaties, and details of EU-level trade and professional associations. Users will also find details of MEPs and the political groups and national parties contributing to the European Parliament a statistical survey gives tables covering: population, employment, agriculture, energy and mining, industry, the environment, finance, trade, transport and communications, tourism, health and welfare, and education across the EU This title will prove valuable to academic and public libraries, politicians and government agencies and the media, as well as to all those in need of accurate and reliable information on the European Union.

This book provides a comprehensive account of national parliaments' adaptation to European integration. Advancing an explanation based on political parties' constitutional preferences, the volume investigates the nature and variation of parliamentary rights in European Union affairs across countries and levels of governance. In some member states, parliaments have traditionally been strong and parties hold intergovernmental visions of European integration. In these countries, strong parliamentary rights emerge in the context of parties' efforts to realise their preferred constitutional design for the European polity. Parliamentary rights remain weakly developed where federally-oriented parties prevail, and where parliaments have long been marginal arenas in domestic politics. Moreover, divergent constitutional preferences underlie inter-parliamentary disagreement on national parliaments' collective rights at the European level. Constitutional preferences are key to understanding why a 'Senate' of national parliaments never enjoyed support and why the alternatives subsequently put into place have stayed clear of committing national parliaments to any common policies. This volume calls into question existing explanations that focus on strategic partisan incentives arising from minority and coalition government. It, furthermore rejects the exclusive attribution of parliamentary 'deficits' to the structural constraints created by European integration and, instead, restores a sense of accountability for parliamentary rights to political parties and their ideas for the European Union's constitutional design.

Since UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan launched the Global Compact in 1999, over 12,000 organisations around the world have voluntarily adopted and promoted its values and Ten Principles in the areas of human rights, labour, environment and corruption. This corporate citizenship initiative has been seen as a non-compulsory alternative to international market regulations. Around the globe, the UN Global Compact has promoted the creation of local and regional networks for businesses to act together to mainstream the Ten Principles. This edited volume brings together international contributions on the specific implications for business when embracing the Global Compact. Managerial, internationalisation, legal, behavioural and sociological perspectives are explored in this volume in which both evidences and theoretical developments are reflected.