The policy framework advocated by Minford et al. . . . is grounded in economic theory and an incisive empirical analysis of the costs of UK's membership of the EU. Their thesis that the EU is a political union practising economic protectionism in the guise of gradualism towards free trade makes sense. . . . Minford and his associates' analysis suggests that the EU's policy framework of free trade for members but restrictions on trade of non-members with the EU countries is a second best policy adopted to promote political rather than economic objectives.' - V.N. Balasubramanyam, Lancaster University, UK'The EU got the Nobel Prize for Peace in 2012, but such an award is not forthcoming for economics. In fact, the EU faces a stern public discontent throughout Europe. For years EU leaders have been unable to agree on almost anything. The eurozone's toxic monetary embrace is a colossal failure that has provoked misery in most of the participating countries and, worst of all, suffocated the hopes of prosperity for many years to come. The EU is no longer a venture that inspires people to run on barricades to defend it. Should Britain be a part of the crumbling EU project? This book provides a timely and documented answer. It is highly recommended reading.' - Miroslav N. Jovanovi , University of Geneva, Switzerland 'Much too much of the debate about the UK's relationship with the European Union relies upon general declarations unsupported by facts and assertions and claims not substantiated by evidence. This is why we need so badly the careful quantitative analysis provided by Patrick Minford and his colleagues. The UK electorate will have a momentous decision to take when the EU referendum takes place. History and emotions will be important, but getting the facts straight is even more vital.' - John Mills, Founder and Chairman of JML and Co-Chairman of Business for Britain 'Patrick Minford and his team have performed a hugely valuable service by quantifying the costs of Britain's EU membership. In particular, they show that Britain pays too much for too high a proportion of its imports. The EU's protectionism in its trade with the rest of the world costs Britain a significant slice of its national output. Their demonstration of this vital point is thought-provoking and sophisticated, and greatly strengthens the case for the UK to leave the EU.' - Tim Congdon, CBE, International Monetary Research Ltd Placed in the context of the upcoming referendum, this second edition brings up to date a thorough review of all economic aspects of the UK's membership of the EU. It notes the intention of the EU to move to 'ever closer union' and the nature of the regulatory and general economic philosophy of its dominant members, whose position is enforced by qualified majority voting. The book highlights the UK s dilemma that, while extending free markets to its local region is attractive, this European philosophy and closer union are substantially at odds with the UK's traditions of free markets and freedom under the common law. This comprehensive examination of the economic costs and benefits of membership uses state-of-the-art modeling methods and includes estimates of its net costs as a percentage of GDP. The book explains how the decision to leave would follow from a judgement on the political economy of the EU as compared with that of the UK. It details the misconceptions involved in much of the debate about trade with the EU, and argues that the key issue is not access to markets but rather the prices at which trade takes place. Covered in careful detail is the economics of the UK's trade with the EU in the key sectors of agriculture, manufacturing, and services.

The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.

The European Commission is at the very heart of the European integration process and, with the Council, is one of the two central institutions of the European Union. Its activist role under Jacques Delors led to a dramatic increase in its activity and influence and contributed to a crisis of confidence in its effectiveness and its lack of adequate financial controls which culminated in the resignation of the entire Commission under Jacques Santer in 1999. What progress has the Commission made in addressing these issues under Romano Prodi? What are its prospects in face of the new challenges of Eastward enlargement? How great is its influence and how does this vary according to issues and circumstances? What are the implications of its hybrid character as a political and administrative body? How much has the Commission changed over time and how much - and how - does it need to change now? Written by a leading authority and author of the best-selling introductory text on the EU, this major new text provides the definitive introduction to, and assessment of the Commission, its evolution, composition, organisation, character, functioning and role. Comprehensive, up to date and based on extensive original research it will be essential reading for students of European integration; politicians, policy makers and functionaries; and anyone with a serious interest in the European Union, its current character and future prospects.

Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From Liberia to East Timor, the UN now carries out extensive governance-related functions and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Here Richard Al-Qaq leads us to a radical new understanding of the UN and its role in international politics. He uncovers the political and socio-economic import of such "peace" activities for subject societies, and raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of the global political order. A critical view of the internal process of programmatic reform within the UN is elaborated by detailed studies of the politics of UN peace operations in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This book is essential for understanding the new role of the UN, especially in Africa, and the politics of so-called humanitarian intervention and peace-building.

The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2022 presents how far we have come towards reaching the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This seventh edition of the annual report also looks at the trends since 2015 and impact of COVID-19 on the progress. It uses the latest available data and inputs from custodian agencies of the United Nations system other international agencies and is prepared by the Statistics Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs

Are social movement organizations euro-sceptical, euro-pragmatic, or euro-opportunist? Or do they accept the EU as a new level of governance to place pressure on? Do they provide a critical capital, necessary for the political structuring of the EU, or do they disrupt the process of EU integration? Social Movements and Europeanization includes surveys of activists at international protest events targeting the European Union (for a total of about 5000 interviews); a discourse analysis of documents and transcripts of debates on European politics and policies conducted during the four European social forums held between 2002 and 2006 and involving hundreds of social movement organizations and tens of thousands of activists from all European countries; about 320 interviews with representatives of civil society organizations in six EU countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, and Italy) and one non-member state (Switzerland), and a systematic claims analysis of the daily press in selected years between 1990 and 2003. The empirical research shows the different paths of Europeanization taken by social movements and civil society organizations.

This book depicts the role of both formal and informal institutions in achieving long-term economic efficiency and development. It is organized into three sections: the first section deals with the historical and political roots that make institutions favorable to development; the second section offers theoretical perceptions of immaterial institutions; the last section explores how the various official institutions - such as international organizations - interrelate with the process of development. As both the recent global financial crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis within the Eurozone have shown, sustainable development is a combination of human, social and institutional factors that interact with each other and go beyond the strictly economic conditions of each country. With contributions from several countries in Europe as well as Iran, this volume offers readers an international and multidisciplinary perspective of the institutionalist determinants of growth in the long run.

In 2016, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) became part of the United Nations. With 173 member states and more than 400 field offices, the IOM-the new 'UN migration agency'-plays a key role in migration governance. The contributors in this volume provide an in-depth and comprehensive insight into the IOM, its transformation, current structure and projects, as well as its capacity, self-understanding and political agenda.

Methodologically rigorous and geographically exhaustive, Post-Communist Welfare States in European Context is an insightful empirical analysis of social policy patterns in Central and Eastern Europe. It is a must-read for everyone interested in comparing hybrid emerging social protection models in the divergent new Europe with established worlds of welfare in Western Europe. Kati Kuitto has written a state-of-the-art study in comparative welfare, emphasizing regime change and variability over regime coherence and stability.' - Pieter Vanhuysse, University of Southern DenmarkWelfare reforms in post-communist countries are determined by economic and social hardship, democratization of the political systems and rapid structural change. This groundbreaking book provides a comprehensive and systematic empirical assessment of the Central and Eastern European post-communist welfare states in the context of their Western European counterparts. Basing the study on new data on welfare entitlements and cluster analysis, Kati Kuitto systematically compares 26 European welfare states across three empirical dimensions. The author employs a multidimensional framework to analyze patterns of welfare policies and highlight spending priorities, financing and the generosity of welfare entitlements. Kati Kuitto thus sheds light on the hybrid patterns of welfare policies in post-communist countries as they have emerged after the period of transformation and discusses their future challenges. Unique and comprehensive, this is essential reading for researchers in the fields of comparative welfare state research and Central and Eastern European studies, as well as students and practitioners of social policy, social security and political economy.

Do independent boards of appeal set up in some EU agencies and the European Ombudsman compensate for the shortcomings of EU Courts? This book examines the operation of EU judicial and extra-judicial review mechanisms. It confronts the formal legal rules with evolving practices, relying on rich statistical data and internal documents. It covers detailed institutional arrangements, the standard of review, the types of cases and litigants, and the activity of the parties in the process. It makes visible the diverse but complementary ways in which the mechanisms enhance the authority of EU legal acts and processes. It also reveals that scarce resources and imprecise rules restrict the scope of review and hinder independent empirical investigations. Finally, it casts light on how a differentiated system of judicial and extra-judicial review can accommodate various kinds of technical and political discretion exercised by EU institutions and bodies.

The essays gathered in this collection examine the involvement of self-governing sub-national and regional actors in the law and policy-making of the European Union. State power is today exercised in the context of the complex institutional environment of the EU. But what of regions and sub-national actors? Are their interests adequately represented; can they advance them or can they,at least, protect them from unwitting or calculated damage? This book surveys the broad questions of law and political science and investigates the contribution of the EU's Committee of the Regions and also 'bottom-up' initiatives launched by the regions themselves. Given that much regional autonomy has been hard won, one would suppose that the centralising influence flowing from the EU's intrusion into the domestic settlement would be treated with extreme caution by the regions. Moreover, among the Member States there is great diversity in the patterns of political organisation adopted to cope with the tension between the centralisation of power and respect for local autonomy. Case studies including Spain, Germany and Finland reveal that there is no single consistent historical narrative. States change, as the UK's recent experience illustrates. The book offers findings that are interesting at a general level in investigating patterns of multi-level governance, but is also rich in case-specific information.

The issue of competence division is of fundamental importance as it reflects the 'power bargain' struck between the Member States and their Union, determining the limits of the authority of the EU as well as the limits of the authority of the Member States. It defines the nature of the EU as a polity, as well as the identity of the Member States. After over six years since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, it is high time to take stock of whether the reforms that were adopted to make the Union's system of division of competences between the EU Member States clearer, more coherent, and better at containing European integration, have been successful. This book asks whether 'the competence problem' has finally been solved. Given the fundamental importance of this question, this publication will be of interest to a wide audience, from constitutional and substantive EU law scholars to practitioners in the EU institutions and EU legal practice more generally.

This book provides an account of the development of the European Union, from a relatively specialized organ of economic cooperation in the 1960s to the complex, quasi-federal entity that today governs over an increasingly diverse set of policy domains. The book is a must for anyone interested in understanding the past and future of European integration and supranational governance.

Flexibility is emerging as a key dynamic of European integration. This shift towards flexibility has major implications. The EU will have to cope with more complexity and less transparency. It also affects the way in which European integration is viewed since it makes a state-like outcome to the process far less likely. Alex Warleigh looks at why flexibility has become such an important feature of the EU. He examines its history, and puts forward a typology to explain the models by which it is understood. He goes on to explore the hazards of flexibility and to look at what it has to offer, arguing that it is best seen as a desirable part of the integration process rather than as a problem. Flexibility, he argues is an important mechanism for the realization of the EU's slogan unity in diversity.

This book examines the efforts of the European Union, both past and ongoing, to harness the socio-economic potential of the internet in public policy-making. In order to achieve this, the author delves into the interactions between actors in the process of EU decision-making, using an outlook which focuses on how both multi-level and experimentalist governance can provide solutions for digital policy governance. The book also addresses the involvement of local and regional authorities in digital policy-making, both in how they endorse decisions made at the EU level, and in how they contribute directly to digital policy-making in their own localities.

The relationship between Europe and Asia is of increasing importance in the 21st century. The challenges straddling the two continents include immigration, poverty, environmental degradation, terrorism, drugs, nuclear proliferation and internecine strife. Addressing these problems will demand bi-continental cooperation in the fields of politics, economy, population, security and culture. The political rationale for Europe-Asia relations has been further strengthened by Russia's promotion of a more active role in Asia and in the international community more generally. In this book Georg Wiessala explores the significance of Asia for Europe in general and the EU in particular, calling for a much more sophisticated mutual understanding. He analyses the existing Asia Policy of the European Union, tracing its development in the last 30 years of the 20th century, and up to the publication of the strategy document "Europe and Asia: A Strategic Framework for Enhanced Partnership" in 2001. He also looks in detail at the importance of ASEM and at how to encourage broader participation, and he examines the relationship between the EU and the various regional bodies, especially ASEAN which the EU maintains is the cornerstone of its developing dialogue with Asia.

In November 1997 Hungarians voted in favor of membership in NATO, primarily as a step toward membership in the European Union and integration into Western society. Andor examines the changes in Hungarian social, political, and economic life after the collapse of communism in Central Europe. He analyzes the difficulties, both internal and external, to making that transition.

In the early 1990s, public discourse was dominated by the enthusiastic slogans proclaiming Hungary's return to Europe. Things can only get better was the prevailing feeling surrounding the dismantling of the state socialist system and the construction of the new parliamentary democracy. From the very early years of transition, however, Hungarians faced large-scale and unexpected hardships in their changing lives which made them the most disappointed nation in Eastern Europe by 1993. In the second half of the 1990s, the policies of the Socialist-Liberal coalition, and particularly the positive developments in the enlargement process of NATO and the EU, restored the belief in a rapid and successful accession to the major Western economic and security organizations. But, as Andor indicates, the beginnings of negotiations about entry into NATO and EU will be merely the starting point of difficulties arising in both economics and politics. A thoughtful and cautious look at a changing Hungary that will be of interest to scholars, researchers, and policymakers involved with Central Europe and contemporary European politics and economics.

This book provides a holistic view on the topics of peace and conflict, peace education, international relations and regional studies during the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century. It collects the studies, experience and analysis of faculty members of the University for Peace presented in three sections: regional and institutional outlook, and common challenges and interventions. Some of the topics in this book include the complex concept of peace; governance and security in Africa; peace and conflict in the Middle East; maritime security conflicts in South China Sea, the European Union in a multipolar world, religious fundamentalism and violent extremism; food security, climate change; and participatory action research in the culture of peace. Scholars, capacity building trainers, policy makers, politicians, lawyers, and individuals interested in international affairs among others might find in this book a diverse academic source for further analysis in their respective fields.

This book considers the European Union as a project with a major antidiscrimination goal, which is important to remember at a time of increasing resentment against particularly exposed groups, especially migrants, refugees, members of ethnic or religious minorities and LGBTI persons. While equality and non-discrimination have long been core principles of the international community as a whole, as is made obvious by the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, they have shaped European integration in a particular way. The concepts of diversity, pluralism and equality have always been inherent in that process, the EU being virtually founded on the values of equality and non-discrimination. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU contains the most modern and extensive catalogue of prohibited grounds of discrimination, supplementing the catalogue enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights. EU law has given new impulses to antidiscrimination law both within Europe and beyond. The contributions to this book focus on how effective and credible the EU has been in combatting discrimination inside and outside Europe. The authors present different (mostly legal) aspects of that topic and examine them from various intra- and extra-European angles.

This book provides fresh perspectives in the legal study of the Court of Justice of the European Union. In the context of European studies, the Court has mainly been analysed in light of its central role in the process of continental integration. Moreover, the Court has traditionally been studied by specialists for its important role as an agent of comparative law. This book studies the evolution of the Court itself, rather than that of the EU legal order in its judge-made dimension, and addresses several institutional aspects of its structure and organization, selected and constructed as a complete range of symptomatic figures of judicial institutionalisation. In doing so, the author seeks to showcase how the development and the institutional evolution of the CJEU happened through a selective internalization of comparative influences.

Formed in the aftermath of WWII and in the face of the emerging threat posed by the Soviet Union, the transformation that has taken place in recent years within NATO has been neither natural nor easy for the multi-national organization or the United States. When the Soviet Union ceased to exist it seemed NATO would disappear too. The rationale for a large American military deployment in Europe, described by President Eisenhower as a temporary move, no longer could be supported. This work documents the transition of the United States relationship with NATO from a focus on the defense of Western Europe to an inclusive military and political organization concerned with the security of all of Europe with the real potential for employment of its military power beyond the European continent. Despite budgeting and economic concerns raised by key members of the U.S. Congress, President George H.W. Bush supported the "status quo" and was caught completely off guard when the Berlin Wall fell. He and Defense Secretary Dick Cheney had not fully understood the changed strategic environment in Europe but the U.S. Congress did and offered many suggestions. NATO was saved. President Bill Clinton continued to promote the validity of NATO, expanded NATO eastwards, reduced the U.S. troop level in Europe to 100,000, and gave NATO a mission beyond warfare with the peacekeeping task in Bosnia. A new Atlantic relationship had been forged for the post-Cold War period.

Covering the period from the early 1950s to the end of the 20th century, this book presents a concise yet thorough historical analysis of the relationship between the European Union (and its predecessors) and the Middle East. The authors provide a survey of the evolution of the foreign policy mechanisms of the EU and an outline of the relevant aspects of modern Middle East history. They examine the relationship between the two regions from 1950 to the end of the Cold War, with special emphasis on the period following the 1973/4 oil crisis. They go on to look at the post-Cold War era discussing the conflict with Iraq and examining the EU's continuing involvement in the Middle East peace process.

This book breaks new ground by bringing together recent research into the determinants of marginalization risks for the unemployed and research into new social policies for combating marginalization. It examines the major controversies about how far entrapment in unemployment is due to resource constraints, motivational problems, or skill deficiency. It examines the forms that new policies have taken, the way they vary between EU countries, and the effects they have had on the life experiences of the unemployed. Its central concern is how far the new policies developed in the 1990s, in particular the spread of activation and welfare-to-work policies, address the major sources of vulnerability of the unemployed.
The chapters draw on the results of a number of major comparative research programmes funded by the European Commission. These provide for the first time rigorous comparative data across a range of different countries. They bring together the insights of researchers from different disciplines: economists, jurists, social-psychologists, and social policy analysts.
The book shows that while the new policy initiatives helped to mitigate the severity of the experience of unemployment, they were far from providing an adequate response to the underlying factors that put people at risk of marginalization. These were primarily due to skill deficiencies that were rooted in disadvantages that people experienced when they were young and in the persisting inequalities in training opportunities during people's work careers. The case is made for a major new policy initiative to improve the quality of working life of the low-skilled and their opportunities for skill development.

European integration has had a profound impact on the politics of Southern Europe, a region that was initially at the margin of the decision-making processes of the European Union, but is gradually becoming more and more influential. This volume offers a comparative overview of modern politics in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece, focusing in particular on the process of integration of these countries into the European Union and on the impact of European public policy. The author analyzes the development of Southern European political systems, from the establishment of democratic governments to the most recent political events, looking at each individual system and finding patterns, similarities of development, as well as differences between them. Among the topics examined are the building of institutions, the parties and party systems, foreign policies, the political culture of each country, and the recent efforts towards the creation of a space of security and peace in the Mediterranean.

This book discusses the many legal aspects arising in relation to the maintenance of peace in Africa. Over the past twenty years, the majority of peace operations have been deployed on this continent, most of them established by the UN Security Council, sometimes in cooperation with the African Union and other African regional organizations, with contributions from the European Union and NATO. In some cases, the African Union has invoked its 'primary responsibility for promoting peace, security and stability in Africa', thus questioning the legal partnership between UN and regional organizations provided for in Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The peace operations deployed in Africa have sometimes received a very robust mandate, which also includes the use of force and the protection of civilians' human rights. The implementation of this broad mandate, which goes well beyond the traditional 'peacekeeping approach', requires considerable human and economic resources. Moreover, it raises several issues of concern with regard to the impact on the economic and political systems of the states in which the operations are deployed and, more generally, on the exercise of sovereignty over their territorial communities by these states. Offering an update for lawyers in practice and in academia interested in the field of international law, the book also contributes to the theoretical studies concerning the activities of international organizations, focusing on one of the most challenging issues to emerge in recent times.