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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > International institutions
In 2009 and 2010, the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights underwent significant reforms to their respective judicial appointments processes. Though very different judicial institutions, they adopted very similar - and rather remarkable - reforms: each would now make use of an expert panel of judicial notables to vet the candidates proposed to sit in Luxembourg or Strasbourg. Once established, these two vetting panels then followed with actions no less extraordinary: they each immediately took to rejecting a sizable percentage of the judicial candidates proposed by the Member State governments. What had happened? Why would the Member States of the European Union and of the Council of Europe, which had established judicial appointments processes that all but ensured themselves the unfettered power to designate their preferred judges to the European courts, and who had zealously maintained and exercised that power over the course of some fifty years, suddenly decide to undermine their own capacity to continue to do so? This book sets out to solve this mystery. Its point of departure is that it would be a mistake to view the 2009-2010 establishment of the two vetting panels in isolation from other European judicial developments. Though these acts of institutional creation are certainly the most notable recent developments, they actually represent but the crowning achievement of a process of European judicial appointments reform that has been running unremittingly since the 1990's. This longstanding and tenacious movement has actually triggered a broad set of interrelated debates and reforms, encompassing not only judicial appointments per se, but also a much wider set of issues, including judicial independence, judicial quality, judicial councils, the separation of powers, judicial gender equity, and more.
The celebrations which marked the accession of the Republic of
Cyprus to the European Union on May 1, 2004 signaled the end of a
fourteen year process since the island had first applied to join --
and the end of six full years of complicated and intense
negotiations. Upon joining the EU, Cyprus was widely regarded as
the most advanced of the ten acceding states. Yet this did not
prevent the conditions of accession and its aftermath from bringing
widespread and comprehensive changes to the internal social,
economic, and political situation of Cyprus, as well as to its
external relations.
In "Containing Russia's Nuclear Firebirds," Glenn E. Schweitzer
explores the life and legacy of the International Science and
Technology Center in Moscow. He makes the case that the center's
unique programs can serve as models for promoting responsible
science in many countries of the world.
This book offers an in-depth case study on the leading international refugee agency, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and its approach to environmentally displaced persons. The author examines the UNHCR on the basis of expert interviews and content analysis in order to highlight why and how the organization is addressing the issue. The analysis draws on organizational as well as security theory, offering readers a better understanding of the connection between the two. The book appeals to scholars in the fields of migration and organizational studies, as well as policymakers and professionals working in international organizations.
The Euro Area, the Schengen Area, and Airbus - the 'Anglosphere', the Franco-German 'motor' and Nordic cooperation - each illustrates how differentiation has become a pervasive feature of European integration. Which Europe? offers an authoritative and comprehensive examination of differentiated integration in its functional and its territorial aspects. It focuses on its implications for both the practice and the theory of European integration. Is it strengthening or weakening the EU and its Member States? Are territorial identities being undermined or strengthened? Are new theories of integration required? In particular, this book looks at the relationship between the growth in use of differentiated integration and the widening of European Union membership, the broadening in its policy scope, and the deepening in integration.
The enlargement of the EU has highlighted the challenges of
compliance, but it has also helped to suggest new compliance
methodologies. The combination of methodologies used by the EU and
the differing levels of enforcement available are characteristic of
the EU's compliance system, permitting the remarkable reach and
penetration of EU norms into national systems. In this new study
six authors offer their assessment of the enforcement procedures
and compliance processes that have been developed to ensure Member
State compliance with EU law. The first three chapters examine the
merits of combing both coercive and problem-solving strategies,
describing the systems in place and focusing on the different
levels at which compliance mechanisms operate: national, regional,
and international. It also looks at horizontal compliance as well
as 'from above' compliance, creating a complex and rich picture of
the EU's system.
This book is a useful tool to anyone who is interested in the enlargement of the E.U., to the citizens of the ten acceded countries who would like to know how they managed to accede and also to officials of the new candidate countries, who are preparing their country for accession. The "Accession Story" provides a unique overview of the enlargement of the E.U. from 15 to 25 countries. It consists of two main parts. In the first part the then Director General of D.G. Enlargement, Mr. Eneko Landaburu, and Denmark's Permanent Representative in the E.U., Ambassador Poul Christoffersen, provides a comprehensive picture of the enlargement process from the beginning to the end, from the Brussels' point of view. The second part, written by the ten people responsible for negotiating the accession of their countries, presents the challenges, problems and difficulties each one of the ten countries had to overcome, in order to succeed to adopt the acquis communautaire and be accepted into the E.U.
A revealing exploration of nation-building around the world and its related problems and challenges-from conflict to the role of democracy. Nation-Building: A Reference Handbook offers an in-depth examination of the nation-building process with special focus on the late 20th century to the present. U.S. national security expert Cynthia Watson explores economic, political, and social aspects of nation-building and provides unique insight into hot issues and fundamental concerns. Presenting nation-building from many perspectives, Watson discusses states such as Iraq, Afghanistan, the Balkan countries, and East Timor, among others. She illustrates the challenges of rebuilding a country's infrastructure as well as unanticipated problems. The work provides a thorough treatment of the role that democracy plays in the nation-building process and illuminates the position of the United States juxtaposed with UN peacekeeping efforts. This one-of-a-kind reference work is complete with primary source documents, biographical sketches, and resource suggestions. Chronology of the dramatic history of nation-building, covering key developments such as the aftermath of military operations in Afghanistan and the rebuilding of Iraq Biographical profiles of significant individuals who have had a positive or negative impact on nation-building, including Hamid Karzai and Osama bin Laden
The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.
Sabic, Bukowski, and their contributors examine the efforts, thus far fruitless. of Slovenia to achieve full membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Within Slovenia, the rejection was seen as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike have been sorting out the reasons for this political defeat, with the Slovenian government sponsoring this volume to better understand its options and the positions of other small states in the international community. Early in the post-socialist era, Slovenia viewed full North Atlantic Treaty Organization membership as one of its major political goals. Yet, this goal has not yet been accomplished, with only the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland admitted during the first round of NATO enlargement. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Furthermore, the fact that Slovenia did not qualify for the first round of NATO expansion has been perceived in Slovenia as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike are still sorting out the reasons for this political defeat.
The essays which appear in this volume have been written to pay tribute to the Hon Mr Justice Nial Fennelly, judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland and former Advocate General at the European Court of Justice, on the occasion of his retirement. The overall theme of the book is the relationship between European Union law and national law, and the role of courts in defining that relationship. The book consists of four main parts - the structure and functioning of the European Court of Justice, material issues of European Union law, aspects of Irish law and transversal issues of national and European law. The contributors are all past and present members of the European bench, members or former members of the Irish judiciary or Bar and/or experts in European Union law, many of whom have worked with Mr Justice Fennelly during his long and distinguished career at the Bar and on the bench.
In a period when the nature and scope of the European internal
market is hotly contested, this collection offers a topical
analysis of the most pressing issues relating to market integration
and public services in the EU. As the debate continues over the
balance between state control and market freedom, questions are
also raised about the relationship between EU regulation and
national policy choices and the 'joint responsibility' of the Union
and the Member States.
Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From Liberia to East Timor, the UN now carries out extensive governance-related functions and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Here Richard Al-Qaq leads us to a radical new understanding of the UN and its role in international politics. He uncovers the political and socio-economic import of such "peace" activities for subject societies, and raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of the global political order. A critical view of the internal process of programmatic reform within the UN is elaborated by detailed studies of the politics of UN peace operations in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This book is essential for understanding the new role of the UN, especially in Africa, and the politics of so-called humanitarian intervention and peace-building.
Is NATO still in the best interest of the United States? This provocative work argues that the focus on NATO distracts the U.S. from the vital foreign policy challenges of the 21st century, most notably China's rise in power. Since its beginning in 1949, NATO-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-has been at the center of U.S. foreign policy. The alliance was crucial during the decades of the Cold War, and the United States collaborated closely with NATO during crises in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Libya. But does the NATO alliance still serve the best interests of the U.S.? The NATO of today-one that has expanded to 30 member countries-risks involving the U.S. in unwanted military activities of the future, actions that were not intended in the original Atlantic alliance. In addition, the real challenges for foreign policy of 21st century are not in Europe, but in the expanding economic powerhouses in Asia, especially China. NATO Reconsidered argues that the changes in world politics in recent decades requires that the more than 70-year-old alliance should no longer be the principal focus of U.S. foreign policy. Makes an original and contrarian argument openly questioning U.S. participation in NATO in the 21st century Takes account of NATO's full history, putting today's international reality into context Analyzes surprising data on Germany's growing economic and political ties to Russia, questioning Germany's reliability as a NATO ally Reflects the author's unique perspective on NATO stemming from experience in the State Department, in international business, and as a professor teaching world politics with a focus on Europe Openly eschews the globalists' "party line" and offers solid analysis and conclusions needed to ensure the U.S.' future security
The European Commission is at the very heart of the European integration process and, with the Council, is one of the two central institutions of the European Union. Its activist role under Jacques Delors led to a dramatic increase in its activity and influence and contributed to a crisis of confidence in its effectiveness and its lack of adequate financial controls which culminated in the resignation of the entire Commission under Jacques Santer in 1999. What progress has the Commission made in addressing these issues under Romano Prodi? What are its prospects in face of the new challenges of Eastward enlargement? How great is its influence and how does this vary according to issues and circumstances? What are the implications of its hybrid character as a political and administrative body? How much has the Commission changed over time and how much - and how - does it need to change now? Written by a leading authority and author of the best-selling introductory text on the EU, this major new text provides the definitive introduction to, and assessment of the Commission, its evolution, composition, organisation, character, functioning and role. Comprehensive, up to date and based on extensive original research it will be essential reading for students of European integration; politicians, policy makers and functionaries; and anyone with a serious interest in the European Union, its current character and future prospects.
The essays gathered in this collection examine the involvement of self-governing sub-national and regional actors in the law and policy-making of the European Union. State power is today exercised in the context of the complex institutional environment of the EU. But what of regions and sub-national actors? Are their interests adequately represented; can they advance them or can they,at least, protect them from unwitting or calculated damage? This book surveys the broad questions of law and political science and investigates the contribution of the EU's Committee of the Regions and also 'bottom-up' initiatives launched by the regions themselves. Given that much regional autonomy has been hard won, one would suppose that the centralising influence flowing from the EU's intrusion into the domestic settlement would be treated with extreme caution by the regions. Moreover, among the Member States there is great diversity in the patterns of political organisation adopted to cope with the tension between the centralisation of power and respect for local autonomy. Case studies including Spain, Germany and Finland reveal that there is no single consistent historical narrative. States change, as the UK's recent experience illustrates. The book offers findings that are interesting at a general level in investigating patterns of multi-level governance, but is also rich in case-specific information.
This book provides an account of the development of the European Union, from a relatively specialized organ of economic cooperation in the 1960s to the complex, quasi-federal entity that today governs over an increasingly diverse set of policy domains. The book is a must for anyone interested in understanding the past and future of European integration and supranational governance.
Agriculture has a small, and declining, importance in employment
and income generation within the EU, but a political importance
well beyond its economic impact. The EU's common agricultural
policy (CAP) has often been the source of conflict between the EU
and its trade partners within first the GATT, and then the WTO. In
the Doha Round agriculture was again a sticking point, resulting in
setbacks and delays. The position of the EU is pivotal. Due to the
comparatively limited competitiveness of the EU's agricultural
sector, and the EU's institutionally constrained ability to
undertake CAP reform, the CAP sets limits for agricultural trade
liberalization blocking progress across the full compass of the WTO
agenda. Therefore, the farm trade negotiation, with the CAP at its
core, is the key to understanding the dynamics of trade rounds in
the WTO.
Flexibility is emerging as a key dynamic of European integration. This shift towards flexibility has major implications. The EU will have to cope with more complexity and less transparency. It also affects the way in which European integration is viewed since it makes a state-like outcome to the process far less likely. Alex Warleigh looks at why flexibility has become such an important feature of the EU. He examines its history, and puts forward a typology to explain the models by which it is understood. He goes on to explore the hazards of flexibility and to look at what it has to offer, arguing that it is best seen as a desirable part of the integration process rather than as a problem. Flexibility, he argues is an important mechanism for the realization of the EU's slogan unity in diversity.
A clear guide to current EU institutions, practices, and policies, this is also an informed insider's account of how they have emerged in their present form, with clues on future change. The mixture of analysis and history, description and prescription, works well, because the author has had a ringside seat, but retains a cool Nordic non-partisan detachment. The hints he offers to those, for example in Asia, considering following a similar path to regional integration, represent the distilled wisdom of a career in balancing economic benefits and national sensitivities. As his story shows, it can be done. - Lord Kerr, Former Head of the UK Diplomatic Service, now Chairman of Imperial College, London and Deputy Chairman of Royal Dutch Shell.
The relationship between Europe and Asia is of increasing importance in the 21st century. The challenges straddling the two continents include immigration, poverty, environmental degradation, terrorism, drugs, nuclear proliferation and internecine strife. Addressing these problems will demand bi-continental cooperation in the fields of politics, economy, population, security and culture. The political rationale for Europe-Asia relations has been further strengthened by Russia's promotion of a more active role in Asia and in the international community more generally. In this book Georg Wiessala explores the significance of Asia for Europe in general and the EU in particular, calling for a much more sophisticated mutual understanding. He analyses the existing Asia Policy of the European Union, tracing its development in the last 30 years of the 20th century, and up to the publication of the strategy document "Europe and Asia: A Strategic Framework for Enhanced Partnership" in 2001. He also looks in detail at the importance of ASEM and at how to encourage broader participation, and he examines the relationship between the EU and the various regional bodies, especially ASEAN which the EU maintains is the cornerstone of its developing dialogue with Asia.
Imperfect Unions illustrates how security institutions such as NATO, United Nations and ASEAN change and why they matter. In order to understand contemporary security issues, one must also understand security institutions. It illustrates how institutionalist theory can enrich the important field of security studies.
In November 1997 Hungarians voted in favor of membership in NATO, primarily as a step toward membership in the European Union and integration into Western society. Andor examines the changes in Hungarian social, political, and economic life after the collapse of communism in Central Europe. He analyzes the difficulties, both internal and external, to making that transition. In the early 1990s, public discourse was dominated by the enthusiastic slogans proclaiming Hungary's return to Europe. Things can only get better was the prevailing feeling surrounding the dismantling of the state socialist system and the construction of the new parliamentary democracy. From the very early years of transition, however, Hungarians faced large-scale and unexpected hardships in their changing lives which made them the most disappointed nation in Eastern Europe by 1993. In the second half of the 1990s, the policies of the Socialist-Liberal coalition, and particularly the positive developments in the enlargement process of NATO and the EU, restored the belief in a rapid and successful accession to the major Western economic and security organizations. But, as Andor indicates, the beginnings of negotiations about entry into NATO and EU will be merely the starting point of difficulties arising in both economics and politics. A thoughtful and cautious look at a changing Hungary that will be of interest to scholars, researchers, and policymakers involved with Central Europe and contemporary European politics and economics.
The issue of competence division is of fundamental importance as it reflects the 'power bargain' struck between the Member States and their Union, determining the limits of the authority of the EU as well as the limits of the authority of the Member States. It defines the nature of the EU as a polity, as well as the identity of the Member States. After over six years since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, it is high time to take stock of whether the reforms that were adopted to make the Union's system of division of competences between the EU Member States clearer, more coherent, and better at containing European integration, have been successful. This book asks whether 'the competence problem' has finally been solved. Given the fundamental importance of this question, this publication will be of interest to a wide audience, from constitutional and substantive EU law scholars to practitioners in the EU institutions and EU legal practice more generally.
With each legislative issue, legislators have to decide whether to delegate decision-making to the executive and/or to expert bodies in order to flesh out the details of this legislation, or, alternatively, to spell out all aspects of this decision in legislation proper. The reasons why to delegate have been of prime interest to political science. The debate has concentrated on principal-agent theory to explain why politicians delegate decision-making to bureaucrats, to independent regulatory agencies, and to others actors and how to control these agents. By contrast, Changing Rules of Delegation focuses on these questions: Which actors are empowered by delegation? Are executive actors empowered over legislative actors? How do legislative actors react to the loss of power? What opportunities are there to change the institutional rules governing delegation in order to (re)gain institutional power and, with it influence over policy outcomes? The authors analyze the conditions and processes of change of the rules that delegate decision-making power to the Commission's implementing powers under comitology. Focusing on the role of the European Parliament the authors explain why the Commission, the Council, and increasingly the Parliament, delegated decision-making to the Commission. If they chose delegation, they still have to determine under which institutional rule comitology should operate. These rules, too, distribute power unequally among actors and therefore raise the question of how they came about in the first place and whether and how the "losers" of a rule change seek to alter the rules at a later point in time. |
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