The notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE) is that the EU is an 'ideational' actor characterised by common principles and acting to diffuse norms within international relations. Contributors assess the impact of NPE and offer new perspectives for the future exploration of one of the most widely used ideas in the study of the EU in the last decade.

This book offers a new view suggesting that European integration has been driven by political rather than economic considerations. The author makes it clear that from the end of the Second World War any plan of economic or monetary cooperation in Europe was almost exclusively motivated by politics. He argues that the very foundation of the organization of Western Europe was based on preventing further conflict between France and the newly partitioned Germany. Specifically, Robert Lieshout analyzes the initial stages of European cooperation between 1947 and 1957. He demonstrates that European institutions usually associated with economic integration, such as the European Economic Community, were actually laid to achieve the political aim of reconciliation between France and Germany. The fact that the very reasons for establishing a more formal organization of Europe have changed, i.e. the re-unification of Germany in 1990, makes for an interesting conclusion on future developments in European integration. This book will be warmly welcomed by both academics and students interested in European integration, international political economy, history, international relations, European Studies and economics.

In this book, author Otto Spijkers describes how moral values determined the founding of the United Nations Organization in 1945, and the evolution of its purposes, principles, and policies since then. A detailed examination of the proceedings of the UN Conference on International Organization in San Francisco demonstrates that the drafting of the UN Charter was significantly influenced by global moral values, i.e. globally-shared beliefs distinguishing right from wrong, good from bad, and the current from a preferable state-of-the-world. A common desire - to eradicate war, poverty, inhuman treatment, and to halt the exploitation of peoples - has led to an affirmation of the values of peace and security, social progress and development, human dignity, and the self-determination of all peoples. All these values ended up in the UN Charter. The book further analyzes how the UN, and especially its General Assembly, has continued to influence the maturing of global morality through contributions to the values debate, and to the translation of these values into the language of international law, including the law on the use of force, sustainable development, human rights, and the right to self-determination. (Series: School of Human Rights Research - Vol. 47)

As retailing becomes an increasingly important part of economics worldwide, the similarities and differences of retailing from country to country are now more evident. Retailing in the European Union is a unique and timely study of the difference retail structures across Europe, offering an insightful overview of the internationalisation of retailing and asking important questions about the effectiveness of different retailing sectors.

This book is a study of EU conditionality and compliance during the enlargement to the Central and Eastern European candidate countries. EU conditionality for membership is widely understood as having been a driving force for Europeanization, providing incentives and sanctions for compliance or non-compliance with EU norms, such as the 'Copenhagen Criteria' and the adoption of the acquis communautaire . By taking regional policy and regionalization as a case study, this book provides a comparative analysis of the effects of conditionality on the Central and East European countries and explores the many paradoxes and weaknesses in the use of EU conditionality over time.

The topical study investigates whether strategic norms and beliefs held in different countries have become more similar since 1989 and explores the implications for the viability of a common European Security and Defence Policy. The author argues that national strategic cultures, although distinct, have been subject to three learning mechanisms since 1989: changing threat perceptions, institutional socialisation, and mediatised crises learning. The empirical evidence emerging from various sources shows that some key norms underpinning national strategic cultures have changed substantially, opening opportunities for deeper defence cooperation in Europe.

Providing a timely account of European security developments, this edited collection delves into the theoretical and political debates central to European security cooperation. The essays analyze the interaction between states and institutions as they shape European security cooperation in the wake of the Cold War. After outlining the goals and context of the project, the book turns to case studies of the roles and policies of the U.S., Russia, Germany, and France. European security, institutions, and arms control regimes, such as the European Union, the Western European Union, NATO, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe are examined. Conventional forces in Europe, and confidence and security building measures are also explored. Throughout, the contributors focus on the possibilities and limits of security cooperation as Europe prepares for the next century. Students and scholars concerned with international security issues, international relations theory, and European security and politics will be particularly interested.

European integration can no longer be understood as a west European experiment mainly focused on functional and economic policy cooperation. The issues addressed include security and defense, as well as core concerns of European society. This volume explores three interlocking dimensions of integration; functional, territorial, and affiliational. Each dimension influences how countries across the continent engage with European integration. This first volume in the One Europe or Several? series identifies the agenda of research program, funded by the British Economic and Social Research Council.

In this fascinating volume, Carlos P. Romulo, retired Foreign Minister of the Philippines and first Asian President of the United Nations, describes the development of that organization from its founding in San Francisco in 1945, when he signed its charter, to his farewell speech to the General Assembly in the fall of 1983. Related in the form of personal memories and impressions, the facts and dates in his narrative have been thoroughly checked and corroborated by his wife and co-author so that they blend integrally with the broader fabric of United Nations history. Not only is this a personal memoir but also an accurate and valuable historical account of a critical period in the history of the world.

This book examines how business, the social sciences, science and technology will impact the future of ASEAN. Following the ASEAN VISION 2020, it analyses the issues faced by ASEAN countries, which are diverse, while also positioning ASEAN as a competitive entity through partnerships. On the 30th anniversary of ASEAN, all ASEAN leaders agreed to the establishment of the ASEAN VISION 2020, which delineates the formation of a peaceful, stable and dynamically developed region while maintaining a community of caring societies in Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. In keeping with this aspiration, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UitM) Perlis took the initial steps to organise conferences and activities that highlight the role of the ASEAN region. The Second International Conference on the Future of ASEAN (ICoFA) 2017 was organised by the Office of Academic Affairs, Universiti Teknologi MARA Perlis, to promote more comprehensive integration among ASEAN members. This book, divided into two volumes, offers a useful guide for all those engaged in research on business, the social sciences, science and technology. It will also benefit researchers worldwide who want to gain more knowledge about ASEAN countries.

Long overlooked, transport is emerging as an important policy area for the European Union and is a growing source of political tension. This broad-based analysis of the European transport industry includes an in-depth examination of the four major modes: rail, road, air, and shipping, also the EU's growing cross-border transport links. Ross frames this discussion with a look at the role of transport in the overall European political economy--past, present, and future.

This book documents and analyzes the experiences of the United Nation's first Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food. It highlights the conceptual advances in the legal understanding of the right to food in international human rights law, and analyzes key practical challenges through experiences in 11 countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

"recommended for most academic and large public, and some special libraries." Library Journal

This volume collects selected papers on the European Union from the 13th Congress of the International Economic Association held in Lisbon, September 2002. It starts with an address by Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission, who sets the tone for the other papers by describing and evaluating two of the greatest accomplishments of the EU: economic and monetary union, and EU enlargement. Other authors deal in detail with various aspects of these and other issues, using a mixture of theoretical, empirical, and other tools. Firenze, Italy MICHELE BOLDRIN University of Minnesota, Minneapolis-St Paul, Minesota., USA MAURIZIO GRASSINI Universite di Firenze, Italy ARJAN LEJOUR The Netherlands Bureau for Economic Research, The Hague, The Netherlands MATTHIUS LUTZ Universite St-Gallen, Switzerland RICHARD NAHUIS The Netherlands Bureau for Economic Research, The Hague, The Netherlands ROMANO PRODI President of the European Commission, Brussels, Belgium ROBERT M. STERN University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich., USA ROBERTO TAMBORINI Universite di Trento, Italy NUNO VALRIO Technical University of Lisbon, Portugal MARKET 1: Postgraduates and scholars in the fields of International Economics, European Economics and European Union Studies

This collection examines how the EU is seen in the two regions that are at the centre of its geopolitical interest. Focusing on Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa, it provides a critical assessment of how their external perceptions relate to EU policy towards them.

The logic behind European monetary cooperation and integration can only be understood through an examination of French efforts to maximize their monetary power in relation to Germany and America. This book provides a detailed and historically-informed study of the motives and economic and political attitudes that shaped French policy on European developments over a 30-year period, from the collapse of the International Monetary System in the late 1960s and early 1970s through to the start of EMU on January 1, 1999.

The Return to Europe examines the ability of the central and south east European economies to withstand competitive pressures on entry to the EU. Trade with the EU largely involves the export of labour intensive goods in exchange for human capital intensive goods. The export structure of central European economies, which have attracted foreign direct investment, is improving. The Balkan economies remain dependent on exports of low-wage products. Will this create permanent divisions in Europe, with implications for European security?

The gradual legal and political evolution of the European Union has not, thus far, been accompanied by the articulation or embrace of any substantive ideal of justice going beyond the founders' intent or the economic objectives of the market integration project. This absence arguably compromises the foundations of the EU legal and political system since the relationship between law and justice-a crucial question within any constitutional system-remains largely unaddressed. This edited volume brings together a number of concise contributions by leading academics and young scholars whose work addresses both legal and philosophical aspects of justice in the European context. The aim of the volume is to appraise the existence and nature of this deficit, its implications for Europe's future, and to begin a critical discussion about how it might be addressed. There have been many accounts of the EU as a story of constitutional evolution and a system of transnational governance, but few which pay sustained attention to the implications for justice. The EU today has moved beyond its initial and primary emphasis on the establishment of an Internal Market, as the growing importance of EU citizenship and social rights suggests. Yet, most legal analyses of the EU treaties and of EU case-law remain premised broadly on the assumption that EU law still largely serves the purpose of perfecting what is fundamentally a system of economic integration. The place to be occupied by the underlying substantive ideal of justice remains significantly underspecified or even vacant, creating a tension between the market-oriented foundation of the Union and the contemporary essence of its constitutional system. The relationship of law to justice is a core dimension of constitutional systems around the world, and the EU is arguably no different in this respect. The critical assessment of justice in the EU provided by the contributions to this book will help to create a fuller picture of the justice deficit in the EU, and at the same time open up an important new avenue of legal research of immediate importance.

Are diplomats agents of international co-operation or transmission belts for states? Traditional theories of international relations seriously underestimate the ability of diplomats as a collective to impact outcomes in the international environment beyond initial state preferences. The European Diplomatic Corps argues that diplomats comprise a transnational network of experts or 'epistemic community' which has been critical in determining co-operation or non-co-operation among European states. The cases considered are the congresses of Westphalia (1648), Berlin (1878), Paris (1919) and Maastricht (1992).

This book seeks to answer the question 'Which institutional architecture for which kind of democracy for the EU?' by bringing two important recent debates together- the institutional analysis of the Union and its democratic assessment. The book examines a series of institutional architectures in light of the democratic quality of the processes and decisions generated by them. The discussion of these various institutional architectures is preceded by an analysis of the democratic values and principles according to which institutional architectures and governance structures should be assessed. The first part of the volume starts from key democratic principles and indicates which institutional architectures are most likely to embody them. The second part is dedicated to those institutional architectures that best describe the current state of the European Union and its likely future development, particularly given the impact of the current economic crisis. The fundamental belief that animates this volume is that it is only by paying attention to the democratic legitimacy of the Union that the process of European integration may hope to be sustainable, particularly in the face of the difficult economic crisis that the members of the Euro-area and the Union in general are experiencing.

Europeanization has become a key topic in analysis of the politics of the new Europe both in terms of increasing influence of the EU as a decision-making body and in terms of policy convergence between European states. This broad-ranging new text focuses centrally on the impact of the EU on its member states but also on the way in which states 'up-load' their policy priorities to the European level.

This book explores how elite commitments to cooperate with international organizations can be supplanted by domestic political constraints. It contends that the most popular explanation for defections from international commitments in the foreign policy analysis literature, the two-level game model presented by Robert Putnam, does not fully account for surprising defections from agreements. A new framework is presented which interprets international defections as the product of domestic constraints on foreign policy-making that often materialize in the post-commitment ratification process, the period when domestic conditions and actors align relative to an international agreement.

To explore the dynamics of post-commitment politics, eight cases studies of the foreign policy decision-making process in the Federal Republic of Germany relative to commitments to the European Community and NATO in the 1970s and 1980s are presented. A comparative analysis of the cases demonstrates the importance of modifying the two-level game model to account for the sequential and complex nature of the ratification process in the post-commitment phase. The study concludes that factionalism in the major party government and inter-party coalition differences are primary, but often hidden, constraints on a leader's ability to uphold international agreements, and it shows how international commitments can awaken dormant domestic constituencies along the road to ratification. This is a work of great significance to scholars and researchers in the areas of foreign policy analysis, international organizations, and German politics.

In twenty years, there could be a European Federation, a United States of Europe, of which Britain would be a part, with Brussels as the capital. There will be a President of Europe and a European Government; the European Parliament will make laws and the European Court will give rulings. Britain will be a province of Europe, as it was in Roman times long ago. It is therefore vital to understand the nature and characteristics of the EU, to know what sort of entity it is.

The purpose of this book is to contribute towards such an understanding by scrutinizing the Union from the constitutional and legal angle. It looks, for instance, at whether the European Court behaves as a court ought to behave; at the problems caused by the vague and elastic nature of Community law; at whether the division of power between the Union and the Member States is based on any sort of principle, and, if so, whether that principle is consistently applied; at me enforcement of Community law and the problems caused by the different levels of compliance in different Member States; and, finally, at the issue of whether Member States have ceded their sovereignty. These issues raise questions which we must ask, and try to answer.

This book will be of interest not only to experts in Community law, but to all lawyers -- indeed, to non-lawyers as well -- who want to understand the Community. To make this possible, an introductory chapter has been added to provide the necessary background.

A critical examination of the origins of today's anti-Islamic rhetoric in Europe, this book focuses specifically on representations of Turkey. Applying a novel theoretical framework that understands collective identities as dramaturgical achievements, it shows that stereotypes of Turks continue to provide an important "Other" against which a supposed European "Self" is contrasted. The book identifies two competing meta-narratives that have long vied for the right to define Christendom and later Europe, and argues that the struggle over these narratives--one tragic, the other comic--have come to a head in Turkey's current bid for EU membership.