The possibility that the European Union might expand to thirty members in the first quarter of the next millenium poses fundamental questions about the objectives and processes of the EU.
This study addresses many of the key issues raised by the increasing exapnsion of the EU. Analysing the traditional 'Community method' of expansion and finding many short comings with its ability to handle future enlargement, Chris Preston explores:
* the past experience of enlargement and the lessons that can be drawn
* the impact that enlargement has had on EU policies, institutions and the new members themselves
* the likely future developments in the enlargement process
Focusing on the Mediterranean, Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet countries, this book will be essential reading for students, specialists and practitioners of European Politics.

This book fills a major gap in the study of inter-war British foreign policy: it is the first complete study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in western Europe, which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with British policy in the Middle East and China and policy Towards America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to a European diplomatic role, which was opposed by Cabinet ministers who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British foreign policy. Today, in the Conservative Party, the debate is still unresolved.

This book explores the causes and implications of the Libyan crisis since the anti-Gaddafi uprisings of 2011 from the perspective of the EU and NATO. It asks the question of why those organizations failed to stabilize the country despite the serious challenges posed by the protracted crisis to European and transatlantic stakes in the region. This book argues that such failure originated in a twofold problem common to both organizations: their prioritization of legitimacy over strategy, and their path dependence - the insufficient degree of adaptation to meet the different needs of the crisis. Through a critical and integrated analysis of official sources and extensive interviews with EU, NATO, UN, and national government officials and militaries, as well as from NGO personnel, Libyan institutions and civil society, and media, the volume brings the perspective of both state and non-state actors to the fore. It reveals how wrong assumptions and centrifugal forces within the EU and NATO hampered initiatives, and how the inability to use hard power judiciously and effectively in an increasingly complex and multifaceted scenario worsened the crisis. This allowed for unprecedented influence of regional and global competitors such as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Turkey and Russia in the richest African country. This book will be of key interest for scholars and students of Libya and North Africa, NATO, the European Union, security and conflict studies, Middle East studies, migration, terrorism, peacebuilding and, more broadly, international relations.

The war in the Western Sahara recently entered its sixteenth year. Although progress toward peace has been made, concrete steps to a final resolution have not yet occurred. This has had serious political, social, economic, and military consequences for the countries in the region. Despite the significance of the issue, until now very few scholarly works have dealt with the regional and international dimensions of the conflict. In particular, little attention has been paid to the role of the superpowers and of the United Nations in the region and to the other related issues which are the focus of this book.

The Western Sahara conflict raises serious questions about the role of international law and of the United Nations in achieving the decolonization of former colonial territories and resolving regional conflicts. Taken together, the work of the scholars, diplomats, and experts in international law who have contributed to this volume constitutes a significant contribution to our understanding of the role of outside powers in the origins and evolution of the war in the Western Sahara. Their work also casts new light on the efforts of the Maghrebi states to overcome regional divisions by themselves and on the continuing attempts by the United Nations to resolve the conflict in the Western Sahara and restore respect for international law. This work will interest specialists West African affairs and in international law and organizations.

The 1990s have seen intense debates about the role of regions in European integration. Changes in EU structural funding rules, the innovations of the Maastricht treaty, and the growing importance of federal and regional government within EU member states have all boosted the significance of regional tiers of government in EU politics. Taken together their effect has been to shift the balance of decision-making responsibility within the EU to a third (regional) level of government emerging in the EU policy process alongside the first (union) and second (nation-state) levels. As a result, a system of multi-level governance can increasingly be identified, in which different levels of government adopt different roles in different fields or phases of the European policy process.

In 1989, the floodgates of revolution were opened in Eastern Europe. Communist governments toppled in all of the East European countries that were members of the Warsaw Pact. Glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union, the prospect of increasing West European integration leading to the further marginization of Eastern Europe, and long-suppressed alienation of the public from the political leadership throughout Eastern Europe were amongst the immediate factors leading to the upheavals of 1989. In this research volume, Alpo Rusi, Director of Planning and Research in the Political Department of the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, examines the history of the postwar east-west relationship in Europe, the underlying proceses of change and the implications of the present period of transition to a new European order.;In Dr Rusi's view the events of 1989 are but a harbinger of a new security order in Europe. The author analyses the rise of bipolarism, both during the conflict of the Cold War and during the growth of detente, and lays stress on the parallel process of an evolution towards multilateralism. Dr Rusi's view is that in exploring the prospects for Europe's future, analysts

The 1990s have seen intense debates about the role of regions in European integration. Changes in EU structural funding rules, the innovations of the Maastricht treaty, and the growing importance of federal and regional government within EU member states have all boosted the significance of regional tiers of government in EU politics. Taken together their effect has been to shift the balance of decision-making responsibility within the EU to a third (regional) level of government emerging in the EU policy process alongside the first (union) and second (nation-state) levels. As a result, a system of multi-level governance can increasingly be identified, in which different levels of government adopt different roles in different fields or phases of the European policy process.

A vision for a restructuring of the United Nations, this volume offers an insider's look at how the UN can respond more effectively to the challenges of the future in an age of globalization. It also analyzes the roles of major UN functions such as the General Assembly and the Trusteeship Council.

The European Union is becoming increasingly involved in health policy. The Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam require the EU to consider health issues in all that it does. Even though the Union has no direct involvement in the delivery of health services, its range of responsibilities, including the ramifications for health of the Single European Market, make it a key player. This is the first major academic book solely devoted to EU health and health-related policy.

This broad ranging new text provides a systematic assessment of the emergence of gender as a significant issue on the EU agenda and of the EU's impact on gender inequality, both in terms of specifically gender-related policies and the gender dimensions of other policies.

The European Union is paradoxical: it is not a state, yet it performs many traditional functions of the state. Its regulatory powers are immense but its redistributive functions are negligible; its decisions penetrate all aspects of economic and social life, yet Brussels has no local administration or tribunals, no controllers capable of guaranteeing the correct and faithful implementation of the regulations or objectives which frame European policies. Ths book explores the means through which this paradox is confronted. It examines the nature and modalities of policy-making at Community level and discusses the implications of the specific nature of European institiutions for bargaining group mobilization and policy style. It then studies how the three major nation states have adjusted their policy processes and institutions to the European challenges. Finally, it considers the impact of community decisions in three areas: industrial, competition and social policy.

Established in 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) performed its assigned mission exceedingly well as it secured peace for its member states and avoided military confrontation between the superpowers during the remaining four decades of the Cold War. But with the dramatic changes that began in 1989, an identity crisis has plagued NATO. Whereas the Cold War years had essentially defined who would be fighting whom in a future conflict, the uncertain post-1989 years are introducing new and possibly calamitous variables. Despite the fact that hardly a voice has been heard calling for its dissolution and that states from the former Warsaw Pact are seeking membership, NATO's members face the demanding task of defining the new strategic challenges and formulating appropriate policies and responses. The articles in this volume combine to present a comprehensive investigation of the diverse problems confronting NATO. The contributions each provide relevant historical background before analyzing current conditions and projecting into the future. An opening essay offers an overview of NATO after forty-five years and is followed by others dealing with NATO's structural changes for the 1990s, NATO's shifting strategy, and NATO's developing connections with other international organizations, such as the United Nations, CSCE, and the European Community. The concluding part of the volume includes essays focusing on NATO's associations with the United States, the Anglo-American special relationship, the Balkans, the former Warsaw Pact states, and the Middle East.

What is the European Union international role and identity becoming after the cold war, September 11th and the transatlantic rift? Is the second global actor challenging the trends towards a 'pax americana'? EUROPE: A CIVILIAN POWER? provides an original account of the features and the external relations of the EU as a civilian power in the making. It addresses the key questions on the new security threat, world emergencies challenging the EU, not only as a peace and democracy stablizer on a continental scale, but also as an actor which shares responsibility for global governance and world order. MARIO TELO provides a comparative analysis of regional cooperation in Europe, Africa, Asia and Latin America and focuses on the interregional relations with the EU. He highlights the international relevance of the current EU constitutionalization process and gives a critical review of the concepts of civilian power, soft power, civilizing power, multilateralism, multipolarism, international fragmentation, empire, hegemonic stability and global legitimacy. Analysis of the best literature on international relations and European integration is completed by MARIO's practical experience as an advisor to the EU institutions and a lecturer in Asia and Americas.

Beyond the Spanish State is a well researched and accessibly written study of EU policy-making in Spain. From the fishermen in Andalusia fighting to protect their quotas, to regional governments demanding a greater say in EU Structural Funds, the book represents a masterful effort to delve deeper into the dynamic relations between central government and other actors in the domestic arena. Conclusions most directly pertain to the case of Spain but, nonetheless, provide an insight into the broader EU framework.

This unique collection offers a survey of legal and legislative means to combat racism, xenophobia, anti-semitism and other forms of related intolerance. Its aim is threefold: 1) to provide a legal model for fighting racism, xenophobia, anti-semitism and discrimination through domestic legislation; 2) to compare existing national legislation with international legal instruments designed to combat racial and other forms of discrimination, in order to bring domestic laws into line with international legal norms; 3) to provide a tool for researchers, legislators, human rights activists and all those who work to protect the rights of minorities and victims of incitement and discrimination, as well as for domestic and international institutions, which monitor compliance with these laws. The survey thus constitutes a major contribution to the study of racism and anti-semitism because it demonstrates how these phenomena can be fought through the medium of the law. Each volume consists of two sections: the first, containing international conventions; the second, and main section, containing current constitutional law, specific legislation and ratification of international conventions in (over 200) individual states. Volume 1 deals with Europe; Volume 2 with the Americas; Volume 3 with Africa and Volume 4 with Asia and the South Pacific.

This handbook offers a comprehensive picture of the European activities of national parliaments in all 28 member states of the European Union. In the aftermath of the Lisbon Treaty, it assesses the extent to which national legislatures actually matter in European governance.

This study considers the ftrst century of international adjudication as a permanent fixture of the international society. By using speciftc international courts to which I was attached, as either a researcher or an employee, I was allowed to consider the various limitations to effective adjudication on the international plane. I recall the day in January of 1992 when the seeds of this manuscript were ftrst planted. I was on the fourth-floor of the Loeb Building at Carleton University leafing through a copy of Thomas Burgenthal's International Human Rights Law in a Nutshell when I came upon a chapter on the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. "How could this be?", I thought. "A little known human rights court in a part of the world fraught with human rights abuses". That semester, I followed through on a course in international human rights law with Professor Maureen Davies and accepted a University Fellowship to do graduate work at Brock University (Canada) the following year. Supported in my interest by Professor James Patrick Sewell, I sought and received an Organization of American States Fellowship to spend an academic year studying the Inter American Court of Human Rights, in situ, in San Jose, Costa Rica. It is from this period that I witnessed ftrst-hand how the Inter-American Court, although similar on paper to the European Court of Human Rights, was limited in its effectiveness through the lack of ftnancing and stafftng allocated to it by American States.

This brand new textbook provides a concise and informative overview of environmental policy and politics in the European Union. It includes a thorough analysis of the traditional areas of environmental concern such as pollution and natural resources, as well as newer environmental issues, including GMOs and climate change. Throughout this clear and readable introduction, the authors emphasize the interdependence between EU environmental policy and changes at the global level, focusing in particular on the EU's role in global environmental governance. The authors' didactic approach means this text will be invaluable to undergraduate and postgraduate students of environmental politics, policies and governance in the EU as well as MA programmes with a global focus, including international relations and EU studies.

Bringing together research from a number of different disciplines, this volume explores the effects of European Union policy and discourses of linguistic heterogeneity and cultural diversity from a sociological/ethnographic perspective, providing an opportunity for the reader to make comparisons between developments in different ethno-linguistic revival movements within the EU.

As the EU further enlarges and deepens through rounds of treaty reforms, it is imperative to understand the dynamics of the major decisions, or big bangs, in the integration process. This book will present the first comprehensive and comparative analysis of the major rounds of treaty reform over the past two decades, in an attempt to answer whether the path from the Single European Act in 1985 to the present Constitutional Treaty has been pushed by the Franco-German tandem, or has been the result of leadership provided by other actors such as the Commission or smaller member states.

This book examines conflict resolution efforts in Latin America by the Organization of American States (OAS) over the past fifty years by exploring the relationship of the United States with other member states within the context of the OAS. The book focuses on the impact of institutional factors on the influence that member states are able to wield within the organization. This innovative theoretical approach yields general insights into organizational behaviour and interstate relations within an international organization. The examination of thirty-one cases provides a wealth of empirical data and facilitates cross case comparisons.

Chaya Arora assesses the diplomatic path of influence taken by German decision-makers during the early nineties in pursuit of their cautiously articulated interest in and commitment to the eastward enlargement of NATO."

This volume offers a timely and important study on how norms are transferred from the international into the domestic domain through processes of socialization. It seeks to understand the process of change in post-Cold War Europe from a divided continent into a community with a common identity, based on shared values and ideas. It also offers an explanation for why the process of change has occurred easily in some countries and with more difficulty or not at all in others.

Taking an historical approach, the author explores both how the UN has affected world politics and how the international political system has formed and limited the work of the Organization. He looks at why the UN was created, how it was affected by the Cold War and how successive Secretaries General struggled to find a role for themselves. The book shows how negative and even hostile views of the UN were changed by the end of the Cold War and by the UN-sponsored action in the Gulf, why the UN overreached itself in Bosnia and Somalia and how it failed to stop the genocide in Rwanda. While the main focus of this book is the role of the UN in promoting international peace and security, it also examines the work of the UN in other areas, including human rights and environmental protection.

The range of global human rights institutions which have been created over the past half century is a remarkable achievement. Yet, their establishment and proliferation raises important questions. Why do states create such institutions and what do they want them to achieve? Does this differ from what the institutions themselves seek to accomplish? Are global human rights institutions effective remedies for violations of human dignity or temples for the performance of stale bureaucratic rituals? What happens to human rights when they are being framed in global institutions?
This book is an introduction to global human rights institutions and to the challenges and paradoxes of institutionalizing human rights. Drawing on international legal scholarship and international relations literature, it examines UN institutions with a human rights mandate, the process of mainstreaming human rights, international courts which adjudicate human rights, and non-governmental human rights organizations.
In mapping the ever more complex network of global human rights institutions it asks what these institutions are and what they are for. It critically assesses and appraises the ways in which global institutions bureaucratize human rights, and reflects on how this process is changing our perception of human rights.