`An army of principles will penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot . . . it will march on the horizon of the world and it will conquer.' Thomas Paine was the first international revolutionary. His Common Sense (1776) was the most widely read pamphlet of the American Revolution; his Rights of Man (1791-2) was the most famous defence of the French Revolution and sent out a clarion call for revolution throughout the world. He paid the price for his principles: he was outlawed in Britain, narrowly escaped execution in France, and was villified as an atheist and a Jacobin on his return to America. Paine loathed the unnatural inequalities fostered by the hereditary and monarchical systems. He believed that government must be by and for the people and must limit itself to the protection of their natural rights. But he was not a libertarian: from a commitment to natural rights he generated one of the first blueprints for a welfare state, combining a liberal order of civil rights with egalitarian constraints. This collection brings together Paine's most powerful political writings from the American and French revolutions in the first fully annotated edition of these works. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.

Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1927-2003) may be best known as a statesman. He served in the administrations of presidents Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and Ford; was ambassador to India and the United Nations; and represented New York in the U.S. Senate for four terms. But he was also an intellectual of the first order, whose books and papers on topics ranging from welfare policy and ethnicity in American society to international law stirred debate and steered policy. Moynihan was, journalist Michael Barone remarked, ""the nation's best thinker among politicians since Lincoln and its best politician among thinkers since Jefferson."" He was, Greg Weiner argues, America's answer to the 18th-century Anglo-Irish scholar-statesman Edmund Burke. Both stood at the intersection of thought and action, denouncing tyranny, defending the family, championing reform. Yet while Burke is typically claimed by conservatives, Weiner calls Moynihan a ""Burkean liberal"" who respected both the indispensability of government and the complexity of society. And a reclamation of Moynihan's Burkean liberalism, Weiner suggests, could do wonders for the polarized politics of our day. In its incisive analysis of Moynihan's political thought, American Burke lays out the terms for such a recovery. The book traces Moynihan's development through the broad sweep of his writings and career. ""The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society,"" Moynihan once wrote. ""The central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself."" In his ability to embrace both of these truths, this ""American Burke"" makes it bracingly clear that a wise political thinker can also be an effective political actor, and that commitments to both liberal and conservative values can coexist peaceably and productively. Weiner's work is not only a thorough and thoroughly engaging intellectual exploration of one of the most important politicians of the twentieth century; it is also a timely prescription for the healing of our broken system.

Neoliberalism is among the most commonly used concepts in the social sciences. Furthermore, it is one of the most influential factors that have shaped the formation of public policy and politics. In Governing Practices, Michelle Brady and Randy Lippert bring together prominent scholars in sociology, criminology, anthropology, geography, and policy studies to extend and refine the current conversation about neoliberalism. The collection argues that a new methodological approach to analyzing contemporary policy and political change is needed. United by the common influence of Foucault's governmentality approach and an ethnographic imaginary, the collection presents original research on a diverse range of case studies including public-private partnerships, the governance of condos, community and state statistics, nanopolitics, philanthropy, education reform, and pay-day lending. These diverse studies add considerable depth to studies on governmentality and neoliberalism through a focus on governmental practices that have not previously been the focus of sustained analysis.

In Geontologies Elizabeth A. Povinelli continues her project of mapping the current conditions of late liberalism by offering a bold retheorization of power. Finding Foucauldian biopolitics unable to adequately reveal contemporary mechanisms of power and governance, Povinelli describes a mode of power she calls geontopower, which operates through the regulation of the distinction between Life and Nonlife and the figures of the Desert, the Animist, and the Virus. Geontologies examines this formation of power from the perspective of Indigenous Australian maneuvers against the settler state. And it probes how our contemporary critical languages-anthropogenic climate change, plasticity, new materialism, antinormativity-often unwittingly transform their struggles against geontopower into a deeper entwinement within it. A woman who became a river, a snakelike entity who spawns the fog, plesiosaurus fossils and vast networks of rock weirs: in asking how these different forms of existence refuse incorporation into the vocabularies of Western theory Povinelli provides a revelatory new way to understand a form of power long self-evident in certain regimes of settler late liberalism but now becoming visible much further beyond.

Learning the Left examines the ways in which young people and adults learned (and continue to learn) the tenets of liberal politics in the United States through the popular media and the arts from the turn of the twentieth century to the present. This collection of essays foregrounds mass culture as an educational site; it is hoped that this focus on the history of the civic functions of the popular media and arts will begin a much-needed conversation among a variety of scholars, notably historians of education.

New Media and Religious Transformations in Africa casts a critical look at Africa's rapidly evolving religious media scene. Following political liberalization, media deregulation, and the proliferation of new media technologies, many African religious leaders and activists have appropriated such media to strengthen and expand their communities and gain public recognition. Media have also been used to marginalize and restrict the activities of other groups, which has sometimes led to tension, conflict, and even violence. Showing how media are rarely neutral vehicles of expression, the contributors to this multidisciplinary volume analyze the mutual imbrications of media and religion during times of rapid technological and social change in various places throughout Africa.

New Media and Religious Transformations in Africa casts a critical look at Africa's rapidly evolving religious media scene. Following political liberalization, media deregulation, and the proliferation of new media technologies, many African religious leaders and activists have appropriated such media to strengthen and expand their communities and gain public recognition. Media have also been used to marginalize and restrict the activities of other groups, which has sometimes led to tension, conflict, and even violence. Showing how media are rarely neutral vehicles of expression, the contributors to this multidisciplinary volume analyze the mutual imbrications of media and religion during times of rapid technological and social change in various places throughout Africa.

The global economic crisis has exposed the limits of neoliberalism and dramatically deepened social polarization. Yet, despite increasing social resistance and opposition, neoliberalism prevails globally. Radical alternatives, moreover, are only rarely debated. And if they are, such alternatives are reduced to new Keynesian and new developmental agendas, which fail to address existing class divisions and imperialist relations of domination. This collection of essays polarizes the debate between radical and reformist alternatives by exploring head-on the antagonistic structure of capitalist development. The contributors ground their proposals in an international, non-Eurocentric and Marxian inspired analysis of capitalism and its crises. From Latin America to Asia, Africa to the Middle East and Europe to the US, social and labour movements have emerged as the protagonists behind creating alternatives. This book's new generation of scholars has written accessible yet theoretically informed and empirically rich chapters elaborating radical worldwide strategies for moving beyond neoliberalism, and beyond capitalism. The intent is to provoke critical reflection and positive action towards substantive change.

Friedrich Hayek was a founding figure of the neo-liberalism that flourished in the 1980s. Yet, despite his antagonistic relationship with socialism, his work became a surprising source of inspiration for several influential thinkers on the left. This book explains the left's unusual engagement with Hayek and reflects on its significance. Engaging Enemies uses the left's late discovery of Hayek to examine the contemporary fate of socialism and social democracy. Did socialism survive the twentieth century? Did it collapse with the fall of the Berlin Wall as Hayek claimed? Or did it transform into something else, and if so what? In turn this allows an examination of ideological and historical continuity. Was the left's engagement with Hayek part of a wider break with a period of ideological continuity that marked the twentieth century, but which did not survive its ending? As such, the book is also a study of how ideologies change with the times, incorporating new elements and jettisoning others. The left's engagement with Hayek was also influential on party politics, particularly on the 'modernization' of the Labour Party and the development of New Labour. Engaging Enemies concludes with a discussion of the wider role of the market for the left today and the contemporary significance of the engagement with Hayek for Labour in the wake of the 2008 economic crisis.

As host of the CNN show "Piers Morgan Live," Piers Morgan has come a long way from his days as a British tabloid editor and judge on "America's Got Talent." Love him or hate him, it's undeniable that Morgan is one of the most talked-about, controversial figures in the media today. From gun control and gay marriage to religion and pop icons, he tackles the hot-button topics head on.

In The Hot Seat (previously published as Shooting Straight), he discusses candidly his refusal to bend to public pressure or political correctness, from his childhood in England to his career as a tabloid editor to his meteoric rise to fame in the United States. Offering an inside view of the real-time drama behind covering huge breaking news stories such as the killing of Osama bin Laden, Hurricane Sandy, and the massacre at Newtown, Morgan's account is a riveting, no-holds-barred depiction of an adrenaline-fueled life anchoring a nightly news show in the world's most ruthless, competitive, and pressurized media marketplace.

Written in a compelling diary format, The Hot Seat provides a heartfelt account of Morgan's extraordinary new life and his continuing love affair with America. Shocking, funny, and incisive, it proves once again why Piers Morgan has taken the world by storm.

In April 1969, one of America's premier universities was celebrating parents' weekend and the student union was an armed camp, occupied by over eighty defiant members of the campus's Afro-American Society. Marching out Sunday night, the protesters brandished rifles, their maxim: "If we die, you are going to die." Cornell '69 is an electrifying account of that weekend which probes the origins of the drama and describes how it was played out not only at Cornell but on campuses across the nation during the heyday of American liberalism.Donald Alexander Downs tells the story of how Cornell University became the battleground for the clashing forces of racial justice, intellectual freedom, and the rule of law. Eyewitness accounts and retrospective interviews depict the explosive events of the day and bring the key participants into sharp focus: the Afro-American Society, outraged at a cross-burning incident on campus and demanding amnesty for its members implicated in other protests; University President James A. Perkins, long committed to addressing the legacies of racism, seeing his policies backfire and his career collapse; the faculty, indignant at the university's surrender, rejecting the administration's concessions, then reversing itself as the crisis wore on. The weekend's traumatic turn of events is shown by Downs to be a harbinger of the debates raging today over the meaning of the university in American society. He explores the fundamental questions it posed, questions Americans on and off campus are still struggling to answer: What is the relationship between racial justice and intellectual freedom? What are the limits in teaching identity politics? And what is the proper meaning of the university in a democratic polity?"

Judaism, Liberalism, and Political Theology provides the first broad encounter between modern Jewish thought and recent developments in political theology. In opposition to impetuous associations of Judaism and liberalism and charges that Judaism cannot engender a universal political order, the essays in this volume propose a new and richly detailed engagement between Judaism and the political. The vexed status of liberalism in Jewish thought and Judaism in political theology is interrogated with recourse to thinking from across the Continental tradition.

The core issue of this work is how far the West may need to modify or extend the liberal philosophy informing its responses to the multiple world crisis it is now attempting to deal with. Coming after the author's "Engaging the Cosmos: Astronomy, Philosophy & Faith" and "The Geography of Human Conflict", this text will complete a trilogy addressing very comprehensively the challenges of our times. It provides a review of the strengths and weaknesses of Social Liberalism that, broadly speaking, occupies the ground between moderate Right and moderate Left. The work is informed by the conviction that the world, half a century hence, will be either considerably better than now (freer, more peaceable, more enriching...) or else a good deal worse. Those concerned to effect the former outcome should promote the spread among emergent states of well-founded democracy. But they must also look stringently at how well democratic institutions may function in the mass societies of the West. History indicates that pell-mell cultural change, constant ecological impoverishment, and endless leap forwards in applied science may not augur well for stability and peace. The author's accepted expertise in History, International Security, Planetary Development and Applied Geophysics means he can address a variety of issues such as: climate change and resource depletion; community decay, data saturation, the future of universities, democratic devolution, leaders and led, and medical philosophy; and biowarfare, the management of Near Space, international currency, and a planetary ethos. It is contended that we are not approaching the "end of History" in any meaningful sense. Instead we are passing through, at accelerated pace, an evolutionary transition as impacting as that between the Old and New Stone Ages. Our perspectives on the immediate future may be honed by free-ranging speculation about what mankind can anticipate over the next few centuries.

The core issue of this work is how far the West may need to modify or extend the liberal philosophy informing its responses to the multiple world crisis it is now attempting to deal with. Coming after the author's "Engaging the Cosmos: Astronomy, Philosophy & Faith" and "The Geography of Human Conflict", this text will complete a trilogy addressing very comprehensively the challenges of our times. It provides a review of the strengths and weaknesses of Social Liberalism that, broadly speaking, occupies the ground between moderate Right and moderate Left. The work is informed by the conviction that the world, half a century hence, will be either considerably better than now (freer, more peaceable, more enriching...) or else a good deal worse. Those concerned to effect the former outcome should promote the spread among emergent states of well-founded democracy. But they must also look stringently at how well democratic institutions may function in the mass societies of the West. History indicates that pell-mell cultural change, constant ecological impoverishment, and endless leap forwards in applied science may not augur well for stability and peace. The author's accepted expertise in History, International Security, Planetary Development and Applied Geophysics means he can address a variety of issues such as: climate change and resource depletion; community decay, data saturation, the future of universities, democratic devolution, leaders and led, and medical philosophy; and biowarfare, the management of Near Space, international currency, and a planetary ethos. It is contended that we are not approaching the "end of History" in any meaningful sense. Instead we are passing through, at accelerated pace, an evolutionary transition as impacting as that between the Old and New Stone Ages. Our perspectives on the immediate future may be honed by free-ranging speculation about what mankind can anticipate over the next few centuries.

This volume makes a compelling case for the continued relevance and significance of Herbert Spencer (1820-1904), one of the foremost intellectuals of the Victorian era whose work now tends to be regarded as being of purely historical interest. One of the originators of the evolutionary classical liberal or libertarian approach exemplified later by F. A. Hayek, Spencer engaged with such issues as the relationship between the individual and the state; the nature of majoritarian democracy; the legitimacy of private property; the consequences of the transition from relatively simple, feudal communities to complex, industrial societies; and the causes of war and the prospects of international peace. For him the future was individualist. However, as the scope of state action expanded and classical liberal ideas became increasingly marginalised during the course of his life, Spencer grew ever more pessimistic about the future prospects for liberty.

Friedrich August von Hayek (1899-1992), winner of the Nobel Prize in economics, was an influential economist and political philosopher. The increased attention he received in the late 20th century with the rise of conservatism in the US and UK, led him to publish "Why I Am Not a Conservative," an essay in which he berated conservatism. He preferred to be identified as what Edmund Burke called an "Old Whig." Amongst his most important contributions are his writings on general equilibrium, central planning and social justice as well as his political theory work, The Constitution of Liberty, in which he explained the proper role of the government.

In 1974, Robert Nozick's book "Anarchy, State, and Utopia" moved libertarianism from a relatively neglected subset of political philosophy to the center of the discipline, as one of the most cogent critiques of social democracy and egalitarian liberalism.Nozick developed a rights-based account of libertarianism to show that a minimal state can legitimately arise, that nothing more than a minimal state is justified, and that the minimal state is not only morally right, but can also be an inspiring 'meta-utopia'. This volume presents Nozick's contributions to political philosophy in the context of his work in analytical philosophy. It also provides a biography of Nozick and considers the initial reception and long-term influence of his work.

International peace parks--transnational conservation areas established and managed by two or more countries--have become a popular way of protecting biodiversity while promoting international cooperation and regional development. In "Transforming the Frontier," Bram Buscher shows how cross-border conservation neatly reflects the neoliberal political economy in which it developed.

Based on extensive research in southern Africa with the Maloti-Drakensberg Transfrontier Conservation and Development Project, Buscher explains how the successful promotion of transfrontier conservation as a "win-win" solution happens not only in spite of troubling contradictions and problems, but indeed because of them. This is what he refers to as the "politics of neoliberal conservation," which receives its strength from effectively combining strategies of consensus, antipolitics, and marketing. Drawing on long-term, multilevel ethnographic research, Buscher argues that transfrontier conservation projects are not as concerned with on-the-ground development as they are purported to be. Instead, they are reframing environmental protection and sustainable development to fit an increasingly contradictory world order.

America has departed from its founding as a Christian nation and is rapidly abandoning the godly principles which blessed its people with liberty and justice for all. While many people from every level of society have offered secular solutions to the social and economic woes of today's America, it is clear the problem has resulted from the denial of God's providential hand on America by ungodly forces. The pathway from America's founding as a constitutional republic kept only by godly virtue to the loss of good will and reason which has now hopelessly dead-locked and divided the nation can be traced here. The only solution left for Christians is to get on their knees and pray for God to rain down a national spiritual revival reminiscent of the Great Awakenings which have historically and miraculously swept the land.

As well as promoting debates about liberal democracy, the dramatic events of 1989 also bought forth a powerful revival in the interest of the notion of civil society. This revival was reflected mainly in two broad tracts of literature. The first focused primarily on events surrounding the Solidarity movement in Poland and the tumultuous events of 1980-81. The second was concerned with the Velvet Revolutions more broadly. Following the events of 1989, there appeared a number of works sharing the common central argument that civil society played a key role in the overthrow of these Communist regimes in 1989. Killingsworth's book presents three broad arguments, all of which reject the way civil society has been applied in the analysis of opposition and dissent in totalitarian Czechoslovakia, the GDR and Poland. First, it argues that the totalitarian nature of Soviet-type regimes means that it was not possible for a genuine civil society to exist. Second, the civil society paradigm, as it has been applied to opposition and dissent in Soviet-type regimes in Eastern Europe, lacks analytical rigour. Thirdly, the book argues that the dominant liberal interpretation of dissenting opposition in Soviet-type regimes is politically and morally flawed.

The collapse of the bipolar international system near the end of the twentieth century changed political liberalism from a regional system with aspirations of universality to global ideological dominance as the basic vision of how international life should be organized. Yet in the last two decades liberal democracies have not been able to create an effective and legitimate liberal world order. In A Liberal World Order in Crisis, Georg Sorensen suggests that this is connected to major tensions between two strains of liberalism: a "liberalism of imposition" affirms the universal validity of liberal values and is ready to use any means to secure the worldwide expansion of liberal principles. A "liberalism of restraint" emphasizes nonintervention, moderation, and respect for others.

This book is the first comprehensive discussion of how tensions in liberalism create problems for the establishment of a liberal world order. The book is also the first skeptical liberal statement to appear since the era of liberal optimism based in anticipation of the end of history in the 1990s. Sorensen identifies major competing analyses of world order and explains why their focus on balance-of-power competition, civilizational conflict, international terrorism, and fragile states is insufficient."

Libertarianism seems fairly straightforward on the surface: "Keep your government out of my bedroom and my wallet." But how that principle applies to real-world political and economic issues is complicated.

In "Libertarianism, from A to Z," acclaimed Harvard economist Jeffrey Miron sets the record straight with a no-frills dictionary that walks us through the movement's controversial stances on prostitution and drug use to explore issues ranging from abortion to the war on terror. He shows us how to follow those principles to their logical--and sometimes controversial--ends and how to think like a libertarian.

Is Winning a Second Presidential Term Really Barack Obama's "Ultimate End Game"?
Considering twelve specific events - with foreign policy implications - that have occurred during the first 18 months of the Obama Presidency, there is one common thread that emerges suggesting a recurring potential political motivation beyond just President Obama's desire to serve a second Presidential term. And, if so, the American people have a right to know it before the 2012 Presidential Election. The Voters can then decide for themselves whether they are concerned or not as to what degree Barack Obama's attitudes and judgment regarding U.S. foreign policy issues - as President of the United States - may be influenced or constrained by his "Ultimate End Game" and, potentially, conflict with America's best self-interests.
Supplanting ObamaCare
Regarding meaningful Health Care Reform, although professing that The Will of The People was paramount, President Obama consciously made no Health Care decision that, at all, conflicted with the interests of his two biggest campaign donors - Trial Lawyers and Unions - or his own prospects for re-election in 2012. In fact, even at the risk and on the verge of a failed Presidency that a defeat on Health Care would bring (as the bar previously set by the Democrats themselves), President Obama still refused, in reality, to even consider compromising on either Health Care Premium Price Competition across state lines - a non-starter with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) - or Tort Reform - the bane of all Trial Lawyers. But, exactly why would President Obama insist on taking such a risk?
It is not that the Obama Administration is, by any means, the first and only Presidential administration to be influenced by political interest groups or the political consequences of their actions. However, this book chronicles the pervasive extent to which the priority interests of Labor Unions and Trial Lawyers enveloped the Presidential decision-making process within the Obama Administration - to the detriment of The Will of The People.
The Optimal Health Care Solution
However, through just a single change in the tax law (as detailed and recommended herein), President Obama not only could have accomplished comprehensive Health Care Reform, but simultaneously achieved both 1) Health Care premium cost control as well as 2) meaningful Medical Provider cost reduction and containment - neither tenet of which was addressed in the ObamaCare legislation as passed. Nor would this simple tax law change necessitate - as does ObamaCare - the pervasive government control of one-sixth of the U.S economy; dictating the creation of more than 120 separate new federal bureaucracies, agencies and boards and the hiring of tens of thousands of additional federal government employees to staff and run them at an average lifetime cost of $4 million per new federal employee hired.
Finally, in dissecting ObamaCare, an extensive analysis was performed of 1) the additional budgetary ramifications of deals struck by Congressional Democrats - with President Obama's blessing - to subsequently pass ObamaCare; 2) obvious Health Care expenses not included (e.g. The "Doctor Fix") and 3) the $500 Billion in unrealistic and virtually unattainable cost savings offsets pertaining to the recovery of Fraudulent Medicare payments and waste. Revealingly, this analysis disclosed that, in actuality, the ultimate cost of ObamaCare balloons well beyond $3 Trillion - more than three times the CBO estimate of $940 Billion.