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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Other warfare & defence issues
Disarming Diplomat: The Memoirs of Ambassador Gerard C. Smith, Arms Control Negotiator offers many intimate details of prominent players in arms control negotiation, including Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, Henry Kissinger, and Jimmy Carter. A recipient of the Medal of Freedom for his commitment to arms control, Smith offers important lessons learned from a career in nuclear policy and diplomacy. With various nations vacillating on nuclear policy, this book is essential reading for anyone concerned about the role of nuclear weapons in the post-Cold War world or interested in the history of the Cold War, nuclear diplomacy, or international relations.
""Even though women were not supposed to be on the front lines, on the front lines we were. Women were not supposed to be interned either, but it happened to us. People should know what we endured. People should know what we can endure."" -- Lt. Col. Madeline Ullom More than one hundred U.S. Army and Navy nurses were stationed in Guam and the Philippines at the beginning of World War II. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, five navy nurses on Guam became the first American military women of World War II to be taken prisoner by the Japanese. More than seventy army nurses survived five months of combat conditions in the jungles of Bataan and Corregidor before being captured, only to endure more than three years in prison camps. When freedom came, the U.S. military ordered the nurses to sign agreements with the government not to discuss their horrific experiences. Evelyn Monahan and Rosemary Neidel-Greenlee have conducted numerous interviews with survivors and scoured archives for letters, diaries, and journals to uncover the heroism and sacrifices of these brave women.
During the last two decades, the infrastructure of the U.S. economy has undergone a fundamental set of changes. It has steadily increased its reliance on its service sector and high-technology economy. The U.S. has come to depend on computers, electronic data storage and transfers, and highly integrated communications networks. The result is the rapid development of a new form of critical infrastructure--and one that is exceedingly vulnerable to a new family of threats, loosely grouped together as information warfare. This detailed volume examines these threats and the evolving U.S. policy response. After examining the dangers posed by information warfare and efforts at threat assessment, Cordesman considers the growing policy response on the part of various federal agencies, state and local governments, and the private sector. The changing nature of the threats is leading these actors to reassess the role they must play in critical infrastructure protection. Government at all levels, industry, and even friendly and neutral foreign governments are learning that an effective response requires coordination in deterrence, defense, and counterattack.
The US debate surrounding ballistic-missile defence is becoming increasingly polarized: advocates claim that these defences are essential to US security and should be deployed as soon as possible; critics argue that they upset strategic stability, encourage regional arms races, and therefore, will not work. What is lacking in the current debate is a quantitative analysis of how well defences would have to work to meet specific security objectives, and what level of defence might upset strategic stability. This paper argues that there is no immediate need to deploy US national missile defences because accidental or unauthorized Russian or Chinese attacks are unlikely, and because deterrence should mean that the risk of attack from emerging ballistic-missile states is acceptably low. National missile defence might be a useful insurance, but other defence needs are more pressing. However, if the US did deploy such a system, a modified Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty that allowed the US and Russia to deploy 100 interceptors at multiple sites around their territory should not pose a realistic threat to the retaliatory capabilities of four of the five declared nuclear powers.; This bo
This book is about how people behaved during the German occupation of France during the Second World War, and more specifically about how individuals from differeent social and political backgrounds recorded and reflected on their experiences during and after these tragic events. The book focuses in particular on the concepts of treason and sacrifice, as they affected the behaviour of individuals and groups and their relationship to the nation state. An introductory overview, discussing problems of representation, moral issues and the nature of collaboration and resistance, is followed by contextualised case-studies in the areas of politics, daily life, civil administration, paramilitary action, literature and film. The figures examined are chosen not only because of their representative or even iconic nature but also because most of them left a record expressing their own vision of the occupation. This is very much an interdisciplinary study, linking political, historical, moral and cultural ideas.
This book examines how civil-military relations have been transformed in Russia, Poland, Hungary and Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact in 1991. It shows how these countries have worked to reform their obsolete armed forces, and bring them into line with the new economic and strategic realities of the post-Cold War world, with new bureaucratic structures in which civilians play the key policy-making roles, and with strengthened democratic political institutions which have the right to oversee the armed forces.
After an introduction showing three examples of military disintegration, the author examines six historical occurrences in depth: The India Mutiny of 1857; the 1917 French Army mutinies; the depredations following the British siege of San Sebastian, 1813; the surrender of the U.S. 106th Infantry Division in 1944; the Sand Creek Indian Massacre, 1864; and the My Lai massacre in 1968. The final chapter begins with a recapitulation of the four processes shown to be the foundations of disintegration--leadership failure, collapse of the units' internal primary groups, alienation, and desperation among the troops--and continues with an analysis of the crowd behaviors to which these processes give rise. The book ends with a brief discussion of the moral dilemma that disintegration imposes on military institutions.
Fundamental changes in international relations during 1989-90 toppled the pillars of the security policy paradigm which had characterised the Cold War. That convulsion swept aside the last of many nuclear debates to rend NATO. Immediately the nuclear problems which had plagued the 1980s were tossed aside. Yet many important and interesting elements of the decade's nuclear history had not been fully explained. With the nuclear issue's rapid shift to irrelevancy, previously hidden information on the period became at once less secret and more easily available. Thus through extensive interviews with participants and careful analysis of open sources, missing parts of the puzzle emerged. This book is intended to provide a fuller explanation of NATO's last great nuclear debate.
Min verhale uit die Anglo-Boereoorlog het lesers só aangegryp as die avonture van die Boere-James Bond, kaptein Koos Naudé(1876-1956). Onvergeetlik is avonture soos dié waarin hy 'n Engelse uniform vrylik in die besette Pretoria rondbeweeg, die Engelse offisiere se spogperde steel, tien keer gedurende die oorlog die stad in die geheim as spioen besoek en 'n groep vroue organiseer om die spioenasie van die ontbinde Geheime Diens voort te sit. Sy avonture, wat in 1904 vir die eerste keer onder die titel In doodsgevaar gepubliseer is, is in 1940 deur G.D. Scholtz verwerk en heritgegee. Dié boek het intussen een van die klassieke verhale van die Anglo-Boereoorlog geword.
Why did the Rwandan genocide take place? How could parents feed their own children drinks laced with poison in Jonestown? As we see many parts of the world being engulfed in fratricidal frenzy, we wonder if it can happen in this country. Gupta examines contemporary cases of genocide and mass murder and seeks to explain why certain societies are more prone to these actions and others are relatively immune. Gupta sees a dialectical tension between our two identities: the self and the collective. The end of the medieval period was marked by the emergence of individualism in Europe. With time, the march of individualism engulfed the entire Western world and permeated every aspect of its culture, tradition, and academic paradigm. Neoclassical economics is the embodiment of this single-minded pursuit of the rationality of individualism. However, our psychobiological evolution has also imbued us with the irrepressible desire to form groups and to act upon its welfare. The reason for this eternal conflict lies in our own struggle with our two identities. When the pendulum swings to the extreme end of collectivism, genocide and other forms of social abnormalities--collective madness--occur. When we move too far into individualism, people tend to seek something greater beyond selfish pursuits. Through his panoramic view, Gupta provides an explanation for both social order and political pathology that will be of interest to students, scholars, and other researchers involved with ethnic conflict, collective behavior, and conflict resolution.
This, the second book in Alexander A. Maslov's planned trilogy regarding the tragic fate of Red Army general officers who fell victim to the Second World War, is perhaps the most depressing. In it Maslov relates the fate of those generals who fell into German captivity. After relating the grisly circumstances of their ordeal in German prisoner-of-war camps, Maslov tells the sordid tale of how an ungrateful state condemned for treason against their homeland many of those who had served it loyally both in combat and in German prisoner-of-war camps. By exploiting unprecedented archival materials, Maslov demonstrates how Stalin and Soviet security organs condemned and shot many of the returnee-generals, most on trumped-up charges, in part as scapegoats for the real crimes committed by Stalin and the Soviet military leadership during the tragic initial period of the war. Coincidentally, Maslov once again presents a unique glimpse of the social history of the pre-war and wartime Red Army general officer corps.
This is a study of the history of global refugee movements over the 20th century, ranging from east European Jews fleeing Tsarist oppression at the turn of the century to asylum seekers from the former Zaire and Yugoslavia. Recognizing that the problem of refugees is a universal one, the authors emphasize the human element which should be at the forefront of both the study of refugees and responses to them.
On the debate over whether or not arms transfers increase or deter
the chances of war, Cassady B. Craft offers a balanced assessment
of the effect of arms transfers on war involvement and outcomes. He
considers correlations at the state and global level, supplier and
recipient relationships, and the extent of the relationship in the
perceptions of individual leaders.
This is a study of the history of global refugee movements over the 20th century, ranging from east European Jews fleeing Tsarist oppression at the turn of the century to asylum seekers from the former Zaire and Yugoslavia. Recognizing that the problem of refugees is a universal one, the authors emphasize the human element which should be at the forefront of both the study of refugees and responses to them.
'Beguiling' The Times 'Compelling' Wall Street Journal 'A vivid portrait' Daily Mail Buried in the history of our most famous jail, a unique story of captivity, violence and race. British redcoats torch the White House and six thousand American sailors languish in the world's largest prisoner-of-war camp, Dartmoor. A myriad of races and backgrounds, with some prisoners as young as thirteen. Known as the 'hated cage', Dartmoor wasn't a place you'd expect to be full of life and invention. Yet prisoners taught each other foreign languages and science, put on plays and staged boxing matches. In daring efforts to escape they lived every prison-break cliche - how to hide the tunnel entrances, what to do with the earth... Drawing on meticulous research, The Hated Cage documents the extraordinary communities these men built within the prison - and the terrible massacre that destroyed these worlds. 'This is history as it ought to be - gripping, dynamic, vividly written' Marcus Rediker
To the British in 1945 the images of Bergen-Belsen concentration camp said everything necessary to illustrate and prove the extent of Nazi barbarity, yet the grim newsreel footage and radio reports did not tell the whole story. Over the following decades these potent representations became encrusted with myths and meanings that distorted the actuality of Belsen. Fifty years after the liberation of the camp, scholars and eyewitnesses can finally explore the extraordinary history of the camp, the experiences of the inmates and the work of the liberators. This volume presents the most authoritative recent scholarship on Belsen by British, American, German, French and Israeli historians. Drawing on documentary and oral sources in Yiddish, Hebrew, German, Dutch and French, often for the first time, it challenges many stereotypes about the camp, and reinstates the groups hitherto marginalised or ignored in accounts of the camp and its liberation.
Stephen Valone takes the first in-depth look at the China arms embargo (1919-1929) and places it in the larger context of United States foreign policy. Until now historians have focused on the formation of the Second Banking Consortium as the U.S.'s primary weapon against Japan's aspirations in China. Valone explores the crucial role that the China arms embargo concurrently played in limiting Japan's intentions. The embargo's ostensible goal was to inhibit the flow of weapons into China forcing rival Chinese factions to negotiate their differences at the conference table. The United States' deeper motive was to roll back Japan's influence and defend its Open Door policy in China. Valone's diplomatic history concludes with a positive assessment of the embargo as a tool of U.S. foreign policy. From 1919 to 1929 the United States participated in an international agreement known as the China arms embargo. Stephen Valone's study provides an in-depth coverage of this embargo. Chapters cover Japan's wartime gains in China; Japan's apogee; ban on loans; arms embargo; challenges to the embargo; embargo success; British defense; unsuccessful attempts to strengthen the embargo; and the Soviet threat and cancellation of the embargo.
This book argues that punishment's function is to communicate a message about an offenders' wrongdoing to society at large. It discusses both 'paradigmatic' cases of punishment, where a state punishes its own citizens, and non-paradigmatic cases such as the punishment of corporations and the punishment of war criminals by international tribunals.
To the British in 1945 the images of Bergen-Belsen concentration camp said everything necessary to illustrate and prove the extent of Nazi barbarity, yet the grim newsreel footage and radio reports did not tell the whole story. Over the following decades these potent representations became encrusted with myths and meanings that distorted the actuality of Belsen. Fifty years after the liberation of the camp, scholars and eyewitnesses can finally explore the extraordinary history of the camp, the experiences of the inmates and the work of the liberators. This volume presents the most authoritative recent scholarship on Belsen by British, American, German, French and Israeli historians. Drawing on documentary and oral sources in Yiddish, Hebrew, German, Dutch and French, often for the first time, it challenges many stereotypes about the camp, and reinstates the groups hitherto marginalised or ignored in accounts of the camp and its liberation. |
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