Income and asset disclosure systems (IAD) are gaining prominence as a tool in the fight against corruption, and have the potential to support efforts in both prevention and enforcement. They are intended to prevent and help detect the use of public office for private gain, and to help build a climate of integrity in public administration by detecting and helping officials avoid potential conflicts of interest. The potential for IAD systems to contribute to broader anticorruption efforts--such as national and international financial investigations and prosecutions, international asset recovery efforts, the prosecution of illicit enrichment, and the identification of politically exposed persons (PEPs) is as yet largely untapped. This volume of case studies and its companion volume (a guide for policymakers and practitioners) will promote interest in these areas and point the way for policymakers and practitioners to establish the capacities and institutional linkages required for this potential to be realized. There are a wide variety of approaches in IAD system design and implementation and a wide variety of challenges faced by different systems. New and emerging IAD systems may face challenges associated with resource and capacity constraints, political resistance to implementation, a lack of public awareness, or limited civil society capacity to support anticorruption efforts. Many established systems may also face the need to revise the legal framework, institutional arrangements, or enforcement mechanisms once it becomes apparent that original assumptions do not deliver expected results or unanticipated challenges emerge. This book and its companion volume identify the objectives, features, and mechanisms that can contribute to the effectiveness of an IAD system, and enhance its impact as a prevention and enforcement tool. It includes case studies of the IAD systems in Argentina; Croatia; Guatemala; Hong Kong SAR, China; Indonesia, Jordan, the Kyrgyz Republic; Mongolia; Rwanda; Slovenia; and the United States.

This is the book that Alex Boraine never wanted to write. As a native South African and a witness to the worst years of apartheid, he has known many of the leaders of the African National Congress in exile. He shared the jubilation of millions of South Africans when the ANC won the first democratic elections in 1994 and took up the reins of government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela.

Now, two decades later, he is forced to wonder what exactly has gone wrong in South Africa. Intolerance and corruption are the hallmarks of the governing party, while the worsening state of education, health, safety and security and employment strengthen the claim that South Africa is a failing state. Boraine explores this urgent and critical issue from the vantage point of wide experience as a minister, parliamentarian, co-founder of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) and Vice Chairperson of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Committee. He digs deep into the history of the ANC and concludes that both in exile and today, the ANC is slavishly committed to one party as the dominant ruling factor. All else - the Executive, Parliament, the Judiciary, civil society and the media - take second and third place. The ANC, Boraine claims, seeks to control every institution.

What's Gone Wrong? pulls no punches, but it also goes beyond strong criticism and offers a number of constructive proposals, including the re-alignment of politics as a way of preventing South Africa becoming a failed state. As South Africa mourns the loss of Mandela and embarks on another national election, with the ANC likely to begin a third decade of rule, this incisive, detailed critique is required reading for all who are interested in the fate of this young nation.

State failure is a central challenge to international peace and security in the post-Cold War era. Yet theorizing on the causes of state failure remains surprisingly limited. In State Erosion, Lawrence P. Markowitz draws on his extensive fieldwork in two Central Asian republics Tajikistan, where state institutions fragmented into a five-year civil war from 1992 through 1997, and Uzbekistan, which constructed one of the largest state security apparatuses in post-Soviet Eurasia to advance a theory of state failure focused on unlootable resources, rent seeking, and unruly elites.

In Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and other countries with low capital mobility where resources cannot be extracted, concealed, or transported to market without state intervention local elites may control resources, but they depend on patrons to convert their resources into rents. Markowitz argues that different rent-seeking opportunities either promote the cooptation of local elites to the regime or incite competition over rents, which in turn lead to either cohesion or fragmentation. Markowitz distinguishes between weak states and failed states, challenges the assumption that state failure in a country begins at the center and radiates outward, and expands the resource curse argument to include cash crop economies, where mechanisms of state failure differ from those involved in fossil fuels and minerals. Broadening his argument to weak states in the Middle East (Syria and Lebanon) and Africa (Zimbabwe and Somalia), Markowitz shows how the distinct patterns of state failure in weak states with immobile capital can inform our understanding of regime change, ethnic violence, and security sector reform."

A groundbreaking and stunning investigation into the shocking and untimely death of Vincent Walker Foster Jr., the deputy counsel to the President of the United States—President Bill Clinton’s childhood friend and Hillary Clinton’s closest confidante.

Was it murder or suicide?

This is the book the Clintons and murder conspiracy peddlers do not want you to read.

On July 20, 1993, Foster was found dead of an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound in the head in Fort Marcy Park, McLean, Virginia. His passing was the highest ranking government official’s death since President John Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963.

Foster’s mysterious death sparked a firestorm of controversy that engulfed the nation. Was it murder or suicide? The charges leveled against Hillary and Bill Clinton were serious: Foster knew too much. They had killed him. Clinton staffers removed evidence from his office. Must be a cover-up. Investigators never found the fatal bullet. It’s a conspiracy. On and on it went. But who was right?

Using new information exclusively obtained from the last person who officially saw Foster alive in the White House, and supported by the historical record documented in five official investigations that relied on the “available evidence,” investigative journalist Marinka Peschmann’s findings lead to a terrible conclusion.

American politics is corrupted, after reading Following Orders: The Death of Vince Foster, Clinton White House Lawyer, the sequel to The Whistleblower: How the Clinton White House Stayed in Power to Reemerge in the Obama White House and on the World Stage, no longer will Americans wonder how Washington became so broken when they see how those in power thwart the rule of law, obstruct justice, and are never held to account even at the deadly expense of long-time loyal friends and colleagues ... and it's happening again.

The most dangerous corner of Africa is its north-eastern Horn where instability reigns and terrorism thrives on the antagonisms of all it governments. The Horn of Africa comprising Ethiopia,Sudan and now South Sudan,Somalia,Djibouti,Eritrea,and stretching to include Kenya and Uganda, is a pivotal geopolitical pressure point in world politics.It stands at the hinge of Africa and the Middle East.It was of vital interest to the superpowers during the Cold War,attracting constant and unprofitable intervention.In the post-Cold War period regional political chaos,including failed states,terrorism and international piracy,has struck the death blow to the ambitions of the International Community's New World Order. The problems of the Horn,political,ideological,religious and ethnic, are compounded by natural disasters of widespread drought and famine,and have invited intervention by governments and NGOs.Tony Blair in his speech on the 'Doctrine of the International Community' referred to the suffering of Africa as 'a scar on the conscience of humanity'.But the New World Order's aim of 'good governance'-free elections,a free press,independent judiciary,recognition of human rights,gender equality and effective government free of corruption- seems as far off as ever. Of the many striking examples perhaps Somalia stands out as a failed state- and predatory state to the majority of its peoples-and as a seat of international terror and a society which has even spawned the present scourge of international piracy.International attention on the Horn is not limited to altruism in face of suffering with the burgeoning economic superpowers,China and India,exploiting mineral and land resources.So international rivalry-a traditional factor in the Horn's instability-will continue to haunt both its peoples and the international community. Peter Woodward's survey of the history, and regional and international relations of the Horn of Africa shows the crises have deep historical roots predating present state boundaries. These have been shaped by imperialism, sharpened by independence and by the Cold War. Chaos in the Horn has frustrated the ambitions of the post-Cold War's New World Order. This book is essential reading for all students of history, international relations and policy planners.

On a warm Saturday night in July 1973 in Bethesda, Maryland, a gunman stepped out from behind a tree and fired five point-blank shots into Joe Alon, an unassuming Israeli Air Force pilot and family man. Alon's sixteen-year-old neighbor, Fred Burton, was deeply shocked by this crime that rocked his sleepy suburban neighborhood. As it turned out, Alon wasn't just a pilot - he was a high-ranking military official with intelligence ties. The assassin was never found and the case was closed. In 2007, Fred Burton - who had since become a State Department counterterrorism special agent - reopened the case. Published to widespread praise, Chasing Shadows spins a gripping tale of the secret agents, double dealings, terrorists, and heroes he encounters as he chases leads around the globe in an effort to solve this decades-old murder.

The 1913 Federal Reserve Act let powerful bankers usurp money creation authority in violation of the Constitution's Article I, Section 8, giving only Congress the power to "coin Money (and) regulate the Value thereof...." Thereafter, powerful bankers used their control over money, credit and debt for private self-enrichment, bankrolling and colluding with Congress and administrations to implement laws favoring them. As a result, decades of deregulation, outsourcing, economic financialization, and casino capitalism followed, producing asset bubbles, record budget and national debt levels, and depression-sized unemployment far higher than reported numbers, albeit manipulated to look better. After the financial crisis erupted in late 2007, even harder times have left Main Street in the early stages of a depression, with recovery pure illusion. Today's contagion has spread out of control, globally. Wall Street got trillions of dollars in a desperate attempt to socialize losses, privatize profits, and pump life back into the corpses by blowing public wealth into a moribund financial sector, failing corporate favorites, and America's aristocracy. While Wall Street boasts it has recovered, industrial America keeps imploding. High-paying jobs are exported. Economic prospects are eroding. Austerity is being imposed, with no one sure how to revive stable, sustainable long-term growth. This book provides a powerful tool for showing angry Americans how they've been fleeced, and includes a plan for constructive change.

This is the book the Clinton's do not want you to read.

Who is the Whistleblower? It's not who you think it is.

The Whistleblower chronicles how Washington’s ruling elite have established a special justice system with special rights reserved for themselves. The story reveals a disturbing truth: the strategies and tactics that protected the Clinton White House from prosecution have reemerged and are being used today. These corrupting games played at the highest levels jeopardize the freedom of speech, and make a mockery out of the rule of law. Investigative journalist Marinka Peschmann has earned a devoted following because of her efforts to expose official corruption. She now fires a badly needed warning shot that puts the corrupt on notice and provides encouragement to those who expect and deserve better of their public servants.

Her work reads like a morality play—an allegory for our era offering a far greater message for America and a path to redemption for political systems through its often-surprising exposé of well-known and less-known characters of the Clinton era.

The Whistleblower begins before the indictments of the Clinton White House were abandoned as yesterday’s news and the legal resolve for convictions had been exhausted.

WINNER - NATIONAL BOOK AWARD FOR FICTION 2021 AN ENTERTAINMENT WEEKLY 'MUST READ' A TODAY SHOW BOOK CLUB PICK * * * * * Discover this astonishing work of fiction from award-winning, NEW YORK TIMES bestselling author Jason Mott. 'Powerful, timely and provocative' ABI DARE, author of GIRL WITH A LOUDING VOICE 'Jason Mott truly has written one hell of a book.' CANDICE CARTY-WILLIAMS, author of QUEENIE This is a true story. An author goes on a book tour for his new bestseller which, as people keep telling him, is one hell of a book. This is a coming-of-age story. One morning, he meets The Kid: a young Black boy who looks just like the one he keeps seeing on the news. And The Kid wants him to tell his story. This is a sad story. It's the story of a boy who spent most of his life trying to hide. And it may not be that different from the story of our author. This is a love story. But to find out why, you'll have to read this for yourself.

A non-fiction book about corruption in the Australian Government, Judiciary and Federal Police. There is no doubt it will spark a Royal Commission. The book is a great read for anyone who has an interest in politics and non-fiction books on corruption. It is a must read for anyone in the legal fraternity especially law students and other students studying Ethics and Professional Responsibility. It allows the reader to be a fly on the wall as it happened and also see the abuses of the legal system from a practical perspective not just a theoretical viewpoint as most books on Ethics and Professional Responsibility are solely theory based. The book also deals with corruption by the directors of Fairfax Media and their lawyers Freehills, including the directors of Freehills. The book includes documented evidence and names names. Some of the highlights are, but not limited to: 1. Prima Facie cases against a number of judicial officers for breaching section 34 of the 1914 Crimes Act. 2. The Attorney General, Robert McClelland, trying to cover up the corruption and caught out lying about referring the corruption to the Federal Police. 3. The Prime Minister Kevin Rudd turning a blind eye to the corruption and his own criminal history. 4. The current directors of Fairfax Media being in contempt of court. 5. A current judge having a sexual relationship with one of the respondents while the judge was hearing the matter. 6. Transcript evidence of a judicial officer lying while on the bench in relation to having a personal interest in the matters. When I started asking to many questions he quickly transferred the matters to the Federal Court. 7. The fraudulent costs bill sent to the author by Freehills Lawyers on behalf of Fairfax Media which showed criminal conduct and fraud etc. So much so that they could never enforce the costs. 8. The criminal history of a judicial officer which includes price fixing and bribing a witness. Plus much more. The Commonwealth Ombudsman, Professor John McMillan, has openly stated in an ABC Four Corners interview (October 2008) that the Australian Federal Police do not want to know about corruption in their own department. He said he was also told this directly by senior Australian Federal Police. This in itself says there needs to be a Royal Commission. It is worth noting that the Federal Police and the Federal Courts are all part of the Attorney Generals Department. Some of the topics the book raises and/or deals with are: judicial bias - judicial corruption - bribes - perceived bias - actual bias - breaching the Barrister Rules - breaching the Solicitor Rules - lack of ethics - abusing procedural fairness - abuse of processes - delaying tactics - over charging - attempted fraud - criminal conduct - attempting to pervert the course of justice - fabricating evidence - dereliction of duty - shredding of evidence personal interest. Just for the record on the front and back covers there are pictures of the Author holding a sign Justice Moore takes bribes. The photos were tendered as part of an affidavit in court before Justice Moore. The book has further information on history of the photos.

How have civil rights transformed racial politics in America? Connecting economic and social reforms to racial and class inequality, "Conjuring Crisis" counters the myth of steady race progress by analyzing how the federal government and local politicians have sometimes "reformed" politics in ways that have amplified racism in the post civil-rights era.

In the 1990s at Fort Bragg and Fayetteville, North Carolina, the city's dominant political coalition of white civic and business leaders had lost control of the city council. Amid accusations of racism in the police department, two white council members joined black colleagues in support of the NAACP's demand for an investigation. George Baca's ethnographic research reveals how residents and politicians transformed an ordinary conflict into a "crisis" that raised the specter of chaos and disaster. He explores new territory by focusing on the broader intersection of militarization, urban politics, and civil rights.

In this, er, 'unique' illustrated potted history of the human race, Twitter icon James Felton uses his inimitable brand of banter to unveil the slyest, creepiest and/or nastiest specimens who've ever lived. Enter the 16th Century Chinese Emperor Zhegende, whose harem was so big some of the women within it died of starvation, King Charles II's executioner who would only give you a clean beheading if you paid properly for it beforehand, and llya Ivanovich Ivanov, the 19th Century scientist who was a mega asshole and if you buy the book you'll find out why. Darkly funny, highly informative and always unbelievable, these are the dead people you should be mad at.

Corruption has blurred, and in some cases blinded, the vision of democracy in many Latin American nations. Weakened institutions and policies have facilitated the rise of corrupt leadership, election fraud, bribery, and clientelism. "Corruption and Democracy in Latin America" presents a groundbreaking national and regional study that provides policy analysis and prescription through a wide-ranging methodological, empirical, and theoretical survey.

The contributors offer analysis of key topics, including: factors that differentiate Latin American corruption from that of other regions; the relationship of public policy to corruption in regional perspective; patterns and types of corruption; public opinion and its impact; and corruption's critical links to democracy and governance.

Additional chapters present case studies on specific instances of corruption: diverted funds from a social program in Peru; Chilean citizens' attitudes toward corruption; the effects of interparty competition on vote buying in local Brazilian elections; and the determinants of state-level corruption in Mexico under Vicente Fox.

The volume concludes with a comparison of the lessons drawn from these essays to the evolution of anticorruption policy in Latin America over the past two decades. It also applies these lessons to the broader study of corruption globally to provide a framework for future research in this crucial area.

If Christians want to bring about social and economic justice for the poor and improve human rights they must tackle the issue of corruption. Daryl Balia explains the complex meaning of corruption and how it operates as a form of 'silent crime'. He considers what the Bible has to say about corruption and, using case studies from around the world, looks at how the problem can be tackled.

The Watergate scandal began with a break-in at the office of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate Hotel on June 17, 1971, and ended when President Gerald Ford granted Richard M. Nixon a pardon on September 8, 1974, one month after Nixon resigned from office in disgrace. Effectively removed from the reach of prosecutors, Nixon returned to California, uncontrite and unconvicted, convinced that time would exonerate him of any wrongdoing and certain that history would remember his great accomplishments--the opening of China and the winding down of the Vietnam War--and forget his "mistake," the "pipsqueak thing" called Watergate.
In 1977, three years after his resignation, Nixon agreed to a series of interviews with television personality David Frost. Conducted over twelve days, they resulted in twenty-eight hours of taped material, which were aired on prime-time television and watched by more than 50 million people worldwide. Nixon, a skilled lawyer by training, was paid $1 million for the interviews, confident that this exposure would launch him back into public life. Instead, they sealed his fate as a political pariah.
James Reston, Jr., was David Frost's Watergate advisor for the interiews, and The Conviction of Richard Nixon is his intimate, behind-the-scenes account of his involvement. Originally written in 1977 and published now for the first time, this book helped inspire Peter Morgan's hit play Frost/Nixon. Reston doggedly researched the voluminous Watergate record and worked closely with Frost to develop the interrogation strategy. Even at the time, Reston recognized the historical importance of the Frost/Nixon interviews; they would result either in Nixon'sde facto conviction and vindication for the American people, or in his exoneration and public rehabilitation in the hands of a lightweight. Focused, driven, and committed to exposing the truth, Reston worked tirelessly to arm Frost with the information he needed to force Nixon to admit his culpability.
In "The Conviction of Richard Nixon," Reston provides a fascinating, fly-on-the-wall account of his involvement in the Nixon interviews as David Frost's Watergate adviser. Written in 1977 immediately following these celebrated television interviews and published now for the first time, "The Conviction of Richard Nixon" explains how a British journalist of waning consequence drove the famously wily and formidable Richard Nixon to say, in an apparent personal epiphany, "I have impeached myself."

"From the Hardcover edition."

2009 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title If George Washington and Abraham Lincoln are the saints in America's civil religion, then the twenty-ninth president, Warren G. Harding, is our sinner. Prior to the Nixon administration, the Harding scandals were the most infamous of the twentieth century. Harding is consistently judged a failure, ranking dead last among his peers. By examining the public memory of Harding, Phillip G. Payne offers the first significant reinterpretation of his presidency in a generation. Rather than repeating the old stories, Payne examines the contexts and continued meaning of the Harding scandals for various constituencies. Payne explores such topics as Harding's importance as a midwestern small-town booster, his rumored black ancestry, the role of various biographers in shaping his early image, the tension between public memory and academic history, and, finally, his status as an icon of presidential failure in contemporary political debates. Harding was a popular president and was widely mourned when he died in office in 1923; but with his death began the construction of his public memory and his fall from political grace. In Dead Last, Payne explores how Harding's name became synonymous with corruption, cronyism, and incompetence and how it is used to this day as an example of what a president should not be.

2009 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title If George Washington and Abraham Lincoln are the saints in America's civil religion, then the twenty-ninth president, Warren G. Harding, is our sinner. Prior to the Nixon administration, the Harding scandals were the most infamous of the twentieth century. Harding is consistently judged a failure, ranking dead last among his peers. By examining the public memory of Harding, Phillip G. Payne offers the first significant reinterpretation of his presidency in a generation. Rather than repeating the old stories, Payne examines the contexts and continued meaning of the Harding scandals for various constituencies. Payne explores such topics as Harding's importance as a midwestern small-town booster, his rumored black ancestry, the role of various biographers in shaping his early image, the tension between public memory and academic history, and, finally, his status as an icon of presidential failure in contemporary political debates. Harding was a popular president and was widely mourned when he died in office in 1923; but with his death began the construction of his public memory and his fall from political grace. In Dead Last, Payne explores how Harding's name became synonymous with corruption, cronyism, and incompetence and how it is used to this day as an example of what a president should not be.

In recent years, corruption has become a major threat to political systems around the world due to its ability to damage and destabilize national as well as international democratic institutions. Since the end of the Cold War, corruption has not entirely changed in its pathology. However, this phenomenon has become a serious political and economic danger for states and regions, especially in Latin America. This book intends to analyze recent concerns raised by the problem of this region, focusing on three countries: Argentina, Chile and Ecuador. It gives an overview of definitions, forms and typologies of corruption as well as its causes and effects. Moreover, this book introduces and discusses different approaches offered as solutions to corruption. The case studies allow a possible explanation of the degree of propensity that these countries show towards corruption.

FEMINISM & HOMOSEXUALITY; HOW HETEROSEXUALITY WORKS Feminism, our official gender ideology, masquerades as a movement for woman's rights. In reality, feminism is a cruel hoax, telling women their natural biological instincts are "socially constructed" to oppress them. Feminism is elite social engineering designed to destroy gender identity by making women masculine and men feminine. Increasingly heterosexuals are conditioned to behave like homosexuals who generally don't marry and have children. Courtship and monogamy are being replaced by sexual promiscuity, prophesied in Aldous Huxley's Brave New World. Rockefeller and Rothschild created feminism to poison male-female relations (divide and conquer.) Their twin objectives are depopulation and totalitarian world government. Why? These bankers create money out of nothing and think they are God. "Cruel Hoax" shows the connection between feminism, Communism and 9-11. It examines male-female relations and shows how we can take back our heterosexuality.

As the European Union moved in the 1990s to a unified market and stronger common institutions, most observers assumed that the changes would reduce corruption. Aspects of the stronger EU promised to preclude or at least reduce malfeasance: regulatory harmonization, freer trade, and privatization of publicly owned enterprises. Market efficiencies would render corrupt practices more visible and less common.

In The Best System Money Can Buy, Carolyn M. Warner systematically and often entertainingly gives the lie to these assumptions and provides a framework for understanding the persistence of corruption in the Western states of the EU. In compelling case studies, she shows that under certain conditions, politicians and firms across Europe, chose to counter the increased competition they faced due to liberal markets and political reforms by resorting to corruption. More elections have made ever-larger funding demands on political parties; privatization has proved to be a theme park for economic crime and party profit; firms and politicians collude in many areas where EU harmonization has resulted in a net reduction in law-enforcement powers; and state-led "export promotion" efforts, especially in the armaments, infrastructure, and energy sectors, have virtually institutionalized bribery.

The assumptions that corruption and modernity are incompatible or that Western Europe is somehow immune to corruption simply do not hold, as Warner conveys through colorful analyses of scandals in which large corporations, politicians, and bureaucrats engage in criminal activity in order to facilitate mergers and block competition, and in which officials accept private payments for public services rendered. At the same time, the book shows the extent to which corruption is driven by the very economic and political reforms thought to decrease it."

Performance based oversight and accountability can serve as an important antidote to government corruption, inefficiency, and waste. This volume provides an analytical framework and operational approaches needed for the implementation of results-based accountability. The volume makes a major contribution to the literature on public management and evaluation. Major subject areas covered in this book include: performance based accountability, e-government, network solutions to performance measurement and improvement; institutions of accountability in governance; legal and institutional framework to hold government to account; fighting corruption; external accountability; ensuring integrity of revenue administration; the role of supreme audit institutions on detecting fraud and corruption; and the role of parliamentary budget offices and public accounts committees.

Corruption... How can policymakers and practitioners better comprehend the many forms and shapes that this socialpandemic takes? From the delivery of essential drugs, the reduction in teacher absenteeism, the containment of illegal logging, the construction of roads, the provision of water andelectricity, the international trade in oil and gas, the conduct of public budgeting and procurement, and the management of public revenues, corruption shows its many faces. 'The Many Faces of Corruption' attempts to bring greater clarity to the often murky manifestations of this virulent and debilitating social disease. It explores the use of prototype road maps to identify corruption vulnerabilities, suggests corresponding 'warning signals, ' and proposes operationally useful remedial measures in each of several selected sectors and for a selected sampleof cross cutting public sector functions that are particularlyprone to corruption and that are critical to sector performance.Numerous technical experts have come together in this effort to develop an operationally useful approach to diagnosing and tackling corruption. 'The Many Faces of Corruption' is an invaluable reference for policymakers, practitioners, andresearchers engaged in the business of development.

While Fidel Castro maintains his longtime grip on Cuba, revolutionary scholars and policy analysts have turned their attention from how Castro succeeded (and failed), to how Castro himself will be succeeded-- by a new government. Among the many questions to be answered is how the new government will deal with the corruption that has become endemic in Cuba. Even though combating corruption cannot be the central aim of post-Castro policy, Sergio Di az-Briquets and Jorge Pe rez-Lo pez suggest that, without a strong plan to thwart it, corruption will undermine the new economy, erode support for the new government, and encourage organized crime. In short, unless measures are taken to stem corruption, the new Cuba could be as messy as the old Cuba.

Fidel Castro did not bring corruption to Cuba; he merely institutionalized it. Official corruption has crippled Cuba since the colonial period, but Castro's state-run monopolies, cronyism, and lack of accountability have made Cuba one of the world's most corrupt states. The former communist countries in Eastern Europe were also extremely corrupt, and analyses of their transitional periods suggest that those who have taken measures to control corruption have had more successful transitions, regardless of whether the leadership tilted toward socialism or democracy. To that end, Di az-Briquets and Pe rez-Lo pez, both Cuban Americans, do not advocate any particular system for Cuba's next government, but instead prescribe uniquely Cuban policies to minimize corruption whatever direction the country takes after Castro. As their work makes clear, averting corruption may be the most critical obstacle increating a healthy new Cuba.