In The Swamp, bestselling author Eric Bolling presents an infuriating, amusing, revealing, and outrageous history of American politics, past and present, Republican and Democrat. From national political scandals to tempests in a teapot that blew up; sex, bribery, blackmail, bullying, and backroom deals that contradicted public policies; cronyism that cost taxpayers billions upon billions of dollars; and personal conduct that can only be described as regrettable, The Swamp is a journey downriver through the bayous and marshes of Capitol Hill and Foggy Bottom. The presidential election of 2016 was ugly, but it exposed a political, media, industry, and elite establishment that desperately wanted to elect a politician who received millions of dollars from terror-funding states over a businessman willing to tell the corrupt or incompetent, "You're fired." The book concludes with a series of recommendations for President Trump: practical, hard headed, commonsensical, and concise ways to drain the swamp and force Washington to be more transparent, accountable, and effective in how it serves those who have elected its politicians and pay the bills for their decisions. Entertaining and timely, The Swamp is the perfect book for today's political climate.

Professor Allan J. Lichtman, who has correctly forecasted thirty years of presidential elections, makes the case for impeaching the 45th president of the United States, Donald J. Trump. Impeachment will 'proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust,' and 'they relate chiefly to injuries done immediately to the society itself. ' (Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist, 1788) Professor Allan J. Lichtman, who has correctly forecasted thirty years of presidential elections, makes the case for impeaching the 45th president of the United States, Donald J. Trump In the fall of 2016, Distinguished Professor of History at American University Allan Lichtman made headlines when he predicted that Donald J. Trump would defeat Democrat, Hillary Clinton, to win the presidential election. Now, in clear, nonpartisan terms, Lichtman lays out the reasons Congress could remove Trump from the Oval Office: his ties to Russia before and after the election, the complicated financial conflicts of interest at home and abroad, and his abuse of executive authority. The Case for Impeachment also offers a fascinating look at presidential impeachments throughout American history, including the often-overlooked story of Andrew Johnson's impeachment, details about Richard Nixon's resignation, and Bill Clinton's hearings. Lichtman shows how Trump exhibits many of the flaws (and more) that have doomed past presidents. As the Nixon Administration dismissed the reporting of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein as 'character assassination' and 'a vicious abuse of the journalistic process,' Trump has attacked the 'dishonest media,' claiming, 'the press should be ashamed of themselves.' Historians, legal scholars, and politicians alike agree: we are in politically uncharted waters. The durability of institutions is being undermined and the public's confidence in them is eroding, threatening American democracy itself. The world wants to know where the United States is headed. Lichtman argues, with clarity and power, that for Donald Trump's presidency, smoke has become fire.

Banks accused of rate-fixing. Members of Parliament cooking the books. Major defence contractors investigated over suspect arms deals. Police accused of being paid off by tabloids. The headlines are unrelenting these days. Perhaps it's high time we ask: just exactly how corrupt is Britain? David Whyte brings together a wide range of leading commentators and campaigners, offering a series of troubling answers. Unflinchingly facing the corruption in British public life, they show that it is no longer tenable to assume that corruption is something that happens elsewhere; corrupt practices are revealed across a wide range of venerated institutions, from local government to big business. These powerful exposes shine a light on the corruption fundamentally embedded in UK politics, police and finance.

As in most countries of the former Warsaw Pact or of Eastern Europe with a socialist-communist regime, in former Yugoslavia too, the birth of organised crime groups was a direct product of state security services of authoritative regimes in decadence. The roots of most of these groups are to be found in the association of the state securities or secret polices with the crime-milieu. The formal practice of employing professional criminals for state-operations organised and supported by these obscure state services was established and conducted from the early beginnings of socialists/communist regimes onward. For the regime, the use of an otherwise problematic social layer at the margins of socialist societies was founded on the principle of like cures like'. Using this method, the state security service in former Yugoslavia employed professional criminals in the elimination of political dissidents, enemies of socialism' and used their services to produce illicit profit for its financing. When the Milosevic regime rose to power, the Service' just changed its master' but the method remained the same. Professional criminals were recruited to join or to lead a so called unit of volunteers'. Often these criminals exchanged their time in prison for a time at the battlefield'. The Serbian warlords were able to carry out the political goals of the Belgrade-regime and were granted in exchange open hands' in looting and developing illicit trade. As feudal vassals they exchanged their services for the privileges they obtained from the state. From the margins of society, empowered by crime, sustained by the media, fully benefiting on violence, they rose to the highest peaks of Serbian society. This book's goal is to depict the rise of the Serbian warrior-aristocracy.

There are many types of political scandals: sex, corruption, and election scandals are but a few. Political scandals are public events that have tremendous consequence on citizenry and can undermine democratic institutions-when we pay attention to scandal, we risk ignoring weightier matters. This volume brings together an array of academics to explore the impact of political scandals. What makes this book different from others is the wide spectrum of perspectives brought together to help analyze a single subject.

In April 1956, Portland Oregonian investigative reporters Wallace Turner and William Lambert exposed organized crime rackets and rampant corruption within Portland's law enforcement institutions. The biggest scandal involved Teamsters officials and the city's lucrative prostitution, gambling, and bootlegging operations. Turner and Lambert blew the cover on the Teamsters' scheme to take over alcohol sales and distribution and profit from these fringe enterprises. The Rose City was seething with vice and intrigue. The expose and other reports of racketeering from around the country incited a national investigation into crime networks and union officials headed by the McClellan Committee, or officially, the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field. The commission discovered evidence in Portland that helped prove Teamsters president Dave Beck's embezzlement of union funds and union vice president Jimmy Hoffa's connection to the mob. Dark Rose reveals the fascinating and sordid details of an important period in the history of what by the end of the century had become a great American city. It is a story of Portland's repeated and often failed efforts to flush out organized crime and municipal corruption - a familiar story for many mid-twentieth-century American cities that were attempting to clean up their police departments and municipal governments. Dark Rose also helps explain the heritage of Portland's reform politics and the creation of what is today one of the country's most progressive cities. Watch the book trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zkf6_dbIE8A

Oil is the lifeblood of modern civilization, and the industry that supplies it has been the subject of intense interest and scrutiny, as well as countless books. And yet, almost no attention has been paid to little-known characters vital to the industry-secretive fixers and oil traders, lobbyists and PR agents, gangsters and dictators-allied with competing governments and multinational corporations. Virtually every stage in oil's production process, from discovery to consumption, is greased by secret connections, corruption, and violence, even if little of that is visible to the public. The energy industry, to cite just one measure, violates the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act more often than any other economic sector, even weapons. This book sets out to tell the story of this largely hidden world. Based on trips to New York, Houston, New Orleans, Paris, Geneva, and Phnom Penh, among other far-flung locales, The Secret World of Oil includes up-close portraits of Louisiana oilmen and their political handlers; an urbane, captivating London fixer; and an oil dictator's playboy son who had to choose among more than three dozen luxury vehicles before heading out to party in Los Angeles. Supported by funding from the prestigious Open Society Foundations, this is both an entertaining global travelogue and a major work of investigative reporting.

Deception in High Places reveals the corruption endemic in Britain's biggest arms deals over the last fifty years. Based on painstaking research in government archives, collections of private and court papers and documents won by the author in a landmark Freedom of Information Tribunal against the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the book illuminates a shadow world of bribery and elite enrichment. Deception in High Places charts British government involvement in arms trade corruption and presents the fullest history yet of bribery in Britain's arms deals with Saudi Arabia. It includes the backstory of the controversial termination of a Serious Fraud Office corruption investigation following pressure by the Saudi Royal Family and the British establishment.

This is the book President Jacob Zuma does not want you to read. From Shaik to ‘The Spear’, award-winning investigative journalist Adriaan Basson reveals the truth behind Jacob Zuma’s presidency of the ANC and South Africa.

From one bad decision to another, this explosive, roller-coaster account traces the unravelling of a likeable but deeply flawed leader who came to power as victim, not visionary. Basson forensically unpacks the charges against Zuma and reveals a president whose first priority is to serve and protect his own, rather than the 50 million people he was elected to lead.

To be published on the eve of the ANC elective conference in Mangaung, this is essential reading for any South African who cares about the country they live in.

In April 1956, Portland "Oregonian" investigative reporters Wallace Turner and William Lambert exposed organized crime rackets and rampant corruption within the city's law enforcement institutions. The biggest scandal involved Teamsters officials and the city's lucrative prostitution, gambling, and bootlegging operations. Turner and Lambert blew the cover on the Teamsters scheme to take over alcohol sales and distribution and profit from these fringe enterprises. The Rose City was seething with vice and intrigue.

The expose and other reports of racketeering from around the country incited a national investigation into crime networks and union officials headed by the McClellan Committee, or officially, the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field. The Commission discovered evidence in Portland that helped prove Teamsters President Dave Beck's embezzlement of union funds and union Vice President Jimmy Hoffa's connection to the mob.

"Dark Rose" reveals the fascinating and sordid details of an important period in the history of what by the end of the century had become a great American city. It is a story of Portland's repeated and often failed efforts to flush out organized crime and municipal corruption-a familiar story for many mid-twentieth-century American cities that were attempting to clean up their police departments and municipal governments. "Dark Rose" also helps explain the heritage of Portland reform politics and the creation of what is today one of the country's most progressive cities.

""Dark Rose" takes readers inside a seamy and significant episode in Portland's history, complete with snitches, secret tapes, and a Congressional spotlight on the city's corruption that made it a national object lesson for municipal reform." -William Lang, Portland State University

"An absorbing account of a time when criminals, politicians, and labor leaders ran an open city of corruption, gambling, and prostitution, until a newspaper did its job. The book is gripping for the names you won't recognize, and the names you will." -David Sarasohn, "The Oregonian"

Robert C. Donnelly is assistant professor of history at Gonzaga University."

Corruption has been around for a very long time and will be around in the future unless governments can figure out effective ways to combat it. This is not going to be easy. Although the study of the causes and consequences of corruption has a long history in economics, going back 30 years to seminal contributions on what economists call rent seeking, related empirical work on quantifying the extent of corruption and putting a dollar sign on its economic effects has been limited. This is hardly surprising since most corruption is clandestine. Also, determining just how efficient government institutions are is not what would be called an exact science. As a consequence, corruption is notoriously hard to measure and empirical economic research on the question is fairly meagre. The prevailing view is that corruption is harmful to economic growth. This new book presents the latest research from around the globe.

During the Soviet era, blat the use of personal networks for obtaining goods and services in short supply and for circumventing formal procedures was necessary to compensate for the inefficiencies of socialism. The collapse of the Soviet Union produced a new generation of informal practices. In How Russia Really Works, Alena V. Ledeneva explores practices in politics, business, media, and the legal sphere in Russia in the 1990s from the hiring of firms to create negative publicity about one's competitors, to inventing novel schemes of tax evasion and engaging in "alternative" techniques of contract and law enforcement.

Ledeneva discovers ingenuity, wit, and vigor in these activities and argues that they simultaneously support and subvert formal institutions. They enable corporations, the media, politicians, and businessmen to operate in the post-Soviet labyrinth of legal and practical constraints but consistently undermine the spirit, if not the letter, of the law. The "know-how" Ledeneva describes in this book continues to operate today and is crucial to understanding contemporary Russia."

'One of the most important books I've read in years' Brian Eno We are losing the commons. Austerity and neoliberal policies have depleted our shared wealth; our national utilities have been sold off to foreign conglomerates, social housing is almost non-existent, our parks are cordoned off for private events and our national art galleries are sponsored by banks and oil companies. This plunder deprives us all of our common rights, recognized as far back as the Magna Carta and the Charter of the Forest of 1217, to share fairly and equitably in our public wealth. Guy Standing leads us through a new appraisal of the commons, stemming from the medieval concept of common land reserved in ancient law from marauding barons, to his modern reappraisal of the resources we all hold in common - a brilliant new synthesis that crystallises quite how much public wealth has been redirected to the 1% in recent decades through the state-approved exploitation of everything from our land to our state housing, health and benefit systems, to our justice system, schools, newspapers and even the air we breathe. Plunder of the Commons proposes a charter for a new form of commoning, of remembering, guarding and sharing that which belongs to us all, to slash inequality and soothe our current political instability.