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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies
With a background of technological and communication innovations,
socialization research, particularly as it refers to cultural and
academic learning, has become increasingly connected with the
business and economic aspects of global societies. Nationalism,
Cultural Indoctrination, and Economic Prosperity in the Digital Age
examines the doctrines that society is expected not to question,
particularly the influence these beliefs have on business and the
prosperity of the world as a whole. This book is an essential
resource for business executives, scholar-practitioners, and
students who need a multidisciplinary approach to the effects of
culture on cognitive strategies and professional methodologies.
This book explores the origins, conduct, and failure of Greek
Cypriot nationalists to achieve the unification of Cyprus with
Greece. Andrew Novo addresses the anti-colonial struggle in the
context of: the competition for the nationalist narrative in Cyprus
between the Left and Right, the duelling Greek-Cypriot and
Turkish-Cypriot nationalisms in Cyprus, the role of Turkey and
Greece in the conflict on the island, and the concerns of the
British Empire during its retrenchment following the Second World
War. More than a narrative history of the period, an analysis of
British policy, or a description of counter-insurgency operations,
this book lays out an examination of the underpinnings of the
enosis cause and its manifestation in action. It argues that the
strategic myopia of the enosis movement shackled the cause, defined
its conduct, and was the primary reason for its failure. Divided
and occupied, Cyprus, and the world, deal with its unresolved
legacy to this day.
"A first-rate survey of the various strands of domestic extremism,
from far left to far right, that are increasingly convulsing our
country. A must-read for students, scholars, officials, and others
entering this important field."--Mark Potok, Southern Poverty Law
Center "With contributions on areas ranging from anti-abortion
extremism to modern anarchism and black nationalism, this is a
fascinating study of an often neglected and vital area of American
politics."--Martin Durham, author of White Rage: The Extreme Right
and American Politics The American Republic was born in revolt
against the British crown, and ever since, political extremism has
had a long tradition in the United States. To some observers, the
continued presence of extremist groups--and the escalation of their
activities--portends the fragmentation of the country, while others
believe such is the way American pluralism works. The word
extremism often carries negative connotations, yet in 1964 Barry
Goldwater famously said, "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no
vice." Extremism in America is a sweeping overview and assessment
of the various brands of bigotry, prejudice, zealotry, dogmatism,
and partisanship found in the United States, including the extreme
right, the antiglobalization movement, Black Nationalism, Chicano
separatism, militant Islam, Jewish extremism, eco-extremism, the
radical antiabortion movement, and extremist terrorism. Many of
these forms of single-minded intolerance are repressed by both the
state and society at large, but others receive significant support
from their constituencies and enjoy a level of respectability in
some quarters of the mainstream. The essays in this volume examine
the relationship between these movements and the larger society,
dissect the arguments of contemporary American anarchist activists,
look at recent trends in political extremism, and suggest how and
why such arguments resonate with a considerable number of people.
For an element so firmly fixed in American culture, the frontier
myth is surprisingly flexible. How else to explain its having taken
two such different guises in the twentieth century - the
progressive, forward-looking politics of Rough Rider president
Teddy Roosevelt and the conservative, old-fashioned character and
Cold War politics of Ronald Reagan? This is the conundrum at the
heart of Cowboy Presidents, which explores the deployment and
consequent transformation of the frontier myth by four U.S.
presidents: Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon B. Johnson, Ronald Reagan,
and George W. Bush. Behind the shape-shifting of this myth,
historian David A. Smith finds major events in American and world
history that have made various aspects of the 'Old West' frontier
more relevant, and more useful, for promoting radically different
political ideologies and agendas. And these divergent adaptations
of frontier symbolism have altered the frontier myth. Theodore
Roosevelt, with his vigorous pursuit of an activist federal
government, helped establish a version of the frontier myth that
today would be considered liberal. But then, Smith shows, a series
of events from the Lyndon Johnson through Jimmy Carter presidencies
- including Vietnam, race riots, and stagflation - seemed to give
the lie to the progressive frontier myth. In the wake of these
crises, Smith's analysis reveals, the entire structure and popular
representation of frontier symbols and images in American politics
shifted dramatically from left to right, and from liberal to
conservative, with profound implications for the history of
American thought and presidential politics. The now popular idea
that 'frontier American' leaders and politicians are naturally
Republicans with conservative ideals flows directly from the Reagan
era. Cowboy Presidents gives us a new, clarifying perspective on
how Americans shape and understand their national identity and
sense of purpose; at the same time, reflecting on the essential
mutability of a quintessentially national myth, the book suggests
that the next iteration of the frontier myth may well be on the
horizon.
Throughout Spanish colonial America, limpieza de sangre (literally,
"purity of blood ") determined an individual's status within the
complex system of social hierarchy called casta. Within this
socially stratified culture, those individuals at the top were
considered to have the highest calidad-an all-encompassing
estimation of a person's social status. At the top of the social
pyramid were the Peninsulares: Spaniards born in Spain, who
controlled most of the positions of power within the colonial
governments and institutions. Making up most of the middle-class
were criollos, locally born people of Spanish ancestry. During the
late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Peninsulare
intellectuals asserted their cultural superiority over criollos by
claiming that American Spaniards had a generally lower calidad
because of their "impure " racial lineage. Still, given their
Spanish heritage, criollos were allowed employment at many Spanish
institutions in New Spain, including the center of Spanish
religious practice in colonial America: Mexico City Cathedral.
Indeed, most of the cathedral employees-in particular,
musicians-were middle-class criollos. In Playing in the Cathedral,
author Jesus Ramos-Kittrell explores how liturgical
musicians-choristers and instrumentalists, as well as teachers and
directors-at Mexico City Cathedral in the mid-eighteenth century
navigated changing discourses about social status and racial
purity. He argues that criollos cathedral musicians, influenced by
Enlightenment values of self-industry and autonomy, fought against
the Peninsulare-dominated, racialized casta system. Drawing on
extensive archival research, Ramos-Kittrell shows that these
musicians held up their musical training and knowledge, as well as
their institutional affiliation with the cathedral, as
characteristics that legitimized their calidad and aided their
social advancement. The cathedral musicians invoked claims of
"decency " and erudition in asserting their social worth, arguing
that their performance capabilities and theoretical knowledge of
counterpoint bespoke their calidad and status as hombres decentes.
Ultimately, Ramos-Kittrell argues that music, as a performative and
theoretical activity, was a highly dynamic factor in the cultural
and religious life of New Spain, and an active agent in the
changing discourses of social status and "Spanishness " in colonial
America. Offering unique and fascinating insights into the social,
institutional, and artistic spheres in New Spain, this book is a
welcome addition to scholars and graduate students with particular
interests in Latin American colonial music and cultural history, as
well as those interested in the intersections of music and
religion.
"This absolutely splendid book is a triumph on every level. A
first-rate history of the United States, it is beautifully written,
deeply researched, and filled with entertaining stories. For anyone
who wants to see our democracy flourish, this is the book to
read."-Doris Kearns Goodwin, author of Team of Rivals To all who
say our democracy is broken riven by partisanship, undermined by
extremism, corrupted by wealth history offers hope. In nearly every
generation since the nation's founding, critics have lodged similar
complaints, and yet the nation is still standing. In Democracy: A
Case Study, Harvard Business School professor David Moss reveals
that the United States has often thrived on conflict. Democracy's
nineteen case studies take us from James Madison and Alexander
Hamilton's debates in the run up to the Constitutional Convention
to Citizens United. They were honed in Moss's popular and highly
influential course at the Harvard Business School and are now being
taught in high schools across the country. Each one presents
readers with a pivotal moment in U.S. history and raises questions
facing key decision makers at the time: Should the delegates
support Madison's proposal for a congressional veto over state
laws? Should President Lincoln resupply Fort Sumter? Should Florida
lawmakers approve or reject the Equal Rights Amendment? Readers are
asked to weigh the choices and consequences, wrestle with momentous
decisions, and come to their own conclusions. Moss invites us to
consider what distinguishes a constructive from a destructive
conflict, to engage in the passionate debates that are crucial to a
healthy society, and to experience American history anew. You will
come away from this engaging and thought-provoking book with a
deeper understanding of American democracy's greatest strengths and
weaknesses-and a new appreciation of its extraordinary resilience.
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For My Legionaries
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Corneliu Zelea Codreanu; Introduction by Kerry Bolton; Contributions by Lucian Tudor
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A compelling explanation of how conservatism is no longer what its
founders intended and how it has been transformed into a tool of
materialist economics and emptied of much of its original meaning.
During America's 19th-century Gilded Age, free-enterprise
capitalist ideas distorted and deeply obscured traditional
political conservatism. Conservatism today, argues distinguished
historian Mario R. DiNunzio, is a grotesque version of the ideology
crafted by its founders, including John Adams in America and Edmund
Burke in England. This compelling book provides a survey of
conservative thought and its transformation that originated in the
late 19th century, exposing the influence of that transformed
conservatism on 20th-century American politics—from Hoover to
Goldwater to Reagan and on to the Tea Party. It explains the
historical foundations of conservative thought and the radical
transformation of conservatism into a vastly different ideology
primarily concerned with the defense of unfettered capitalism and
extreme rights of individuals, as opposed to the values of
traditional conservatism: community, good order, tempered change,
and enduring values. DiNunzio challenges conservatives and scholars
of conservatism to confront the differences between what passes for
conservatism in modern-day American politics and the tenets of the
original conservative tradition.
An urgent, thrilling, and original look at the future of democracy that illuminates one of the most important battles of our time: the future of freedom and how to contain and defeat the autocrats mushrooming around the world.
In his bestselling book The End of Power, Moisés Naím examined power-diluting forces. In The Revenge of Power, Naím turns to the trends, conditions, technologies and behaviors that are contributing to the concentration of power, and to the clash between those forces that weaken power and those that strengthen it. He concentrates on the three “P”s―populism, polarization, and post-truths. All of which are as old as time, but are combined by today’s autocrats to undermine democratic life in new and frightening ways. Power has not changed. But the way people go about gaining it and using it has been transformed.
The Revenge of Power is packed with alluring characters, riveting stories about power grabs and losses, and vivid examples of the tricks and tactics used by autocrats to counter the forces that are weakening their power. It connects the dots between global events and political tactics that, when taken together, show a profound and often stealthy transformation in power and politics worldwide. Using the best available data and insights taken from recent research in the social sciences, Naím reveals how, on close examination, the same set of strategies to consolidate power pop up again and again in places with vastly different political, economic, and social circumstances, and offers insights about what can be done to ensure that freedom and democracy prevail.
The outcomes of these battles for power will determine if our future will be more autocratic or more democratic. Naím addresses the questions at the heart of the matter: Why is power concentrating in some places while in others it is fragmenting and degrading? And the big question: What is the future of freedom?
With the summer of 2012 marking half a century of independence for
Algeria, the Algerian War has been brought into discussions in
France once more, where parallels between the past and present are
revealed. This analysis takes an in-depth look at the war from 1954
to 1962 and the response from the French left. Drawing from
documents and interviews, it offers a full account of not only the
role of the revolutionary left in giving political and practical
solidarity to the Algerian liberation struggle, but also that of
the Trotskyists during that period. Including a section on how the
war has been reflected in fiction, this volume is sure to interest
academics across various fields.
In October 1875, two months after the takeover of the Somali
coastal town of Zeila, an Egyptian force numbering 1,200 soldiers
departed from the city to occupy Harar, a prominent Muslim hub in
the Horn of Africa. In doing so, they turned this sovereign emirate
into an Egyptian colony that became a focal meeting point of
geopolitical interests, with interactions between Muslim Africans,
European powers, and Christian Ethiopians. In Emirate, Egyptian,
Ethiopian, Ben-Dror tells the story of Turco-Egyptian colonial
ambitions and the processes that integrated Harar into the global
system of commerce that had begun enveloping the Red Sea. This new
colonial era in the city's history inaugurated new standards of
government, society, and religion. Drawing on previously untapped
Egyptian, Harari, Ethiopian, and European archival sources,
Ben-Dror reconstructs the political, social, economic, religious,
and cultural history of the occupation, which included building
roads, reorganizing the political structure, and converting many to
Islam. He portrays the complexity of colonial interactions as an
influx of European merchants and missionaries settled in Harar. By
shedding light on the dynamic historical processes, Ben-Dror
provides new perspectives on the important role of non-European
imperialists in shaping the history of these regions.
What are you willing to do to survive? What are you willing to
endure if it means you might live? 'Achingly moving, gives
much-needed hope . . . Deserves the status both as a valuable
historical source and as a stand-out memoir' Daily Express 'A story
that needs to be heard' 5***** Reader Review Entering Terezin, a
Nazi concentration camp, Franci was expected to die. She refused.
In the summer of 1942, twenty-two-year-old Franci Rabinek -
designated a Jew by the Nazi racial laws - arrived at Terezin, a
concentration camp and ghetto forty miles north of her home in
Prague. It would be the beginning of her three-year journey from
Terezin to the Czech family camp in Auschwitz-Birkenau, to the
slave labour camps in Hamburg, and finally to Bergen Belsen.
Franci, a spirited and glamorous young woman, was known among her
fellow inmates as the Prague dress designer. Having endured the
transportation of her parents, she never forgot her mother's
parting words: 'Your only duty to us is to stay alive'. During an
Auschwitz selection, Franci would spontaneously lie to Nazi officer
Dr Josef Mengele, and claim to be an electrician. A split-second
decision that would go on to endanger - and save - her life.
Unpublished for 50 years, Franci's War is an astonishing account of
one woman's attempt to survive. Heartbreaking and candid, Franci
finds the light in her darkest years and the horrors she faces
instill in her, strength and resilience to survive and to live
again. She gives a voice to the women prisoners in her tight-knit
circle of friends. Her testimony sheds new light on the alliances,
love affairs, and sexual barter that took place during the
Holocaust, offering a compelling insight into the resilience and
courage of ordinary people in an extraordinary situation. Above
all, Franci's War asks us to explore what it takes to survive, and
what it means to truly live. 'A candid account of shocking events.
Franci is someone many women today will be able to identify with'
5***** Reader Review 'First-hand accounts of life in Nazi death
camps never lose their terrible power but few are as extraordinary
as Franci's War' Mail on Sunday 'Fascinating and traumatic. Well
worth a read' 5***** Reader Review
This book addresses emancipatory narratives from two main sites in
the colonial world, the Indian and southern African subcontinents.
Exploring how love and revolution interrelate, this volume is
unique in drawing on theories of affect to interrogate histories of
the political, thus linking love and revolution together. The
chapters engage with the affinities of those who live with their
colonial pasts: crises of expectations, colonial national
convulsions, memories of anti-colonial solidarity, even shared
radical libraries. It calls attention to the specific and singular
way in which notions of 'love of the world' were born in a precise
moment of anti-colonial struggle: a love of the world for which one
would offer one's life, and for which there had been little
precedent in the history of earlier revolutions. It thus offers new
ways of understanding the shifts in global traditions of
emancipation over two centuries.
The Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) is one of the most
enigmatic and active political forces in the Middle East. For
observers in the West, the SSNP is regarded as a far-right
organization, subservient to the Baathist government of Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, which dictates its activities from
Damascus. However, the SSNP's complicated history and its ideology
of Pan-Syrianism has meant the party has been overlooked and
forgotten by the daily output of news, analysis, studies and policy
recommendations. Very little academic scholarship has been
dedicated to understanding its origins, identity, and influence.
Addressing the need for scholarship on the SSNP, this book is a
political history from the party's foundation in 1932 to today. A
comprehensive and objective study on the little known nationalist
group, the author uses interviews from current members to gain
insights into its everyday activities, goals, social interstices
and nuances. Given the SSNP's history of violence, their own
persecution, influence on other secular parties in the region, and
their impact in Syria and Lebanon's politics, the book's analysis
sheds light on the party's status in Lebanon and its potential role
in a future post-war Syria. The SSNP is gaining popularity among
regime supporters in Syria and will be one part of understanding
the political developments on the ground. This book is essential
reading for those wanting to understand the SSNP, its motives, and
prospects.
This book examines the role of imperial narratives of
multinationalism as alternative ideologies to nationalism in
Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkans, and the Middle East from
the revolutions of 1848 up to the defeat and subsequent downfall of
the Habsburg and Ottoman empires in 1918. During this period, both
empires struggled against a rising tide of nationalism to
legitimise their own diversity of ethnicities, languages and
religions. Contributors scrutinise the various narratives of
identity that they developed, supported, encouraged or unwittingly
created and left behind for posterity as they tried to keep up with
the changing political realities of modernity. Beyond simplified
notions of enforced harmony or dynamic dissonance, this book aims
at a more polyphonic analysis of the various voices of Habsburg and
Ottoman multinationalism: from the imperial centres and in the
closest proximity to sovereigns, to provinces and minorities, among
intellectuals and state servants, through novels and newspapers.
Combining insights from history, literary studies and political
sciences, it further explores the lasting legacy of the empires in
post-imperial narratives of loss, nostalgia, hope and redemption.
It shows why the two dynasties keep haunting the twenty-first
century with fears and promises of conflict, coexistence, and
reborn greatness.
Offering a valuable resource for medical and other historians, this
book explores the processes by which pharmacy in Britain and its
colonies separated from medicine and made the transition from trade
to profession during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. When
the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain was founded in 1841,
its founders considered pharmacy to be a branch of medicine.
However, the 1852 Pharmacy Act made the exclusion of pharmacists
from the medical profession inevitable, and in 1864 the General
Medical Council decided that pharmacy legislation was best left to
pharmacists themselves. Yet across the Empire, pharmacy struggled
to establish itself as an autonomous profession, with doctors in
many colonies reluctant to surrender control over pharmacy. In this
book the author traces the professionalization of pharmacy by
exploring issues including collective action by pharmacists, the
role of the state, the passage of legislation, the extension of
education, and its separation from medicine. The author considers
the extent to which the British model of pharmacy shaped pharmacy
in the Empire, exploring the situation in the Divisions of Empire
where the 1914 British Pharmacopoeia applied: Canada, the West
Indies, the Mediterranean colonies, the colonies in West and South
Africa, India and the Eastern colonies, Australia, New Zealand, and
the Western Pacific Islands. This insightful and wide-ranging book
offers a unique history of British pharmaceutical policy and
practice within the colonial world, and provides a firm foundation
for further studies in this under-researched aspect of the history
of medicine.
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