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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies
Before the First World War there existed an intellectual turmoil in
Britain as great as any in Germany, France or Russia, as the
debates over Nietzsche and eugenics in the context of early
modernism reveal. With the rise of fascism after 1918, these
debates became more ideologically driven, with science and vitalist
philosophy being hailed in some quarters as saviours from bourgeois
decadence, vituperated in others as heralding the onset of
barbarism. Breeding Superman looks at several of the leading
Nietzscheans and eugenicists, and challenges the long-cherished
belief that British intellectuals were fundamentally uninterested
in race. The result is a study of radical ideas which are
conventionally written out of histories of the politics and culture
of the period.
"On Anarchism" provides the reasoning behind Noam Chomsky's
fearless lifelong questioning of the legitimacy of entrenched
power. In these essays, Chomsky redeems one of the most maligned
ideologies, anarchism, and places it at the foundation of his
political thinking. Chomsky's anarchism is distinctly optimistic
and egalitarian. Moreover, it is a living, evolving tradition that
is situated in a historical lineage; Chomsky's anarchism emphasizes
the power of collective, rather than individualist, action.
The collection includes a revealing new introduction by journalist
Nathan Schneider, who documented the Occupy movement for "Harper's"
and "The Nation," and who places Chomsky's ideas in the
contemporary political moment. "On Anarchism" will be essential
reading for a new generation of activists who are at the forefront
of a resurgence of interest in anarchism--and for anyone who
struggles with what can be done to create a more just world.
'A brilliant and important book ... Five Stars!' Mark Dolan,
talkRADIO 'An important new book' Daily Express An alternative
history of the world that exposes some of the biggest lies ever
told and how they've been used over time. Lincoln did not believe
all men were created equal. The Aztecs were not slaughtered by the
Spanish Conquistadors. And Churchill was not the man that people
love to remember. In this fascinating new book, journalist and
author Otto English takes ten great lies from history and shows how
our present continues to be manipulated by the fabrications of the
past. He looks at how so much of what we take to be historical fact
is, in fact, fiction. From the myths of WW2 to the adventures of
Columbus, and from the self-serving legends of 'great men' to the
origins of curry - fake history is everywhere and used ever more to
impact our modern world. Setting out to redress the balance,
English tears apart the lies propagated by politicians and think
tanks, the grand narratives spun by populists and the media, the
stories on your friend's Facebook feed and the tales you were told
in childhood. And, in doing so, reclaims the truth from those who
have perverted it. Fake History exposes everything you weren't told
in school and why you weren't taught it.
This book reconstructs the connection between religion and
migration, drawing on post-colonial perspectives to shed light on
what religion can contribute to migrant encounters. Examining the
resources and motives for hospitality as lived in Christian
contexts in the Nordic region, it addresses the content of talk
about "religion" in public discourse, the concept having become
something of an empty signifier in debates surrounding migration.
Multidisciplinary in approach, this volume demonstrates that
"religion" is not, in fact, an empty signifier, but gains substance
through practice and interpretation. Considering the undeveloped
potentiality of religion and the manner in which the unseen
religious perspective in secularity becomes manifest in practice,
this volume will appeal to social scientists and scholars of
religion with interests in migration, refugee studies, theology,
and Christian practice.
This book centers on one fundamental question: is it possible to
imagine a progressive sense of nation? Rooted in historic and
contemporary social struggles, the chapters in this collection
examine what a progressive sense of nation might look like, with
authors exploring the theory and practice of the nation beyond
nationalism. The book is written against the background of rising
authoritarian-nationalist movements globally over the last few
decades, where many countries have witnessed the dramatic
escalation of ethnic-nationalist parties impacting and changing
mainstream politics and normalizing anti-immigration,
anti-democratic and Islamophobic discourse. This volume discusses
viable alternatives for nationalism, which is inherently
exclusionary, exploring the possibility of a type of nation-based
politics which does not follow the principles of nationalism. With
its focus on nationalism, politics and social struggles, this book
will be of great interest to students and scholars of political and
social sciences.
A British Fascist in the Second World War presents the edited diary
of the British fascist Italophile, James Strachey Barnes.
Previously unpublished, the diary is a significant source for all
students of the Second World War and the history of European and
British fascism. The diary covers the period from the fall of
Mussolini in 1943 to the end of the war in 1945, two years in which
British fascist Major James Strachey Barnes lived in Italy as a
'traitor'. Like William Joyce in Germany, he was involved in
propaganda activity directed at Britain, the country of which he
was formally a citizen. Brought up by upper-class English
grandparents who had retired to Tuscany, he chose Italy as his own
country and, in 1940, applied for Italian citizenship. By then,
Barnes had become a well-known fascist writer. His diary is an
extraordinary source written during the dramatic events of the
Italian campaign. It reveals how events in Italy gradually affected
his ideas about fascism, Italy, civilisation and religion. It tells
much about Italian society under the strain of war and Allied
bombing, and about the behaviour of both prominent fascist leaders
and ordinary Italians. The diary also contains fascinating glimpses
of Barnes's relationship with Ezra Pound, with Barnes attaching
great significance to their discussion of economic issues in
particular. With a scholarly introduction and an extensive
bibliography and sources section included, this edited diary is an
invaluable resource for anyone interested in learning more about
the ideological complexities of the Second World War and fascism in
20th-century Europe.
How should failed states in Africa be understood? Catherine Scott
here critically engages with the concept of state failure and
provides an historical reinterpretation. She shows that, although
the concept emerged in the context of the post-Cold War new world
order, the phenomenon has been attendant throughout (and even
before) the development of the Westphalian state system.
Contemporary failed states, however, differ from their historical
counterparts in one fundamental respect: they fail within their
existing borders and continue to be recognised as something that
they are not. This peculiarity derives from international norms
instituted in the era of decolonisation, which resulted in the
inviolability of state borders and the supposed universality of
statehood. Scott argues that contemporary failed states are, in
fact, failed post-colonies. Thus understood, state failure is less
the failure of existing states and more the failed rooting and
institutionalisation of imported and reified models of Western
statehood. Drawing on insights from the histories of Uganda and
Burundi, from pre-colonial polity formation to the present day, she
explores why and how there have been failures to create effective
and legitimate national states within the bounds of inherited
colonial jurisdictions on much of the African continent.
Most histories of European appropriation of indigenous territories
have, until recently, focused on conquest and occupation, while
relatively little attention has been paid to the history of
treaty-making. Yet treaties were also a means of extending empire.
To grasp the extent of European legal engagement with indigenous
peoples, Empire by Treaty: Negotiating European Expansion,
1600-1900 looks at the history of treaty-making in European empires
(Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, French and British) from the early
17th to the late 19th century, that is, during both stages of
European imperialism. While scholars have often dismissed treaties
assuming that they would have been fraudulent or unequal, this book
argues that there was more to the practice of treaty-making than
mere commercial and political opportunism. Indeed, treaty-making
was also promoted by Europeans as a more legitimate means of
appropriating indigenous sovereignties and acquiring land than were
conquest or occupation, and therefore as a way to reconcile
expansion with moral and juridical legitimacy. As for indigenous
peoples, they engaged in treaty-making as a way to further their
interests even if, on the whole, they gained far less than the
Europeans from those agreements and often less than they bargained
for. The vexed history of treaty-making presents particular
challenges for the great expectations placed in treaties for the
resolution of conflicts over indigenous rights in post-colonial
societies. These hopes are held by both indigenous peoples and
representatives of the post-colonial state and yet, both must come
to terms with the complex and troubled history of treaty-making
over 400 years of empire. Empire by Treaty looks at treaty-making
in Dutch Colonial Expansion, Spanish-Portuguese border in the
Americas, Aboriginal Land in Canada, French Colonial West Africa,
and British India.
In an increasingly connected world, the engagement of diasporic
communities in transnationalism has become a potent force. Instead
of pointing to a post-national era of globalised politics, as one
might expect, Banu Senay argues that expanding global channels of
communication have provided states with more scope to mobilise
their nationals across borders. Her case is built around the way in
which the long reach of the proactive Turkish state maintains
relations with its Australian diaspora to promote the official
Kemalist ideology. Activists invest themselves in the state to
'see' both for and like the state, and, as such, Turkish immigrants
have been politicised and polarised along lines that reflect
internal divisions and developments in Turkish politics. This book
explores the way in which the Turkish state injects its presence
into everyday life, through the work of its consular institutions,
its management of Turkish Islam, and its sponsoring of national
celebrations. The result is a state-engineered transnationalism
that mobilises Turkish migrants and seeks to tie them to official
discourse and policy. Despite this, individual Kemalist activists,
dissatisfied with the state's transnational work, have appointed
themselves as the true 'cultural attaches' of the Turkish Republic.
It is the actions and discourses of these activists that give
efficacy to trans-Kemalism, in the unique migratory context of
Australian multiculturalism. Vital to this engagement is its
Australian backdrop - where ethnic diversity policies facilitate
the nationalising initiatives of the Turkish state as well as the
bottom-up activism of Ataturkists. On the other hand, it also
complicates and challenges trans-Kemalism by giving a platform to
groups such as Kurds or Armenians whose identity politics clash
with that of Turkish officialdom. An original and insightful
contribution on the scope of transnationalism and cross-border
mobilisation,this book is a valuable resource for researchers of
politics, nationalism and international migration.
"A Selection of the History Book Club"
As far as members of the hugely controversial John Birch Society
were concerned, the Cold War revealed in stark clarity the
loyalties and disloyalties of numerous important Americans,
including Dwight Eisenhower, John Kennedy, and Earl Warren. Founded
in 1958 as a force for conservative political advocacy, the Society
espoused the dangers of enemies foreign and domestic, including the
Soviet Union, organizers of the US civil rights movement, and
government officials who were deemed "soft" on communism in both
the Republican and Democratic parties. Sound familiar? In "The
World of the John Birch Society," author D. J. Mulloy reveals the
tactics of the Society in a way they've never been understood
before, allowing the reader to make the connections to contemporary
American politics, up to and including the Tea Party. These tactics
included organized dissemination of broad-based accusations and
innuendo, political brinksmanship within the Republican Party, and
frequent doomsday predictions regarding world events. At the heart
of the organization was Robert Welch, a charismatic writer and
organizer who is revealed to have been the lifeblood of the
Society's efforts.
The Society has seen its influence recede from the high-water mark
of 1970s, but the organization still exists today. Throughout "The
World of the John Birch Society," the reader sees the very tenets
and practices in play that make the contemporary Tea Party so
effective on a local level. Indeed, without the John Birch Society
paving the way, the Tea Party may have encountered a dramatically
different political terrain on its path to power.
"Britain in the Middle East" provides a comprehensive survey of
British involvement in the Middle East, exploring their mutual
construction and influence across the entire historical sweep of
their relationship. In the 17th century, Britain was establishing
trade links in the Middle East, using its position in India to
increasingly exclude other European powers. Over the coming
centuries this commercial influence developed into political power
and finally formal empire, as the British sought to control their
regional hegemony through military force. Robert Harrison charts
this relationship, exploring how the Middle East served as the
launchpad for British offensive action in the World Wars, and how
resentment against colonial rule in the region led ultimately to
political and Islamic revolutions and Britain's demise as a global,
imperial power.
South Asian History has enjoyed a remarkable renaissance over the
past thirty years. Its historians are not only producing new ways
of thinking about the imperial impact and legacy on South Asia, but
also helping to reshape the study of imperial history in general.
The essays in this collection address a number of these important
developments, delineating not only the complicated interplay
between imperial rulers and their subjects in India, but also
illuminating the economic, political, environmental, social,
cultural, ideological, and intellectual contexts which informed,
and were in turn informed by, these interactions. Particular
attention is paid to a cluster of binary oppositions that have
hitherto framed South Asian history, namely colonizer/colonized,
imperialism/nationalism, and modernity/tradition, and how new
analytical frameworks are emerging which enable us to think beyond
the constraints imposed by these binaries. Closer attention to
regional dynamics as well as to wider global forces has enriched
our understanding of the history of South Asia within a wider
imperial matrix. Previous impressions of all-powerful imperialism,
with the capacity to reshape all before it, for good or ill, are
rejected in favour of a much more nuanced image of imperialism in
India that acknowledges the impact as well as the intentions of
colonialism, but within a much more complicated historical
landscape where other processes are at work.
What is at the heart of political resistance? Whilst traditional
accounts often conceptualise it as a reaction to power, this volume
(prioritising remarks by Michel Foucault) invites us to think of
resistance as primary. The author proposes a strategic analysis
that highlights how our efforts need to be redirected towards a
horizon of creation and change. Checchi first establishes a
genealogy of two main trajectories of the history of our present:
the liberal subject of rights and the neoliberal ideas of human
capital and bio-financialisation. The former emerges as a reactive
closure of Etienne de la Boetie's discourse on human nature and
natural companionship. The other forecloses the creative potential
of Autonomist Marxist conceptions of labour, first elaborated by
Mario Tronti. The focus of this text then shifts towards
contemporary openings. Initially, Checchi proposes an inverted
reading of Jacques Ranciere's concept of politics as interruption
that resonates with Antonio Negri's emphasis on Baruch Spinoza's
potential qua resistance. Finally, the author stages a virtual
encounter between Gilles Deleuze's ontology of matter and
Foucault's account of the primacy of resistance with which the text
begins. Through this series of explorations, The Primacy of
Resistance: Power, Opposition and Becoming traces a conceptual
trajectory with and beyond Foucault by affirming the affinity
between resistance and creation.
The New Labour Government has placed great emphasis on service
delivery. It has provided performance information in the form of
Annual Reports, Public Service Agreements, Performance Assessment
Frameworks, and a host of other targets. But has New Labour
delivered on its welfare reform? Evaluating New Labour's welfare
reforms: provides the first detailed and comprehensive examination
of the welfare reforms of New Labour's first term; compares
achievements with stated aims; examines success in the wider
context; contributes to the debate on the problems of evaluating
social policy. It is essential reading for academics and students
of social policy and provides important information for academics
and students in a wide range of areas such as politics, sociology,
public policy, public administration and public management
interested in welfare reform and policy evaluation.
The concept of individualism has gone through a fundamental change,
according to distinguished political theorist Nadia Urbinati. In
the nineteenth century, individualism was a philosophical and
ethical perspective that permitted each person to respect and
cooperate with others as equals in rights and dignity for the
betterment of the community as a whole. Today, the individualist is
a more self-interested entity whose maxim might best be expressed
as "I don't give a damn." This contemporary form of individualism
is possessive and conformist, litigious and docile, all too prone
to manipulate norms and to submit to the tyrannical sway of private
interests. As such, Urbinati believes, it represents the most
radical risk that modern democracy currently faces. This
well-reasoned and thought-provoking polemic is an attempt to detect
the "tyranny of the moderns," with the ultimate aim of recovering
the role of the individual citizen as a free and equal agent of
democratic society. It explores the concept of communitarianism as
a form of individualism applied to the group itself, and advances
the idea that the rescue of true individualism from the current
ideology is a basic condition for the defense of democratic
citizenship.
Introducing the most famous work of the nineteenth-century radical
thinkers Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, this comprehensive
reader's guide to the Communist Manifesto explores the key themes,
ideas and issues of a revolutionary pamphlet.Beginning with a
discussion of the intellectual, political and social context of the
Manifesto, the "Reader's Guide" clearly illustrates the themes by
relating points in the work to ideas and theories made in other
works written by Marx and Engels. This is followed by a closer
examination and analysis of the text that: - covers the
introductory statement and each of the chapters in detail-
discusses the style, structure and intended audience of the
Manifesto including its later prefaces- explores the ways in which
the Manifesto was received both during the lives of Marx and Engels
and in the twentieth century, for example: the Soviet Union's
version of Marxism, China's re-interpretations of the ideas, and
the innovative political philosophy found in Western analytical
Marxism.As well as presenting relevant biographical points about
Marx and Engels and giving concise information on prominent people
mentioned in the text, this valuable study resource features
discussion questions and annotated guides to further reading. For
students studying political philosophy and political theories,
"Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto: A Reader's Guide" provides a
better understanding of the ideas, theories and contexts discussed
in the most famous work of the writers who founded the ideology of
Marxism.
This study examines how postcolonial landscapes and environmental
issues are represented in fiction. Wright creates a provocative
discourse in which the fields of postcolonial theory and
ecocriticism are brought together.
Laura Wright explores the changes brought by colonialism and
globalization as depicted in an array of international works of
fiction in four thematically arranged chapters. She looks first at
two traditional oral histories retold in modern novels, Zakes Mda's
"The Heart of Redness "(South Africa) and Ngugi wa Thiong'o's
"Petals of Blood" (Kenya), that deal with the potentially
devastating effects of development, particularly through
deforestation and the replacement of native flora with European
varieties. Wright then uses J. M. Coetzee's "Disgrace" (South
Africa), Yann Martel's "Life of Pi" (India and Canada), and Joy
Williams's "The Quick and the Dead" (United States) to explore the
use of animals as metaphors for subjugated groups of individuals.
The third chapter deals with India's water crisis via Arundhati
Roy's activism and her novel, "The God of Small Things." Finally,
Wright looks at three novels--Flora Nwapa's "Efuru" (Nigeria), Keri
Hulme's "The Bone People" (New Zealand), and Sindiwe Magona's
"Mother to Mother" (South Africa)--that depict women's
relationships to the land from which they have been dispossessed.
Throughout "Wilderness into Civilized Shapes," Wright
rearticulates questions about the role of the writer of fiction as
environmental activist and spokesperson, the connections between
animal ethics and environmental responsibility, and the potential
perpetuation of a neocolonial framework founded on western
commodification and resource-based imperialism.
This groundbreaking comparative study rediscovers the socialists of
Russia's borderlands, upending conventional interpretations of
working-class politics and the Russian Revolution. Researched in
eight languages, Revolutionary Social Democracy challenges
long-held assumptions by scholars and activists about the dynamics
of revolutionary change.
Formerly one of the largest and most militant Islamic organizations
in the Middle East, Egypt's al-Gama'ah al-Islamiyah is believed to
have played an instrumental role in numerous acts of global
terrorism, including the assassination of President Anwar Sadat and
the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. In later years, however, the
organization issued a surprising renunciation of violence,
repudiating its former ideology and replacing it with a
shari'a-based understanding and assessment of the purpose and
proper application of jihad.
This key manifesto of modern Islamist thought is now available to
an English-speaking audience in an eminently readable translation
by noted Islamic scholar Sherman A. Jackson. Unlike other Western
and Muslim critiques of violent extremism, this important work
emerges from within the movement of Middle Eastern Islamic
activism, both challenging and enriching prevailing notions about
the role of Islamists in fighting the scourge of extremist
politics, blind anti-Westernism and, alas, wayward jihad.
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