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Books > Humanities > History > World history > From 1900 > Postwar, from 1945
Sir Oliver Franks served as British Ambassador to the US between1948 and 1952. This was a seminal period in postwar history, which saw the implementation of the Marshall Plan, the emergence of the Cold War, the signing of ther North Atlantic Treaty, the Korean War and the assimilation of the former enemy powers of Germany (or the western part at least) and Japan into the international system. During these years, Britain was regarded as the principal ally of the US in the east-west confrontation. This gave British policymakers an opportunity to influence both US policy and international developments.
Harold Wilson's direction of the second British application to join the EEC us ripe for reinterpretation. With new and exciting material now available in the Public Record Office and abroad, this is an extremely propitious moment to reconsider Wilson's motivations, and to contextualise them in light of evidence on foreign policy-making contained in the official record.
The Eisenhower presidency marked an important stage in the evolution of modern America, but left a decidedly mixed legacy for future presidents. This new account offers an up-to-date synthesis of this newly emerging literature, and reviews Eisenhowers record in both domestic and foreign policy - from the mishandling of the Civil Rights movement to the escalation of the arms race and the intensification of the Cold War.
Drawing on sources in Japanese, Chinese, and American archives and libraries, this book reassesses another facet of Woodrow Wilson's agenda at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference at the end of World War I. Breaking with accepted scholarly opinions, the author argues that Wilson did not "betray" China, as many Chinese and Western scholars have charged; rather, Wilson successfully negotiated a compromise with the Japanese to ensure that China's sovereignty would be respected in Shandong Province. Rejecting the compromise, Chinese negotiators refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles, creating conditions for the Soviet Union's entry into China and its later influence over the course of the Chinese revolution.
Drawing on sources in Japanese, Chinese, and American archives and libraries, this book reassesses another facet of Woodrow Wilson's agenda at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference at the end of World War I. Breaking with accepted scholarly opinions, the author argues that Wilson did not "betray" China, as many Chinese and Western scholars have charged; rather, Wilson successfully negotiated a compromise with the Japanese to ensure that China's sovereignty would be respected in Shandong Province. Rejecting the compromise, Chinese negotiators refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles, creating conditions for the Soviet Union's entry into China and its later influence over the course of the Chinese revolution.
'An excellent book.' Angus Calder, London Review of Books First published in 1985, based on an acclaimed BBC TV series, Paul Addison's "Now The War is Over" examines the great changes in British society that followed hard upon what had been the most destructive war ever known: years of recovery and reform, as Britain was reshaped by high ideals and a collective desire to enjoy the fruits and opportunities of peacetime. Labour was elected in 1945 on a wave of what Addison calls 'Forties collectivism.' Soon Britons would have the benefits of Beveridge's Welfare State, new housing, secondary education for all and, in July 1948, the dawning of the National Health Service. But new interests in consumerism and the pursuit of affluence were also emerging and, as Addison shows in this rich and fascinating study, would prove just as influential as the efforts of government.
No event shaped the twentieth century more than World War II, and no leader shaped the conduct of the war and the formation of the modern world more than President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In this anthology, leading scholars examine Roosevelt's role in the international arena, focusing on his diplomacy with Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, Canada, and the Caribbean; his relations with American Jews in the face of the Holocaust; his military appointments; and the operation of the Civilian War Services Division.
This is the first book to cover the whole of the peace process in Northern Ireland, focusing on resolution as much as conflict and violence. For nearly 30 years Northern Ireland has been a by-word for terrorism, bloodshed, military coercion and intense communal conflict. But Ireland is now experiencing a transition from a society in conflict to one at peace. In portraying the story of settlement and peace, rather than focusing exclusively on the IRA and terrorism, Jeremy Smith injects optimism and freshness into the history and the mixed ideas that sustain the identities and traditions are untangled. He considers what type of conflict it is in Ireland and how it fits into wider European patterns and places events in context by looking at historical roots across the centuries.
There has been a significant increase in the twenty-first century in the frequency and intensity of violent incidents in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, the far northwest province of China, where the Uyghurs, the Turkic-speaking Muslim people who historically constituted the majority population, feel themselves displaced and discriminated against by the growing in-migration of Han Chinese. The book explores the continuing unrest in Xinjiang. It focuses in particular on the major violence of July 2009 in the city of Urumqi, on repression and the practice of Islam in southern Xinjiang, and on the policy of the Chinese Communist Party which has used the rhetoric of the "War on Terror" to justify its repression in terms which it hopes will gain sympathy from the international community. The book relates these particular points to the development of China-Uyghur relations more broadly in the longer historical perspective, and concludes by discussing how the situation is likely to unfold in future.
Until recent times, incidents of mass unrest in the USSR were shrouded in official secrecy. Now this pioneering work by historian Vladimir A. Kozlov has opened up these hidden chapters of Soviet history. It details an astonishing variety of widespread mass protest in the post-Stalin period, including workers' strikes, urban riots, ethnic and religious confrontations, and soldiers' insurrections. Kozlov has drawn on exhaustive research in police, procuracy, KGB, and Party archives to recreate the violent major uprisings described in this volume. He traces the historical context and the sequence of events leading up to each mass protest, explores the demographic and psychological dynamics of the situation, and examines the actions and reactions of the authorities. This painstaking analysis reveals that many rebellions were not so much anti-communist as essentially conservative in nature, directed to the defense of local norms being disturbed by particular instances of injustice or by the rash of Krushchev-era reforms. This insight makes the book valuable not only for what it tells us about postwar Soviet history, but also for what it suggests about contemporary Russian society as well as popular protests in general.
No event shaped the twentieth century more than World War II, and no leader shaped the conduct of the war and the formation of the modern world more than President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In this anthology, leading scholars examine Roosevelt's role in the international arena, focusing on his diplomacy with Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, Canada, and the Caribbean; his relations with American Jews in the face of the Holocaust; his military appointments; and the operation of the Civilian War Services Division.
Hong Kong has undergone sweeping transformation since its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. This is a multidisciplinary assessment of the new regime and key issues, challenges, crises and opportunities confronting the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).
The lives of Raymond Aron and Charles de Gaulle intersected at significant moments in twentieth-century history, though they differed on many issues during World War II and over the subsequent decades. Aron, for example, distinguished between the attitude and responsibility of the Vichy government and the French Nazi collaborators in Paris, unlike de Gaulle, who regarded anyone who obeyed Marshal Petain as a traitor. In the postwar period, Aron differed from de Gaulle on a number of issues, including Algeria. But the strongest direct criticism by Aron of de Gaulle's language and policy resulted after a 1967 press conference, where he referred to Jews as "an elite people, self-assured and domineering." This comment led Aron to write DeGaulle, Israel and the Jews. Aron saw de Gaulle conflating the issues of Israel and that of French Jews, and the question of Israeli policy in 1967 and other times. He stressed the right of individuals to be, at the same time, French and Jewish, and raised the question of whether de Gaulle intended to deliver a message to the Jews in the Diaspora or simply wanted to attack those in Israel. While Aron did not accuse de Gaulle of anti-Semitism, he felt that for the first time in postwar Europe, a leader had used language that lent respectability to anti-Semitism and made it legitimate. De Gaulle, Israel and the Jews, translated from the French by John Sturrock and graced with a new introductory essay by Michael Curtis, allows us the opportunity to raise questions about de Gaulle and his policy in the Middle East. Was he anti-Semitic? What were his real attitudes and policies toward Israel, and how did they relate to his policies on the Middle East and on international affairs? This is a volume of contemporary relevance for students of political science, Middle East affairs, and international policy.
Since its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 Hong Kong has been undergoing a sweeping transformation. This book is a multidisciplinary assessment of the new regime and key issues, challenges, crises, and opportunities confronting the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Leading scholars document and examine major developments and unfolding trends, and also speculate on different aspects of Hong Kong's gradual integration with China and possible trajectories for the future. They cover the political, electoral, and administrative systems; Hong Kong's legal and constitutional functioning; language policy and education reforms; media politics and cultural trends; and the Asian economic crisis, economic development, and land-use planning.
This is an examination of the political, economic and social development of Oman from the accession Sultan Qaboos in a palace coup in 1970 to the promulation of the basic law of 1996. The book argues that the sultanate does not follow the "rentier" model but the patriarchal tradition.
Until recent times, incidents of mass unrest in the USSR were shrouded in official secrecy. Now this pioneering work by historian Vladimir A. Kozlov has opened up these hidden chapters of Soviet history. It details an astonishing variety of widespread mass protest in the post-Stalin period, including workers' strikes, urban riots, ethnic and religious confrontations, and soldiers' insurrections. Kozlov has drawn on exhaustive research in police, procuracy, KGB, and Party archives to recreate the violent major uprisings described in this volume. He traces the historical context and the sequence of events leading up to each mass protest, explores the demographic and psychological dynamics of the situation, and examines the actions and reactions of the authorities. This painstaking analysis reveals that many rebellions were not so much anti-communist as essentially conservative in nature, directed to the defense of local norms being disturbed by particular instances of injustice or by the rash of Krushchev-era reforms. This insight makes the book valuable not only for what it tells us about postwar Soviet history, but also for what it suggests about contemporary Russian society as well as popular protests in general.
A concise yet penetrating analysis of how modern American presidents have-and have not-incorporated ethics into their foreign policy. Americans constantly make moral judgments about presidents and foreign policy. Unfortunately, many of these assessments are poorly thought through. In Do Morals Matter?, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. provides a concise yet penetrating analysis of the role of ethics in US foreign policy since Franklin Delano Roosevelt's presidency onward. Nye works through each presidency from FDR to Trump and scores their foreign policy on three ethical dimensions: their intentions, the means they used, and the consequences of their decisions. He also evaluates their leadership qualities, elaborating on which approaches work and which ones do not. Regardless of a president's policy preference, Nye shows that each one was not fully constrained by the structure of the system and actually had choices. Since we so often apply moral reasoning to foreign policy, Nye suggests how to do it better. Most importantly, he shows that presidents need to factor in both the political context and the availability of resources when deciding how to implement an ethical policy-especially in a future international system that presents not only great power competition from China and Russia, but a host of additional transnational threats.
In October 1973 two crises – one economic, one political – intersected, with dramatic and long term consequences for international relations. On 6 October, Egypt and Syria launched an attack on Israel, and within a few days the major Arab oil producers announced their support by use of the ‘oil weapon’, including a boycott of supplies for countries friendly to Israel and a programme of production cuts. This was followed by the unilateral declaration of a steep increase in the price of oil by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The result was international panic and world recession. Crude oil prices soared by a massive fourfold in just three months. The West's vulnerability had been exposed: it was being held hostage to oil. Yet, despite efforts to address this dependence on oil imports in following years, the 1979 Iranian Revolution triggered a further upward surge in prices. Today, the importance of oil remains at the forefront of the West's foreign policy calculations in the Middle East. In this fascinating and timely new look at the oil crisis, Fiona Venn examines these issues and the more unexpected effects of the crisis. She asks just how much really changed in the economic balance of power. Most importantly she argues that OPEC was used as a scapegoat for the world recession, which had been already underway when the crisis detonated.
Saratoga Springs, New York, is a town famous for its mineral springs, history, high society, and sports. Journey back in time to Saratoga Springs' glory days from the 1900s to the 1950s when this was America's premier resort. Vintage postcards, most of them beautifully hand tinted showcase sites that made the city famous. These images take you on a stroll along Broadway, where high society mingled at the Grand Union Hotel. Take a tour through the gardens at the artists' community at Yaddo. See the famous Island Spouter and Hathorn Springs and wander through the bathouses at Saratoga Spa. Attend a concert at Congress Park and cheer a favorite horse from the grandstands at Saratoga Race Course. Spend a day out on Saratoga Lake or tour through the Saratoga Battlefield, to learn about the Revolutionary battle that changed the course of United States history.
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