This is the fourth volume in the Hall Institute of Public Policy's 2020 series. These topical and scholarly articles are meant to examine some of the major issues facing the state of New Jersey and the United States, and embrace matters of national security, social entitlements, religious differences, the gold standard, prosecutorial misconduct, the rights of alleged terrorists, the free market economy and other concerns. These essays offer a unique picture of where we are as a free people, and is compiled by one of the few nonpartisan, not for profit think tanks in America.

The year "1968" marked the climax of protests that simultaneously captured most industrialized Western countries. The protesters challenged the institutions of Western democracies, confronting powerful, established parties and groups with an opposing force and public presence that negated tra ditional structures of institutional authority and criticized the basic assump tions of the post-war order. Exploring the effects the protest movement of 1968 had on the political, social, and symbolic order of the societies they called into question, this volume focuses on the consequences and echoes of 1968 from different perspectives, including history, sociology, and linguistics.

Among the many technical innovations that were introduced after World War II, none left as strong an impression on the public as the atom bombs that destroyed two Japanese cities in August 1945. People spoke of the 'atomic age' that had now begun, as if this technological innovation would, all by itself, shape a new world. The atomic age was described as one that might soon end in the destruction of human civilization, but from the beginning, utopian images were attached to it as well. Nuclear technology offered the promise of applications in medicine, agriculture, and engineering, and nuclear power could theoretically provide an unlimited supply of energy. This book demonstrates and attempts to explain how the popular media represented nuclear power, in its military and non-military forms. It focuses on the first two decades of the 'atomic age, ' when national governments, military strategists, scientists, and the public attempted to come to terms with a technology that so drastically seemed to change the prospects for the future. Popular magazines, comics, newspapers, public exhibitions from across the world are examined to compare representations of nuclear power in different countries and to trace divergences, convergences, and exchanges.

This comprehensive assessment by experts of the significant literature and research about the Korean War has been designed for students, teachers, and researchers at various levels and for broad interdisciplinary use. Edited by Brune, this one-volume research tool evaluates traditional interpretations and recent findings and trends and points to studies that are still needed on various topics. Twenty-three topical chapters cover the historical background and general references, international aspects of the war and the role and perspectives of major combatants, military policies and the strategies and tactics of the various armed forces, the Korean unification struggle after the war, and the relationship of the U.S. homefront to the Korean War. The book is fully indexed and is easily accessible.

Twenty-three topical chapters cover the historical background and general references; international aspects of the war and the role and perspectives of major combatants--from the United Nations and Korea to European and Asian and Pacific nations, including information on the most recent sources from the Soviet Union and Communist China; the military policies and the strategies and tactics of the U.S. Army, Navy and Marines, and Air Force; the Korean unification struggle after the war; and the relationship of the U.S. homefront to the Korean War--from the Administration and Congress to public opinion, and the war as seen by women and minorities and through the eyes of the cinema and TV. The book is fully indexed and is easily accessible for varied use by students, teachers, and researchers in different fields and at all levels.

Tracking the intermingled intellectual and moral response of elites and masses to the loss of empire in the years following the end of the Second World War, this book explores how the elite in Britain sought to fashion a new identity for itself, how this was promulgated amongst the wider population and how ordinary people responded. These responses can be uncovered in elite designs including policies, plans, declarations; high art such as novels, theatre, fine arts and art-house films as well as through the medium of popular culture like radio, film, television, newspapers and magazines. These layers of meanings can be found in the slow development of the public sphere, as events produced reactions that laid down ideas that run into the present. The collective upshot has been the creation of a shifting, contested and finally unsustainable idea of what it is to be 'British'.

This collection of essays by Indonesian and foreign contributors offers new and highly original analyses of the mass violence in Indonesia which began in 1965 and its aftermath. Fifty years on from one the largest genocides of the twentieth century, they probe the causes, dynamics and legacies of this violence through the use of a wide range of sources and different scholarly lenses. Chapter 12 of this book is available open access under a CC BY 4.0 license at link.springer.com.

In its persistence at maintaining racial inequality, Southern Africa is leaving the door open to widespread racial conflict. Although the world--east and west, communist and capitalist--is generally united in condemning apartheid, in such a dispute it is not unlikely that the two superpowers would become involved. Southern Africa: An American Enigma examines the currents of American involvement with Southern African politics since 1948 to the present Reagan administration.

During the early 1980s, large parts of Europe were swept with riots and youth revolts. Radicalised young people occupied buildings and clashed with the police in cities such as Zurich, Berlin and Amsterdam, while in Great Britain and France, 'migrant' youths protested fiercely against their underprivileged position and police brutality. Was there a link between the youth revolts in different European cities, and if so, how were they connected and how did they influence each other? These questions are central in this volume. This book covers case studies from countries in both Eastern and Western Europe and focuses not only on political movements such as squatting, but also on political subcultures such as punk, as well as the interaction between them. In doing so, it is the first historical collection with a transnational and interdisciplinary perspective on youth, youth revolts and social movements in the 1980s.

This book is a detailed study of rural reform in China. After the death of Mao, and with the ascendency of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China began a programme of agricultural reform intended to increase productivity. Three major changes moved the agricultural sector from a centrally planned system to a more market-oriented system. First, replacement of collective teams by farming by households. Second, an increase in free markets for rural products, and increase in state prices for farm products, and the partial elimination of the two-tier price system. Third were changes in the economic structure that facilitied greater productivity and a 250% increase in average real rural incomes between 1979 and 1986. This book is unique in that it studies a single township (Dahe in Hebei Province) in depth over the two periods, thus providing a great deal of data about the effects of the reform at the village level.

How was anti-communism organised in the West? This book covers the agents, aims, and arguments of various transnational anti-communist activists during the Cold War. Existing narratives often place the United States - and especially the CIA - at the centre of anti-communist activity. The book instead opens up new fields of research transnationally.

From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s West German foreign policy underwent substantial transformations: from bilateral to multilateral, from reactive to proactive. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was an ideal setting for this evolution, enabling the Federal Republic to take the lead early on in Western preparations for the conference and to play a decisive role in the actual East-West negotiations leading to the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. Based on extensive original research of recently released documents, spanning more than fifteen archives in eight countries, this study is a substantial contribution to scholarly discussions on the history of detente, the CSCE and West German foreign policy. The author stresses the importance of looking beyond the bipolarity of the Cold War decades and emphasizes the interconnectedness of European integration and European detente. He highlights the need to place the genesis of the CSCE conference in its historical context rather than looking at it through the prism of the events of 1989, and shows that the bilateral and multilateral elements (Ostpolitik and the CSCE) were parallel rather than successive phenomena, parts of the same complex process and in constant interaction with each other.

This book explores the aesthetic forms of the political left across the borders of post-colonial, post-partition South Asia. Spanning India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the contributors study art, film, literature, poetry and cultural discourse to illuminate the ways in which political commitment has been given aesthetic form and artistic value by artists and by cultural and political activists in postcolonial South Asia. With a focused conceptualization this volume asks: Does the political left in South Asia have a recognizable aesthetic form? And if so, what political effects do left-wing artistic movements and aesthetic artefacts have in shaping movements against inequality and injustice? Reframing political aesthetics within a postcolonial and decolonised framework, the contributors detail the trajectories and transformations of left-wing cultural formations and affiliations and focus on connections and continuities across post-1947/8 India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

In this absorbing book, Bruce J. Evensen analyzes the role of the mass media, public opinion, and the Zionists in the evolution of America's Palestine policy during the Truman administration. Taking issue with recent revisionist historians who argue that Truman had little difficulty manipulating public opinion, Evensen claims that the press and an aroused public opinion successfully frustrated the President's course on Palestine and elicited his support of the United Nations' partition of Jewish and Arab states and Truman's early recognition of Israel. Evensen emphasizes the development of a conventional wisdom that placed the Middle East at the center of U.S. strategic planning and saw limiting Soviet penetration as a primary goal. Within this context, he shows a divided Truman administration, which was uncertain how to act on the Jewish state. Reluctantly, the administration initially supported the UN's vote to partition the region; then, as Palestine erupted into violence, it attempted to abandon this decision. Interpreting the President's action as a gutless appeasement of the Arabs and an indication of his fear of the Soviets, the media, reflecting the public's Cold War fears, confronted the administration's policy in the Middle East and frustrated the President's effort to abandon the partition scheme. The media's role in reflecting and shaping competing visions of reality, which became the conventional wisdom of policy making, is a key part of this study.

Once teetering on the brink of oblivion, the British Liberal Party has again re-established itself as a major force in national and local politics. David Dutton's approachable study offers new insights into the waning, near death and ultimate recovery of the Liberal Party from 1900 to the present day. Discussions of politics, philosophy and performance are all skilfully interwoven as Dutton demonstrates how the party has become, once more, a formidable player on the political stage.
The second edition of this established text offers:
* an entirely new chapter on the coalition government
* a chronology of key events
* numerous suggestions for further reading.
This lively survey of British Liberalism from the era of Campbell-Bannerman to that of Nick Clegg reviews existing literature while offering its own distinctive perspective on one of the most compelling of political dramas.

This book collects some of the major essays by two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. It is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult.
The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday 1998.
The issues addressed are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kossovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, and Afghanistan. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists but for anyone interested in consociation and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.

During his political career, Helmut Kohl used his own life story to promote a normalization of German nationalism and to overcome the stigma of the Nazi period. In the context of the cold war and the memory of the fascist past, he was able to exploit the combination of his religious, generational, regional, and educational (he has a PhD in History) experiences by connecting nationalist ideas to particular biographical narratives. Kohl presented himself as the embodiment of "normality": a de-radicalized German nationalism which was intended to eclipse any anti-Western and post-national peculiarities. This book takes a biographical approach to the study of nationalism by examining its manifestation in Helmut Kohl and the way he historicized Germany's past.

The war in Iraq, Afghanistan, continual conflict in the Middle East, and the global war on terrorism, are all intertwined in a greater battle of global conflict: World War III. However, the fogs that have been created to hide these conflicts from public opinion are obstructing a clear view of reality. Fogs prevent the public from accurately seeing this war unfold and from taking action in the government to help prevent, this now, inevitable conflict. This work unveils that the media and government are two thickening fogs that continue to obscure the reality of what is occurring. Media does little to help develop an in-depth understanding of the world. In turn this creates limited interest in reporting of foreign affairs among the market sectors they strive to reach. The government has focused on winning the hearts and minds of the American people in order to drive the cause of the war on terrorism. Yet, this war has unleashed greater struggles, which citizens have covertly been blinded to. While these global conflicts are seemingly isolated, the authors illustrate that they are, in fact, closely linked with similar underlying causes. The fogs of war and peace need to lessen so the American people can be accurately informed and global leaders are able to strive for better policies in order to bring World War III to an end.

Seemingly unrelated conflicts raging in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Middle East, and other global areas, are in fact, closely linked, as part of a greater battle, World War III. In the midst of conflict, this work delves into factors of World War III, and claims that we have already begun this new war. However, in an age where the average American citizen is uninformed on international foreign policy and conflict, the two fogs of government and media, are only contributing to this miseducation. These fogs have never been thicker in obscuring the reality of what is occurring. The fog that is media, explains what is occurring in cryptic sound bites by funneling certain information to the American people. Government, the second fog, affects citizens by either withholding or distorting information and opponents, and expands a great effort to deceive and distort current events. In turn it tries to win the hearts of the people by explaining that this is the only way to obtain the idea of peace. This work explains that through the distorted reality of the fogs, we are now in a stage of disinformation, misinformation, and noninformation, which block the view of citizens from what is truly happening and how to deal with it. It is the first analytical model that clearly examines the fogs of war and peace and how new perspectives must been found. The authors offer a model to help inform readers to better understand World War III, while illuminating the causes, nature, and dynamics of the global concern. In turn, they offer new policy directions for political leaders in America, Israel, and Europe and hope to bring to light these fogs of destruction.

Barack Obama swept into office in 2008 on a wave of popular discontent with his predecessor, a fresh and compelling political persona, the appeal of his "Hope and Change" campaign, and the pre-election financial crisis. The nation's first African-American president stirred unusually high expectations. Comparisons to Lincoln and FDR were common.
Obama's first term saw the passage of a substantial economic stimulus package, a large-scale expansion of financial regulation, a drawdown in Iraq, and his signature health care reform. But a stagnant economy persisted. Much of his program (though not Obama himself) was not popular. The Democrats suffered a severe electoral setback in the 2010 Congressional election. But Obama's exceptional campaign organization, his strong personal appeal, and a weak Republican opponent won him a second term in 2012.
Now his presidency is in its final stage. In Obama's Time, eminent historian Morton Keller has written the first historical assessment of Barack Obama's presidency. Drawing on a lifetime of scholarship on American history and politics, Keller examines Obama's presidential persona and governing style, his domestic and foreign policies, and his place in the broader history of American politics. He does so in a style that should strongly appeal to the general reader.
Obama is deeply committed to active federal government, in the tradition of FDR's New Deal and LBJ's Great Society. But his ambitions have been tempered by the heavy weight of existing institutions and past precedents, strong Republican opposition, and unforeseen events. Keller concludes that this is a time when the centralized bureaucratic state faces a deep crisis of legitimacy. He ascribes the intense party polarization to a political culture in which the media, advocacy groups, and ideologically-driven donors have outsize influence.
Historians will continue to debate the Obama presidency for decades to come. Keller's account of how Obama governed, the larger political context in which he functioned, and why he was unable to close the gap between expectations and reality, will be invaluable to that debate.

David Danelo spent three months traveling the 1,952 miles that separate the United States and Mexico - a journey that took him across four states and two countries through a world of rivers and canals, mountains and deserts, highways and dirt roads, fences and border towns. Here the border isn't just an abstraction thrown around in political debates in Washington; it's a physical reality, infinitely more complex than most politicians believe. Danelo's investigative report about a complex, longstanding debate that became a central issue of the 2016 presidential race examines the border in human terms through a cast of colorful characters. As topical today as it was when Danelo made his trek, this revised and updated edition asks and answers the core questions: Should we close the border? Is a fence or wall the answer? Is the U.S. government capable of fully securing the border?

This book describes six years of conflict management, involving much confrontation and selective diplomacy, during which Cuba was put progressively on the defensive by political (surrogate radio broadcasting and human rights), economic (strengthening the embargo) and military (Grenada) actions. After an overview to mid-1982, the book covers the Reagan-Shultz era chronologically, discussing major bilateral issues and focusing on migration and radio broadcasting, two issues that Cuba linked in 1985. As Coordinator of Cuban Affairs for the U.S. Department of State from 1982-88, Skoug brings considerable experience to his discussion of this fascinating era of U.S. diplomatic relations.

Winner, "Publishers Weekly" Best Books of 2002, Non-Fiction

"In badly constructed books, the reader doesn't care what happens on the next page. In well-constructed books, the reader can't wait to see what happens on the next page. This book is a rare, third kind: The reader dreads what will happen on the next page. Nevertheless, he feels compelled to read on. . . . McAllester takes the reader not only along the streets where atrocities have been committed but inside homes while they are happening. As is the case with many good reads, the power of such scenes comes from the order in which events are presented. First the author develops a character, then later in the book informs you about his fate. Or the author will describe how a family is brutalized, then describes, almost as an aside -- in the course of a succeeding chapter about his own adventures in war-torn Kosovo -- how he meets a traumatized eyewitness to the previous account. In this way, the reader becomes an observer not only of what was happening inside Kosovo during the NATO bombardment but of what was happening to McAllester himself and how he managed to assemble his book."
--"Washington Post"

"The power of McAllester's extraordinary book lies not in its comprehensiveness or its literary polish-though there are many brilliantly moving and perceptive passages-but in its shocking authenticity and deep moral concern. One gets the sense that he risked his life not simply to pursue a story, timely and important as it was, but because of the enormity of the evil being done and his conviction that, in a world of bland policy abstractions, what happened in those days inside Kosovo had to be told."
--"New Leader"

"McAllester powerfully concludes that a sickening mixture of greed, ethnic hostility, and wartime nihilism has displaced the healing power for love and reconciliation for the forseeable future. One of the most thoughtful accounts of the conflict in Kosovo to date conveyed with taut journalistic clarity that should ensure the book a broad range of readers."
--"Kirkus, Starred Review"

"This account is not of the avirtual wara that Westerners saw on their television screens but of the real effects on people who consider the ravaged area home."
--"Library Journal, Starred Review"

"McAllester's spare, understated prose is potent as is his exploration of the human side of geopolitics and war."
--"Publishers Weekly, Starred Review"

"In a twist that took McAllester as much by surprise as it will the reader, it appears that Isa Bala lived in that ill-defined world too, a world where people make deals and concessions just to survive another day. Perhaps he believed that through such compromises, his family would be safe. if so, he was tragically wrong."
--"Sunday Telegraph (London)"

"Beyond the Mountains of the Damned is a gripping, if depressing, account of what McAllester found among the ruins. . . . There is no bravado. . . . He offers vivid thumbnail sketches of Kosovar warriors in the field."
-- "Newsday"

"McAllester offers us the kind of specific detail that we need to make other people's lives human to us. Even more importantly, he tells us how it is to be the oppressor, or at least one of the minions of the oppressors"
--"American Book Review"

For every survivor of a crime, there is a criminal who forces his way into the victim's thoughts longafter the act has been committed.

Reporters weren't allowed into Kosovo during the war without the permission of the Yugoslavian government but Matthew McAllester went anyway. In Beyond the Mountains of the Damned he tells the story of Pec, Kosovo's most destroyed city and the site of the earliest and worst atrocities of the war, through the lives of two menone Serb and one Kosovar. They had known each other, and been neighbors for years before one visited tragedy on the other. With a journalist's eye for detail McAllester asks the great question of war: What kind of men could devastate an entire city, killing whole families, and feel no sense of guilt? The answer lies in the culture of gangsterism and ethnic hatred that began with the collapse of Yugoslavia.

In March of 1999, the world watched thousands of Albanian refugees pour out of Kosovo, carrying stories of the terror that drove them from their homes. To Isa Bala and his family, Albanian Muslims who stayed in Pec during the NATO bombardment, the war in Kosovo was not about cruise missiles and geopolitics. It was about tiptoeing between survival and death in the town that saw the fiercest destruction, the most thorough eviction of the Albanian population and killings whose brutality demands explanation. To Nebojsa Minic and other Serb militiamen who ruled with murder, the conflict was about the exercise of power. Today they are alive and well in the new Yugoslavia. So unconcerned are they over the prospect of ever being held accountable for their crimes that they were willing to sit down over coffee after the war and discuss in detail their brief, brutal reign.

This book comprises a select variety of topics by leading experts in their fields, provides many new insights, and accurately reflects what is currently of interest to Truman scholars. "On balance, this collection makes an important contribution to our knowledge of Truman's administration, and scholars of Truman will certainly want it on their shelves." American Historical Review