More than fifty years after the Holocaust, European and other countries are confronting newly-emerging memories and guilt-filled ghosts from the past. The campaign for the restitution of Jewish property stolen during the Holocaust touched a raw nerve within European society and, together with the end of the Cold War and generational change, created a need to re-evaluate conventional historical truths. A group of experts joined together to review in this book how the issue was dealt with in different countries and how national myths must be re-examined.

"It would have been inconceivable," wrote Henry Kissinger in his best-selling book "Diplomacy, ""that the architects of NATO would have seen as the end result of victory in the Cold War greater diversity within the Alliance." In "Twilight of the West, " Christopher Coker offers an interpretation of why the Western Alliance is in serious trouble and why it may have entered the twilight of its collective life.Divided into three parts, the book first looks at the cultural forces that brought the Western powers together in 1941 and prompted them to build an Atlantic Community. Where the Alliance failed, however, was in taking hold where it counted most--in the European imagination. The second part addresses the present-day consciousness of both Europe and the United States as they prepare for the twenty-first century. In the final section, Coker examines two key questions: whether the West can escape the undertow of violence that marks the end of the millennium and whether the challenges from East Asia and the Islamic world are of such magnitude that the West will have to reinvent itself.Throughout, Coker draws on a wide-ranging discussion of Western culture to understand the changes that are taking place in the Western world. Particular emphasis is placed on the changes in philosophy that helped shape the Alliance and its view of the rest of the world.

Conflict Dynamics presents case studies of six nation-states: Sierra Leone, the Republic of Congo, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Indonesia, and Peru. In the book, Alethia H. Cook and Marie Olson Lounsbery examine the evolving nature of violence in intrastate conflicts, as well as the governments and groups involved, by focusing on the context of the relationships involved, the capacities of the conflict s participants, and the actors goals. The authors first present a theoretical framework through which the changeable mix of relative group capacities and the resulting tactical decisions can be examined systematically and as conflicts evolve over time. They then apply that framework to the six case studies to show its usefulness in better understanding conflicts individually and in comparison. While previous research on civil wars has tended to focus on causes and outcomes, Conflict Dynamics takes a more comprehensive approach to understanding conflict behavior. The shifting nature of relative group capacity (measured in many different ways), coupled with dynamic group goals, determines the tactical decisions of civil war actors and the paths a rebellion will take. The case studies illustrate the relevance of third parties to this process and how their interventions can influence tactics. The progression of violence in conflicts is inextricably linked to the decisions made in their midst. These influence future iterations of the conflictual relationship. Complex groups on both sides both drive and are driven by the decisions made. Understanding conflicts requires that these reciprocal impacts be considered. The comparative framework demonstrated in this book allows one to flesh out this complexity.

Allies Apart tells the story of Anglo-American relations at a pivotal time, with Britain joining Europe and the US pursing detente with the communist superpowers. To date, the period has been widely portrayed as a low-point for the Anglo-American alliance -- even the end of the so-called 'special relationship'. Using newly-released material from both sides of the Atlantic, Andrew Scott examines if and why this has been the case. Whereas commentators and historians have previously blamed Edward Heath for deliberately downgrading relations with Washington in order to open the door to Europe, Scott reveals a very different perspective, demonstrating the extent to which policy-making under Richard Nixon -- assisted by his chief adviser, Henry Kissinger -- affected transatlantic relations. As the White House set out to transform international relations, overhaul the global economic order and impose its Cold War rivalry on regional crises, London was left feeling impotent, marginalized and even double-crossed -- all of which fuelled the case for Europe.

In the post-communist era it has become evident that the emerging democracies in Eastern Europe will be determined by many factors, only some of them political. Throughout the region, the Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Greek Catholic churches have tried to impose their views on democracy through direct political engagement. Moreover, surveys show that the churches (and the army) enjoy more popular confidence than elected political bodies such as parliaments. These results reflect widespread disenchantment with a democratization process that has allowed politicians to advance their own agendas rather than work to solve the urgent socio-economic problems these countries face. In this penetrating study, Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu investigate the interaction of religion and politics in one such country, Romania. Facing internal challenges and external competitions from other religions old and new, the Orthodox Church in Romania has sought to consolidate its position and ensure Romania's version of democracy recognizes its privileged position of "national Church," enforcing the Church's stances on issues such as homosexuality and abortion. The post-communist state and political elite in turn rely on the Church for compliance with educational and cultural policies and to quell the insistent demands of the Hungarian minority for autonomy.
Stan and Turcescu examine the complex relationship between church and state in this new Romania, providing analysis in key areas: church collaboration with communist authorities, post-communist electoral politics, nationalism and ethno-politics, restitution of Greek Catholic property, religious education, and sexual behavior and reproduction. As thefirst scholars to be given access to confidential materials from the archives of the communist political police, the notorious Securitate, Stan and Turcescu also examine church archives, legislation, news reports, and interviews with politicians and church leaders. This study will move the debate from common analyses of nationalism in isolation to more comprehensive investigations which consider the impact of religious actors on a multitude of other issues relevant to the political and social life of the country.

The modern Christmas was made by the Victorians and rooted in their belief in commerce, family and religion. Their rituals and traditions persist to the present day but the festival has also been changed by growing affluence, shifting family structures, greater expectations of happiness and material comfort, technological developments and falling religious belief. Christmas became a battleground for arguments over consumerism, holiday entitlements, social obligations, communal behaviour and the influence of church, state and media. Even in private, it encouraged reflection on social change and the march of time. Amongst those unhappy at the state of the world or their own lives, Christmas could induce much cynicism and even loathing but for a quieter majority it was a happy time, a moment of a joy in a sometimes difficult world that made the festival more than just an integral feature of the calendar: Christmas was one of British culture's emotional high points. Moreover, it was also a testimony to the enduring importance of family, shared values and a common culture in the UK. Martin Johnes shows how Christmas and its traditions have been lived, adapted and thought about in Britain since 1914. Christmas and the British is about the festival's social, cultural and economic functions, and its often forgotten status as both the most unusual and important day of the year

Martin Luther King Jr exercised a tremendous degree of influence in a movement that between 1955 and 1965 successfully dismantled a system of legalised racial segregation and disfranchisement entrenched for over sixty years in the United States. How did King, who came from a subordinated group within American society, help effect this change? What background, characteristics, abilities and ideas enabled him to do this? Why was King so important in shaping the civil rights movement?

John A. Kirk looks at the sources of King's power in the black community and its relationship to wider American society, focusing particularly on the role of the black church, the philosophy of nonviolence and issues of leadership, whilst paying due attention to the voices of King's critics and detractors and to the limitations of his power. He locates King firmly within the context of other leaders and organisations, voices and opinions, and tactics and ideologies, which made up the movement as a whole.

Fifty years after the Montgomery bus boycott, which launched King's movement leadership, this book moves beyond the all-too-often oversimplified story of King's life and times to provide an innovative analytical framework for understanding the role played by one of the United States' most important historical figures.

John A. Kirk is senior lecturer in US History at Royal Holloway, University of London. He has written extensively on the history of the civil rights movement, including "Redefining the Color Line: Black Activism in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1940 1970" (2002) which won the 2003 J. G. Ragsdale Book Award.""

First friends, then bitter enemies, John Kennedy and Richard Nixon shared a rivalry that had a dramatic impact on American history. One would become the most dashing figure of the post-World War II era, the other would live into his eighties, haunted and consumed by the rivalry. In Kennedy and Nixon, Christopher Matthews offers a surprising look at these two political giants, offering a stunning portrait that will change the way we think about both of them. Starting as congressmen in the class of 1946, the two men developed a friendship and admiration for each other that would last for more than a decade. But what drove history was the enmity between these two towering figures whose 1960 presidential contest would set the nation's bitter course for years to come. Matthews shows how the early fondness between the two men (Kennedy told a trusted friend that if he didn't receive the Democratic nomination in 1960, he would vote for Nixon) degenerated into distrust and paranoia, the same emotions that, in the early 1970's, ravaged the nation. Christopher Mattew's revealing book sheds light on this complicated relationship and the role that it played in shaping America's history.

This volume fills this gap by examining the many ways in which political parties, the business world, foreign policymakers, and the intelligence community experienced, confronted, and even actively contributed to domestic and transnational forms of dissent.

The story of Hong Kong's New Asia College, from its 1949 establishment through its 1963 incorporation into The Chinese University of Hong Kong, reveals the efforts of a group of self-exiled intellectuals in establishing a Confucian-oriented higher education on the Chinese periphery. Their program of cultural education encountered both support and opposition in the communist containment agenda of American non-governmental organizations and in the educational policies of the British colonial government. By examining the cooperation and struggle between these three parties, this study sheds light on postwar Hong Kong, a divided China, British imperial ambitions in Asia, and the intersecting global dynamics of modernization, cultural identity, and the Cold War.

After more than 50 years, some of the secrets behind the post-war kidnappings in Berlin remain classified. Following Second World War, West Berlin residents found themselves as prime targets for kidnapping by communist agents. Lurid press accounts of these abductions left Berliners frightened and intimidated. The central connection of American intelligence agencies (CIC, CIA) to most of these cases, however, was not well known at the time. Delving into these various kidnapping cases, Smith discovers a distinct profile for the abductees. Almost all were former residents of East Germany and, as such, had an intelligence value for the Americans. This connection in turn made them prime targets for Soviet and East German intelligence units.

Examination of the climate of fear in West Berlin reveals the complexity of politics in the early Cold War. Many targeted individuals had Nazi pasts-a factor that the Americans took great pains to conceal. At one point, the United States even risked a diplomatic rupture with West Germany when American authorities went so far as to block prosecutions of a German citizen in German courts for aiding in the kidnapping of a number of West Berliners. Exactly why Washington was so willing to go to extreme lengths in this case remains unknown, but Smith's research sheds new light on the clash between East and West in one troubled city.

With the summer of 2012 marking half a century of independence for Algeria, the Algerian War has been brought into discussions in France once more, where parallels between the past and present are revealed. This analysis takes an in-depth look at the war from 1954 to 1962 and the response from the French left. Drawing from documents and interviews, it offers a full account of not only the role of the revolutionary left in giving political and practical solidarity to the Algerian liberation struggle, but also that of the Trotskyists during that period. Including a section on how the war has been reflected in fiction, this volume is sure to interest academics across various fields.

Read an interview with Norbert Bachleitner. In this 200th volume of Internationale Forschungen zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Literaturwissenschaft the editors Norbert Bachleitner, Achim H. Hoelter and John A. McCarthy 'take stock' of the discipline. It focuses on recurrent questions in the field of Comparative Literature: What is literature? What is meant by 'comparative'? Or by 'world'? What constitute 'transgressions' or 'refractions'? What, ultimately, does being at home in the world imply? When we combine the answers to these individual questions, we might ultimately reach an intriguing proposition: Comparative Literature contributes to a sense of being at home in a world that is heterogeneous and fractured, rather than affirming a monolithic canon marked by territory and homogeneity. The volume unites essays on world literature, literature in the context of the history of ideas, comparative women and gender studies, aesthetics and textual analysis, and literary translation and tradition.

This book is a detailed study of rural reform in China. After the death of Mao, and with the ascendency of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China began a programme of agricultural reform intended to increase productivity. Three major changes moved the agricultural sector from a centrally planned system to a more market-oriented system. First, replacement of collective teams by farming by households. Second, an increase in free markets for rural products, and increase in state prices for farm products, and the partial elimination of the two-tier price system. Third were changes in the economic structure that facilitied greater productivity and a 250% increase in average real rural incomes between 1979 and 1986. This book is unique in that it studies a single township (Dahe in Hebei Province) in depth over the two periods, thus providing a great deal of data about the effects of the reform at the village level.

In its persistence at maintaining racial inequality, Southern Africa is leaving the door open to widespread racial conflict. Although the world--east and west, communist and capitalist--is generally united in condemning apartheid, in such a dispute it is not unlikely that the two superpowers would become involved. Southern Africa: An American Enigma examines the currents of American involvement with Southern African politics since 1948 to the present Reagan administration.

Syria is home to one of the most brutal and protracted civil wars in history, posing a threat to global stability and enabling the expansion of the Islamic State (sometimes called "ISIS"). This in-depth analysis reveals the beginning, present state, and future of this conflict. The current crises involving ISIS have attracted worldwide attention to the complex politics and cultural panorama of the Middle East, including Syria. Political analyst and author David S. Sorenson discusses the ongoing civil war in Syria from its origins, to its key players, and to its propagation into neighboring countries. In the process, the work delves into Syria's demographics, history, economy, and security to illustrate the civil war's impact on the Middle East and the world. This in-depth analysis covers the Assad regime, ISIS's role in the region, possible outcomes of the conflict, and security implications for the country. Starting with a history of Syria, the work identifies the factors that have contributed to the onset and continuation of the civil war, moves on to an analysis of the outbreak and growth of the war, and points out key factors that fueled its intensity. A look at the Islamic State considers the internationalization of the Syrian civil war, explaining how the addition of many parties outside of Syria have made the war more violent and protracted. The book concludes by considering alternative endings for the conflict and addressing the role of world powers in the conflict and its outcome. Features a chapter on the growth of ISIS in the region and quest for a caliphate Addresses the influence of Russia, China, and the United States in the conflict and its outcome Follows the transition of the Syrian economy from state-run to crony capitalism Considers America's action and policy in response to the threats as presented both by President Assad and ISIS Covers the Syrian internal conflict as well as the conflict's expansion into Iraq, Lebanon, and Turkey

This comprehensive assessment by experts of the significant literature and research about the Korean War has been designed for students, teachers, and researchers at various levels and for broad interdisciplinary use. Edited by Brune, this one-volume research tool evaluates traditional interpretations and recent findings and trends and points to studies that are still needed on various topics. Twenty-three topical chapters cover the historical background and general references, international aspects of the war and the role and perspectives of major combatants, military policies and the strategies and tactics of the various armed forces, the Korean unification struggle after the war, and the relationship of the U.S. homefront to the Korean War. The book is fully indexed and is easily accessible.

Twenty-three topical chapters cover the historical background and general references; international aspects of the war and the role and perspectives of major combatants--from the United Nations and Korea to European and Asian and Pacific nations, including information on the most recent sources from the Soviet Union and Communist China; the military policies and the strategies and tactics of the U.S. Army, Navy and Marines, and Air Force; the Korean unification struggle after the war; and the relationship of the U.S. homefront to the Korean War--from the Administration and Congress to public opinion, and the war as seen by women and minorities and through the eyes of the cinema and TV. The book is fully indexed and is easily accessible for varied use by students, teachers, and researchers in different fields and at all levels.

French President Charles de Gaulle (1958-1969) has consistently fascinated contemporaries and historians. His vision conceived out of national interest of uniting Europe under French leadership and overcoming the Cold War still remains relevant and appealing. De Gaulle's towering personality and his challenge to US hegemony in the Cold War have inspired a vast number of political biographies and analyses of the foreign policies of the Fifth Republic mostly from French or US angle. In contrast, this book serves to rediscover de Gaulle's global policies how they changed the Cold War. Offering truly global perspectives on France's approach to the world during de Gaulle's presidency, the 13 well-matched essays by leading experts in the field tap into newly available sources drawn from US, European, Asian, African and Latin American archives. Together, the contributions integrate previously neglected regions, actors and topics with more familiar and newly approached phenomena into a global picture of the General's international policy-making. The volume at hand is an example of how cutting-edge research benefits from multipolar and multi-archival approaches and from attention to big, middle and smaller powers as well as institutions.

In the past decades, an increasing emphasis on the principles and values can be observed in international relations and in the foreign policies of Western states. The book poses the question whether this is also demonstrated in Czech foreign policy, whether in the ease of the Czech Republic the ethics and values have infiltrated foreign policy, and describes the character of the Czech foreign policy in general. The basic thesis is that the Czech Republic has left the traditionally defined national interest and undergone a transformation towards an ethical foreign policy. The aim of the book is to watch the genesis of ethical Czech foreign policy and to answer the question to which extent Czech foreign policy follows moral principles and values.

Over the six-month period from late 2012 to early 2013, Hu Jintao, the President of the People's Republic of China, Chair of the Central Military Commission, and Party Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), will relinquish at least two of his three positions. According to the constitution of the CCP, his time as Party head will come to an end, given that he has already served for two terms. Well over the supposed retirement age of 68, he will have to hand over the leadership of China to a new generation of leaders at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing. In Chinese politics, the act of retirement is surprisingly difficult, but Hu Jintao is widely known for his reserve and reticence; there is little doubt that he could disappear into a quiet and anonymous retirement if he so desires.This timely volume thus aims to provide an analytical assessment of Hu's period in charge of the world's most populous country. It concentrates briefly on his early life and entry into politics, then considers and evaluates his stewardship of the economy and of international affairs, as well as his ideological contribution and leadership of the communist party. In the process, the reader will also be afforded a broad overview of China's rapid developments over the last decade, since 2002.

What kind of country is America? Zachary Shore tackles this polarizing question by spotlighting some of the most morally muddled matters of WWII. Should Japanese Americans be moved from the west coast to prevent sabotage? Should the German people be made to starve as punishment for launching the war? Should America drop atomic bombs to break Japan's will to fight? Surprisingly, despite wartime anger, most Americans and key officials favored mercy over revenge, yet a minority managed to push their punitive policies through. After the war, by feeding the hungry, rebuilding Western Europe and Japan, and airlifting supplies to a blockaded Berlin, America strove to restore the country's humanity, transforming its image in the eyes of the world. A compelling story of the struggle over racism and revenge, This Is Not Who We Are asks crucial questions about the nation's most agonizing divides.

AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ are the latest in a string of blunders that includes Vietnam and an unintended war with China from 1950 to '53, those four fiascoes being just the worst moments in nearly a lifetime of false urgencies, intelligence failures, grandiose designs, and stereotyping of enemies and allies alike. America brought down the Soviet empire at the cold war's most dangerous juncture, but even that victory was surrounded by myths, such as the conviction that we can easily shape the destinies of other people.
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Magic and Mayhem "is a strikingly original, closely informed investigation of two generations of America's avoidable failures. In a perfectly timed narrative, Derek Leebaert reveals the common threads in these serial letdowns and in the consequences that await. He demonstrates why the most enterprising and innovative nation in history keeps mishandling its gravest politico-military dealings abroad and why well-credentialed men and women, deemed brilliant when they arrive in Washington, consistently end up leading the country into folly.
Misjudgments of this scale arise from a pattern of self-deception best described as "magical thinking." When we think magically, we conjure up beliefs that everyone wants to be like us, that America can accomplish anything out of sheer righteousness, and that our own wizardly policymakers will enable gigantic desires like "transforming the Middle East" to happen fast. Mantras of "stability" or "democracy" get substituted for reasoned reflection. Faith is placed in high-tech silver bullets, whether drones over Pakistan or helicopters in Vietnam.
Leebaert exposes these magical notions by using new archival material, exclusive interviews, his own insider experiences, and portraits of the men and women who have succumbed: George Kennan, Henry Kissinger, Robert McNamara, Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney, and Presidents Kennedy, Carter, and George W. Bush all appear differently in the light of magic, as do wise men from Harvard, Georgetown, Stanford, and think tanks such as RAND and Brookings, as well as influential players from the media and, occasionally, the military, including General David Petraeus as he personifies the nation's latest forays into counterinsurgency.
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Magic and Mayhem "offers vital insights as to how Americans imagine, confront, and even invite danger. Only by understanding the power of illusion can we break the spell, and then better apply America's enduring strengths in a world that will long need them.

In the first book to explore the cultural politics of Cuba's epic military engagement in the Angolan civil war, Christabelle Peters shows how the internationalist mission profoundly influenced Cuban thinking on the African cultural element in national identity. Drawing from multiple sources, including films, political speeches, literature, and autoethnography, Cuban Identity and the Angolan Experience reveals the underlying mythological context for Operation Carlota. By tracing the evolution of slave iconology during the first five--most ideological--years of the intervention, Peters reveals a parallel shift in Cuba's regional identification from Latin American to Caribbean.

Leon Aron considers the "mystery of the Soviet collapse" and finds answers in the intellectual and moral self-scrutiny of glasnost that brought about a profound shift in values. Reviewing the entire output of the key glasnost outlets in 1987-1991, he elucidates and documents key themes in this national soul-searching and the "ultimate" questions that sparked moral awakening of a great nation: "Who are we? How do we live honorably? What is a dignified relationship between man and state? How do we atone for the moral breakdown of Stalinism?" Contributing both to the theory of revolutions and history of ideas, Aron presents a thorough and original narrative about new ideas' dissemination through the various media of the former Soviet Union. Aron shows how, reaching every corner of the nation, these ideas destroyed the moral foundation of the Soviet state, de-legitimized it and made its collapse inevitable.