Immigrants make up the largest proportion of federal prisoners in the United States, incarcerated in a vast network of more than two hundred detention facilities. This book investigates when detention became a centerpiece of U.S. immigration policy. Detain and Punish reveals why the practice was reinstituted in 1981 after being halted for several decades and how the system expanded to become the world's largest immigration detention regime. The story begins with an influx of Haitian migrants and asylum seekers in the 1970s. The U.S. government responded with exclusionary policies and detention, setting a precedent for future waves of immigration. Carl Lindskoog details the discrimination Haitian refugees faced, and how their resistance to this treatment-in the form of legal action and activism-prompted the government to reinforce its detention program and create an even larger system of facilities. Lindskoog draws on extensive archival research, including government documents, advocacy group archives, and periodicals, to provide the first in-depth history of Haitians and immigration detention in the United States. Lindskoog asserts that systems designed for Haitian refugees laid the groundwork for the way immigrants to America are treated today. Detain and Punish provides essential historical context for the challenges faced by today's immigrant groups, which are some of the most critical issues of our time.

Perfect for promoting student debate, and critical thinking, and ideal for use by Model UN clubs, this ready-reference guide provides information and critical examinations of the 50 most important issues debated in UN history. Since the inception of the UN in 1945, its member nations have hotly debated the most incendiary global political issues, from human rights and Cold War conflicts to many regional and local clashes, most recently in Kosovo. The 50 entries are organized in chronological order based on their first appearance on the UN agenda. Each entry consists of four narrative sections: the significance of the issue; the historical, social and economic background of the issue; the history of the UN debate and intervention on the issue and the positions of various nations; and the outcome of the debate. Each entry concludes with a list of suggested further reading. More than fifty photos accompany the text.

Among the issues debated are those of UN peacekeeping efforts around the globe; issues of concern to Third World countries; the nuclear arms race; regional conflicts in the Middle East, Africa, Southeast Asia, and Central America; human rights; world population growth; the environment; laws of the sea; issues of food; the status of women; and racism. Cross-references will help the user to locate related topics. A timeline of events in the history of the UN, a bibliographic essay, a glossary, and a number of appendices including lists of UN world years, UN peacekeeping operations, Secretaries General of the UN and Presidents of the UN General Assembly add reference value to the work.

This study attempts to present a broad picture of political and economic developments in Russia after the collapse of the USSR. The book focuses on economics, social, financial and political tendencies that framed Russia's development in 1992-98, including an overview of successes and failures of Russian reform attempts, background and consequences of the collapse of Russia's financial market in August 1998, dynamics of capital flight from Russia, industrial, agricultural, trade and social development indicators. A major part of the study is devoted to a comparative analysis of developments in Russia's eighty nine administrative regions, particularly in the three major groups of regions - with predominantly mining, manufacturing and agricultural orientation. The book also examines voting patterns and political preferences in Russian regions, origins and the evolution of the Russian political system, limitations of the post-Soviet 'nomenklatura revolution' and Russia's search for a new national idea.

With elements of suspense and emotion, The Dream Warrior is designed to capture the imagination as well as to provoke serious thought and reflection about one's life. It continually asks the question: "Does a man have but one destiny?" How does a man or woman get to be the person they become? What unknown forces determine what a person feels; what a person thinks; and what life a person gets to live? How does a person handle their thoughts and feelings? How does a person handle the adversities and challenges that they face throughout their life? And when a person reaches the "September of their years," what gives them satisfaction when they look back at their life?

Henry Robinson Luce (1898-1967) founded Time, Life, Fortune, and Sports Illustrated. Born in China to missionary parents, Luce was a kind of lay preacher, anxious to mold the American mind and advance his ideological program: intervention, capitalism, democracy (when appropriate) and Christian activism. The most celebrated and influential editor of his day, Luce was also obsessed with the American mission in the world, and with China and East Asia. Luce tried to 'sell' this mission to a sometimes reluctant public. A passionate anti-Communist interventionist, he also convinced Americans that the US had perversely 'lost' China to the Communists. A fervent advocate of the Vietnam intervention, Luce, author of the American Century edited incoming cables so that magazines might conform to his ideas. For the first time, we see how Luce did this. Using hitherto inaccessible or neglected sources, Herzstein produces a gripping portrait of a great but tragic figure.

1968 for me was not simply the year I found myself away from home for the first time. It was not just the year I donned the uniform of a soldier and took up arms against communist aggression, traveling to the jungles of Southeast Asia to do my patriotic duty. To characterize that year merely as my coming of age fails to recognize the significance of the year itself. Few intervals of similar duration in the history of our nation have been as important as those twelve months. Perhaps only 1776 surpasses 1968 in its impact on who and what we as a nation will become thereafter. The eras of the Civil War and the two World Wars, although of equal or greater significance unfolded over longer spans of time, each more gradually evolving the beliefs and practices of American citizens. 1968 seems to have struck with impatient tenacity, delivering to the United States of America a wake up call from our cultural complacency and the natural acceptance of our assumed righteousness. 1968 began the polarization of America. Neutrality of belief or philosophy was no longer to be valued or even tolerated. The lines were being drawn; lines between left and right; between the old and the new, between generations and perhaps even between clarity and confusion. What we were as a people, who we were and what we stood for was cast in 1968 under the unflattering spotlight of war and internal conflict as a reaction to that war. College students, the children of World War II veterans, raised their voices in opposition to the edicts of the American Government. Extremists took matters into their own hands and murdered Martin Luther King Junior and Robert Kennedy. American soldiers committed atrocities at My Lai thatshocked a citizenry unable to accept this dissonant view of Americans in uniform and our military and governmental leaders threw up their hands behind closed doors, coming to the same conclusion; we can't win this war. On the home front popular music transitioned away from the malt-shop themes of the fifties and early sixties and became a vehicle for conveying political messages, for drawing young people away from the dreamy and into the heuristic. Being twenty-one in America in 1968 was different than being twenty-one in America in 1967 or any time before. American soldiers in Vietnam in 1968 were caught in a vortex of three worlds; the remembered world they left back home, the real world of violent struggles within the jungles, villages and rice paddies of South Vietnam and the rapidly transitioning world of the United States of America, nine-thousand miles away. This is the story of one twenty-one year old American caught in that vortex.

This book examines the process of Spanish integration into the European Community, from 1962 when Spain under the Franco regime applied to the European Community to 1985, when democratic Spain became a member of the EEC. It aims to prove that, first the European Community was the crucial external factor determining political change in Spain, and secondly that Europeanism was a mechanism of political change, as it was the only aim which unified the whole political spectrum from the Francoist establishment to the democratic opposition.

In Post-war Japan as a Sea Power, Alessio Patalano incorporates new, exclusive source material to develop an innovative approach to the study of post-war Japan as a military power. This archival-based history of Asia's most advanced navy, the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF), looks beyond the traditional perspective of viewing the modern Japanese military in light of the country's alliance with the US. The book places the institution in a historical context, analysing its imperial legacy and the role of Japan's shattering defeat in WWII in the post-war emergence of Japan as East Asia's 'sea power'.

This is a detailed archive-based study of the economic planning of the Attlee governments, in which the author seeks to analyse the interaction between the decisions of central planners and the micro-economic effects of these decisions. Throughout the book, Martin Chick pays particular attention to the level, pattern and quality of fixed capital investment. At the same time, there is a continuous concern with the struggle between politicians, economists and industrialists over the mix of pricing mechanisms and administrative orders which were to be used in this period. This struggle permeated all discussions over matters such as the organisation of nationalised industries, the monopoly structure of nationalised industries, the allocation of resources and the promotion of higher productivity. The author also asks what impact, if any, economic planning had on the productivity performance of the UK economy.

This book is an original and sophisticated historical interpretation of contemporary French political culture. Until now, there have been few attempts to understand the political consequences of the profound geopolitical, intellectual and economic changes that France has undergone since the 1970s. However, Emile Chabal's detailed study shows how passionate debates over citizenship, immigration, colonial memory, the reform of the state and the historiography of modern France have galvanised the French elite and created new spaces for discussion and disagreement. Many of these debates have coalesced around two political languages - republicanism and liberalism - both of which structure the historical imagination and the symbolic vocabulary of French political actors. The tension between these two political languages has become the central battleground of contemporary French politics. It is around these two poles that politicians, intellectuals and members of France's vast civil society have tried to negotiate the formidable challenges of ideological uncertainty and a renewed sense of global insecurity.

With the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States, a retired attorney and patriot began writing a collection of essays commenting on the problems he sees around him.

Lee S. Dimin, who served in the Army Air Force during World War II, shares how the growing power of corporations and governmental corruption is hurting American citizens. In this collection ofessays, he examines issues such as

ways to bridge differences between Democrats and Republicans; Islam's continuing quest to dominate the world; the intentions of the nation's Founding Fathers in writing the Constitution, and how their idealsare being violated; the increasing deficit and its implications on every single citizen; the ways in which mounting divisions between the rich and poor are hurting the country.

The challenges that face the United States continue to grow in number, but they are not insurmountable.In "Corporatocracy," you'll learn equipyourself with the knowledge that will help you take the country back.

Since 1945, mercenaries have earned an especially bad name for themselves in the Third World. From Colombia to the Congo, Angola to Papua New Guinea they have followed their dubious calling, hiring themselves out for blood money, training the war bands of drug barons, or assisting civil wars. They have gained a reputation for greed, racialism and brutality. Now, a phenomenon is emerging in the form of independent corporations with names such as "Executive Outcomes" or "Sandline" offering to sell every kind of military expertise and threatening to become powers in their own right. This book looks at the subject.

This book offers an unprecedented account of the Serb Democratic Party's origins and its political machinations that culminated in Europe's bloodiest conflict since World War II. Within the first two years of its existence, the nationalist movement led by the infamous genocide convict Radovan Karadzic, radically transformed Bosnian society. It politically homogenized Serbs of Bosnia-Herzegovina, mobilized them for the Bosnian War, and violently carved out a new geopolitical unit, known today as Republika Srpska. Through innovative and in-depth analysis of the Party's discourse that makes use of the recent literature on affective cognition, the book argues that the movement's production of existential fears, nationalist pride, and animosities towards non-Serbs were crucial for creating Serbs as a palpable group primed for violence. By exposing this nationalist agency, the book challenges a commonplace image of ethnic conflicts as clashes of long-standing ethnic nations.

This book analyzes the political culture of the American Sunbelt since the end of World War II. It highlights and explains the Sunbelt's emergence during the second half of the twentieth century as the undisputed geographic epicenter for conservative Republican power in the United States. However, the book also investigates the ongoing nature of political contestation within the postwar Sunbelt, often highlighting the underappreciated persistence of liberal and progressive influences across the region. Sean P. Cunningham argues that the conservative Republican ascendancy that so many have identified as almost synonymous with the rise of the postwar American Sunbelt was hardly an easy, unobstructed victory march. Rather, it was consistently challenged and never foreordained. The history of American politics in the postwar Sunbelt resembles a rollercoaster of partisan and ideological adaptation and transformation.

One of the most significant areas of activity in the George Bush administration was foreign affairs. Drawing together participants as well as foreign policy scholars and journalists, Hofstra Universtiy organized the 1997 Conference on the Presidency of George Bush. This volume covers the key foreign affairs activities of the administration.

The essays examine major areas of the Bush foreign policy record. Included are papers on international trade, the Middle East, Latin America, Somalia, Bosnia, arms control, and U.S. base closing. Scholars, students, and other researchers involved with the policies of the Bush administration will find this a useful resource.

This is the story of the most powerful NATO Supreme Commander of the Cold War, General Lauris Norstad was both a 'nuclear' general and an 'international' general. His primary goal was to keep the Alliance together as he accommodated British and French nuclear ambitions while forestalling the same in the West Germans. He also was at the centre of the political/military manoeuvrings over Berlin and the Soviet attempt to blackmail the West into recognizing East Germany, all of which culminated in the building of the infamous 'Wall'.

Much of the world reaped a peace dividend with the end of the Cold War, yet Asia has seen little reduction in tensions and military spending. Three Cold War era conflicts-those dividing China and Taiwan, North and South Korea, and India and Pakistan-remain unresolved. Other regional powers, as well as the United States, continue to be concerned about these volatile disputes. North Korea's nuclear and long-range missile development, China's opposition to Taiwan's pursuit of independence, and Pakistan's longstanding dispute with India have all received increasing media attention. This is the first volume using a common approach to examine post-Cold War changes in these three volatile dyads.

The book's case studies detail the evolution of each country's security policy and its shifting mix of alliances. The authors analyze U.S. interests and discuss how U.S. intervention affects strategic calculations of the conflicted states. This mechanism allows gives the readers a truer understanding of the conflicts and how they interact within the Asian security system in general. Each of the dominant theoretical frameworks of international relations-neo-realism, neo-liberalism, and constructivism-offer crucial insights into this complicated situation.

At the end of World War II, over 20,000 French people accused of collaboration with Germany endured a particularly humiliating act of revenge: their heads were shaved in public. Nearly all those punished were women. This episode in French history continues to provoke shame and unease and as a result has never been the subject of a thorough examination.
This groundbreaking book by Fabrice Virgili throws new light on these acts of retribution and reveals that, contrary to popular belief, a vast number of those women accused were innocent of any sexual involvement with Germans. Further, this form of punishment was in evidence well before the Liberation and in fact occurred in most European countries both in the twentieth century and earlier.
Why were these punishments largely directed at women? Was a relationship with a German emblematic of female collaboration and betrayal, or were contemporary feelings of violence towards the enemy subsequently re-directed? Answering these questions and many more, Virgili suggests that the punishment was not only meted out for 'horizontal collaboration' but also for many other forms of involvement, and that the act of shaving the head was itself a form of sexual punishment. For Virgili, the public nature of the punishment was a defence strategy, a response to the German Occupation and a reaction to the suffering and violence that had preceded the Liberation.
This pioneering investigation of one of France's darkest moments will be fascinating reading for anyone interested in World War II, French history or women's studies.

Marthie Voigt (nooi Prinsloo) is in 1931 in Suidwes-Afrika gebore; die vierde van ses kinders. Wat volg is ’n groot avontuur. Marthie word groot in die wye en ongetemde vlaktes van Angola. Die Prinsloo-gesin trek baie rond agter goeie weiding en gesonder toestande aan. Die lewe in ongerepte Angola het ook sy gevare en Marthie beleef groot hartseer toe haar sussie op 19 sterf aan malaria. Nadat Marthie trou met Carl-Wilhelm Voigt en hulle hul gevestig het op haar skoonouers se koffieplaas, begin die onheil in Angola roer. Ongelukkig breek daar oorlog uit en die Voigts moet hulle plaas net so los. Hulle speel ’n groot rol daarin om vlugtelinge uit Angola te versorg. Marthie Voigt het haar ongelooflike herinneringe aan hierdie historiese en persoonlike gebeurtenisse neergeskryf sodat wanneer ’n mens dit lees, dit glashelder voor jou geestesoog afspeel. ’n Wonderlike lewensverhaal uit die pen van ’n sterk, intelligente vrou.

The study of Prime Ministers and the reform of British central government in any era is fascinating. The interaction between the temporary, often inexperienced but largely elected ministers and the experienced but theoretically subservient senior civil servants provides enormous interest. This book concentrates on the years of Harold Macmillan, Harold Wilson, Alec Douglas Home and Edward Heath--years when the battle between Civil Service and Government was most intense. What makes this book more compelling is that many of the key players, including Richard Crossman, Barbara Castle and Tony Benn, wrote their own published accounts. Eighteen months after he came to power, Harold Wilson commissioned the Fulton Committee to look at the recruitment, training and management of civil servants. The Fulton report emerged in 1968 and became legendary for its difficult gestation and for the mini civil war, which developed within Whitehall over its implementation. This is but one episode in the history of British Prime Ministers' attempts to reform the Civil Service. The Fulton report remains a landmark in the administrative history of Britain.

Soviet authorities in 1987-1991 tried to encourage the union republics to use their diplomatic apparatuses, created by Stalin in 1944, to solicit foreign economic trade and aid. In many cases, union republics were able to draw upon diplomatic precedents established during the early Soviet period, or when they were independent states in the period 1918-1921. The many international contacts and ties the former union republics had established abroad helped them to promptly gain diplomatic recognition and establish diplomatic relations with many foreign states, mitigating to some degree the shock to the world order caused by the breakup of the Soviet Union.

The Pentagon Papers, officially titled "Report of the Office of the Secretary of Defense Vietnam Task Force," was commissioned by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara in 1967. In June of 1971, small portions of the report were leaked to the press and widely distributed. However, the publications of the report that resulted from these leaks were incomplete and suffered from many quality issues.

On the 40th anniversary of the leak to the press, the National Archives, along with the Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon Presidential Libraries, has released the complete report. The 48 boxes in this series contain a complete copy of the 7,000 page report along with numerous copies of different volumes of the report, all declassified. Approximately 34% of the report is available for the first time.

What is unique about this, compared to other versions, is that:

* The complete Report is now available with no redactions compared to previous releases

* The Report is presented as Leslie Gelb presented it to then Secretary of Defense Clark Clifford on January 15, 1969

* All the supplemental back-documentation is included. In the Gravel Edition, 80% of the documents in Part V.B. were not included

This release includes the complete account of peace negotiations, significant portions of which were not previously available either in the House Armed Services Committee redacted copy of the Report or in the Gravel Edition.

This facsimiile edition includes:

* Part VI. C. 1. Settlement of the Conflict. Histories of Contacts. 1965-1966

* Part VI. C. 2. Settlement of the Conflict. Histories of Contacts. Polish Track

* Part VI. C. 3. Settlement of the Conflict. Histories of Contacts. Moscow-London Track

* Part VI. C. 4. Settlement of the Conflict. Histories of Contacts. 1967-1968

Since the regime of Slobodan Milosevic was spectacularly overthrown on October 5, 2000, little has been written about subsequent political developments in Serbia. The perception of Milosevic as a criminal leader who plunged the former Yugoslavia into bloodshed and used violence to achieve his aims is not widely disputed among Western observers. However, to what extent is this view of Milosevic shared by people in Serbia? Here Janine Clark offers insights into and an understanding of this troubled country. She argues that many Serbs do not regard Milosevic as a criminal leader but rather as a "bad" leader whose greatest crimes were against his own people. This has important implications for how Serbia deals with its past and for reconciliation and peace-building in the former Yugoslavia.