"Korean-American Youth Identity and 9/11: An Examination of Korean-American Ethnic Identity in Post-9/11 America" by Professor Heerak Christian Kim of Asia Evangelical College and Seminary is a very important book in the area of ethnic studies in post-9/11 America. Although many books have been written on 9/11, there has not been adequate examination of its impact for particular ethnic groups. Even scholars of ethnic studies seem to ignore 9/11 as an event that is incidental to self-understanding and group identity of America's ethnic groups. This book is a step in the right direction in computing 9/11 into the study of ethnic identity and experience in America. This book specifically focuses on Korean-American identity, particularly in regards to Korean-American youth. However, this scholarly examination is further significant in its sensitivity to the ethnic experience of other Asian-Americans and in its examination of Korean-American identity as negotiated in the context of the larger dominant culture of America. And this book contributes further to the understanding of ethnic identity in the United States by devoting an important chapter to the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations between Korean-Americans and African-Americans. Besides being a monumental contribution to the understanding of ethnic identity in comparative terms, this book represents an important contribution to Korean-American studies. This book is the most up-to-date book on Korean-American youth identity and provides the scholarly community with valuable information regarding which direction to take future research regarding Korean-American identity and the Asian-American experience in the United States. As Asian-Americans are rising in terms of number and influence, the need for understanding their identity becomes important on academic, social, political, economic, and intellectual levels. This book is a very important book to meet the rising need that has been largely neglected in academia and in the publishing industry thus far. This book is an essential addition to all serious university libraries, public libraries, and private personal libraries of educated individuals.

Since 2012, hundreds of men and women have left Western countries to join jihadist groups fighting in Syria. Many are still there, many have been killed, but some have chosen to return to their countries of origin. French Journalist David Thomson met some of those who came back. Bilel, Yassin, Zoubeir, Lena, each has a different profile and story. Some have returned disgusted by the violence of the Syrian battlefields, or the terrorist attacks that have struck across Europe; they try to become forgotten, living under extreme surveillance. Others return seriously wounded or psychologically destroyed. Others still are in jail, a breeding ground for broader radicalization. And some have come back to continue to carry out jihad in Europe. In utmost secrecy, David Thomson gathered their testimonies and recounts them in this remarkable and revealing book. With ISIS losing ground on all fronts, the steady flow of jihadists returning to Europe represents one of the greatest challenges facing countries across the continent. This nuanced analysis of the social, religious, political, familial and psychological factors that push people to violent extremism is more necessary now than ever. It will be essential reading for all those seeking to understand how we might address this threat.

The war on terror is a lost cause. As the war heads towards its second decade, American security policy is in disarray - the Iraq War is a disaster, Afghanistan is deeply insecure and the al-Qaida movement remains as potent as ever with new generations of leaders coming to the fore.
Well over 100,000 civilians have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, many tens of thousands have been detained without trial, and torture, prisoner abuse and rendition have sullied the reputation of the United States and its coalition partners.
Why We're Losing the War on Terror examines the reasons for the failure, focusing on American political and military attitudes, the impact of 9/11, the fallacy of a New American Century, the role of oil and, above all, the consummate failure to go beyond a narrow western view of the world.
More significantly, it argues that the disaster of the war may have a huge if unexpected bonus. Its very failure will make it possible to completely re-think western attitudes to global security, moving towards a sustainable policy that will be much more effective in addressing the real threats to global security - the widening socio-economic divide and climate change.

This book offers a broad interdisciplinary approach to the changes in the U.S. immigration debate before and after 9/11. A nation's reaction to foreigners has as much to do with sociology as it does with political science, economics and psychology. Without drawing on this knowledge, our understanding of the immigration debate remains mundane, partial, and imperfect. Therefore, our story accounts for multiple factors, including culture and politics, power, organizations, social psychological processes, and political change. Examining this relationship in the contemporary context requires a lengthy voyage across academic disciplines, a synthesis of seemingly contradictory assumptions, and a grasp of research traditions so vast and confusing that an accurate rendering may seem implausible. And yet, to tell the story of the immigration debate in the age of terrorism, polarization, and Trump in any other way is to tell it in part. The immigration debate in the United States has always been about openness. Two questions in particular-how open should the door be and what type of immigrant should walk through it-have characterized policy disputes for well over a century. In the current debate, expansionists want to see more legal immigrants in the U.S. and greater tolerance, if not respect, for immigrants. Restrictionists favor lower levels of immigration, stronger borders, and tighter law enforcement measures to stop the stream of 'illegal' migration and alleged crime. The aim of this book is to describe how these opposing views materialized in the news media, political rhetoric, and, ultimately, in policy. Much of our argument rests on the idea that history matters, that the dominant narrative about immigration is in constant flux, and that the 'winner' of the immigration debate is determined by a vector of contextual elements: the joint impact of current events, enduring traditions, and political-economic forces. Our approach to the immigration debate avoids deterministic claims and grand-scale projections. Although we argue with conviction that a climate of fear played an important role in shaping the debate, the fear itself and its effects on social attitudes and public policy were neither inevitable nor necessarily long lasting.

John Ashcroft's service as Attorney General began with turmoil: a loss to a deceased challenger in his Senate reelection campaign and a tumultuous confirmation battle. Then, on September 11, 2001, his job was transformed into the greatest leadership challenge an Attorney General has ever faced. What Ashcroft learned from highly classified intelligence briefings, secret surveillance of terror cells, and war councils with President Bush gave him a uniquely comprehensive--and uniquely chilling--view of the threats to America's security. What he did to prevent another terrorist attack on American soil is hotly debated to this day. In NEVER AGAIN, Ashcroft breaks his silence about historic events that transpired during his term of office--including the largest terrorist attack in U.S. history, the enactment and defense of the USA Patriot Act, the Robert Hanssen spy scandal, the execution of Timothy McVeigh, and the recently discovered domestic surveillance program authorized by President Bush. In this provocative book, readers will meet the man behind the title and hear his take on the dangers to and within America from outside forces, and what he did to repair the serious breaches in our country's security. A fascinating, probing look at what Ashcroft believes will make America ultimately safe.

This study is based on thousands of interviews over 35 years with the leaders and members of the Republican movement and the IRA itself, as well as the Irish, British and Americans involved in the Troubles. Not unmindful of the unfolding of history, nor the relevance of events, the focus of this study is on the workings of an organization involved in armed struggle.
The book addresses the functioning of a revolutionary movement, not the theory, or the assumptions of observers. How does the IRA work, and why? Who gets what and at what cost? What are the advantages of secrecy and history - and what are the attractions of the secret army, and to whom?

Weapons of Mass Destruction are diverse and pose unique challenges to governments attempting to keep them out of the wrong hands and preparing to respond to an attack. This text analyzes Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear (CBRN) weapons and terrorist groups with a known interest in them. It presents accessible information about the technical challenges posed by each type of weapon, assesses the threats, and reviews the US governmental responses. It provides structured CBRN case studies and allows for easy comparison of threats, challenges, and responses. The text combines weapons and policy information in one comprehensive and comparative resource for researchers and students interested in key issues in modern terrorism and international security.

This unique work analyzes for the first time how foreign-affinity terrorism works in a major democratic nation like the United States, and what this country must do to survive the terror challenge, on both conventional and unconventional levels. To date, no definitive study has dealt specifically with the role of American citizens in supporting a foreign political, ideological, and religious illegal agenda. Terrorists in Our Midst: Combating Foreign-Affinity Terrorism in America remedies that as six expert authors discuss the threats of Americans to security interests in the United States and elsewhere, exploring what can and should be done to reduce a risk that may threaten the very survival of the free world. Terrorists in Our Midst focuses not only on foreign nationals operating in the United States, but also on American citizens participating in terror networks at home and abroad. The book presents an overview of both conventional and unconventional terrorism, surveys the terrorist threat in the United States by state and nonstate actors, and analyzes the foreign-affinity links of American operatives in this country and abroad. Most important for the safety and security of the United States, it offers an assessment of what policies worked and what did not work, specifying a "best practices" agenda of recommendations that should be adopted by the United States and the international community. Contributions from six distinguished academics and professionals with wide experiences in public and private service Case studies of the major U.S. counterterrorism strategies, including intelligence, law enforcement, border security, financial issues, and civil liberties concerns increase public and governmental understanding of the risks of, and possible responses to, future foreign-affinity terrorism A compilation of selected American foreign-affinity terrorists operating at home and abroad

This book seeks to understand the processes of reintegration of former Jihadist detainees, as well as the role that the police and other frontline professionals play in this process. Over the past few decades the number of people who have been detained under the suspicion of terrorist activities has grown significantly. This has resulted in an increased scholarly interest in the topic of prisons and terrorism. However, the main focus of academic research has been on the period of incarceration with researchers paying extensive attention to the conditions under which terrorists have been detained as well as to various processes of alienation and (violent) radicalisation that sometimes take root while in prison. Much less has been written about the period after their incarceration and the steps being taken to prepare them for that transition. This book seeks to fill this gap. It argues that sentencing or incarcerating terrorism suspects is not the end of the story, but just the beginning of the next phase: a process of reintegration, or the start of a new cycle of violence. This exploratory study outlines the factors during and after detention that contribute or hinder the reintegration of those who have been incarcerated for violent extremism and terrorism. The overriding aim of this work is to facilitate further research into the radicalisation and de-radicalisation of jihadist suspects. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism and counter-terrorism, Islamist radicalisation, criminology and security studies in general.

The Lesser Jihads examines conflict through the lens of Islamist terrorist groups. It outlines how terrorists see war, as well as what historical and current events and ideas they use not only to justify violence, but also encourage others to participate. Following a brief examination of recent wars in which Islamist terrorist groups played a significant role (Afghanistan, Somalia, Bosnia, Iraq, and Syria), the text describes ongoing conflict in 22 countries across Asia, Africa, and Europe. It shows how Jihadists use their propaganda to continue what they see as their obligation to fight to protect Islam, and how extremist messaging interprets these conflicts. It identifies and explains the connectivity of these conflicts, framing them into a global world view. In light of the ongoing war in Syria, the text provides a timely warning that other wars may grow in lethality and scope, arguing that there is enough Muslim suffering and perceived international aggression against Islam to feed future conflict. Bringing together in one volume different conflicts where terrorist groups are active worldwide, it introduces the world and thinking of Jihadists while highlighting a number of seldom reported cases.

After the rise of the Islamic State in the Middle East and the new geopolitical landscape in this region, it is essential for the modern reader to understand the history that has allowed for and influenced these types of Islamic groups to form. Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalism acts as a didactic resource that explains, from the Islamic perspective, the historical importance of the Islamic fundamentalist world. This dictionary provides a comprehensive and thorough analysis of various groups, events, movements, key figures, and dogmas that have influenced contemporary Islamic fundamentalism. A chronology spanning 600 years, graphs of complex Islamic group associations and alliances, and an Arabic-to-English glossary have all been included to facilitate a complete understanding of the nuances and generalities that have shaped this movement. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalism also contains an introduction, appendixes, an extensive bibliography, and more than 700 cross-referenced entries on ideologies, people, events, and movements of the 20th and 21st centuries.

This study thinks with photography about peace. It asks how photography can represent peace, and how such representation can contribute to peace. The book offers an original critique of the almost exclusive focus on violence in recent work on visual culture and presents a completely new research agenda within the overall framework of visual peace research. Critically engaging with both photojournalism and art photography in light of peace theories, it looks for visual representations or anticipations of peace - peace or peace as a potentiality - in the work of selected photographers including Robert Capa and Richard Mosse, thus reinterpreting photography from the Spanish Civil War to current anti-migration politics in Europe. The book argues that peace photography is episodic, culturally specific, process-oriented and considerate of both the past and the future.

This book critically discusses the role of technology for counter-terrorism in general, and for securing our vulnerable open societies in particular. It is set against the backdrop of the terrorist threat posed by the combined forces of Al Qaeda and ISIS/Daesh in the foreseeable future. The book commences by illuminating current and foreseeable tactics and weapons used by these implacable enemies - weapons that may well include chemical, biological, radiological and potentially even nuclear (CBRN) devices. In a second part, it introduces technologies already available or in development that promise an increase in safety and security when it comes to the dangers posed by these terrorists. This part also includes a critical discussion of advantages and disadvantages of such technologies that are, quite often, sold as a 'silver bullet' approach in the fight against terrorism. Controversies such as those triggered by the abuse of millimeter wave scanners deployed at several Western European airports will demonstrate that there are costs involved with regard to human rights. The third, analytical part takes the critical discussion further by arguing that the uncritical fielding of new surveillance and control technologies in parallel with the on-going outsourcing and privatization of key services of the state could well lead to dystopias as envisaged in a rather prescient way by the so-called cyperpunk novels of the 1980s. The book concludes with the question that any liberal democracy should ask itself: how far can we go with regard to hardening our societies against terrorist threats?

The EU and China are often characterised as parties whose bilateral political differences still remain too large to bridge, so that they have failed to convert rhetorical promises into tangible results of cooperation, particularly with regards to the field of international security. Yet in terms of their bilateral interaction on security risk management in Africa; EU and Chinese naval officers jointly brought down the number of successful Somali pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden and to a lesser extent were jointly involved in seeking a resolution to the lingering conflict in Darfur. This book asks how we can make sense as a whole of this relatively sudden shift in regards to the dealings between their respective officials on the topic of security risk management. It argues that the outcomes of Sino-European bilateral dealings on this topic are above all determined by the ability/inability of these officials to build political trust as a complex and cognitive social phenomenon. Consequently, the book applies an innovative conceptual framework on political trust to explain why EU and Chinese officials bridged their 'endemic' political differences to practically cooperate on Somali piracy but were unable to do so when it came to their interaction on Darfur. To conclude, it examines the longer term impact of this bilateral trust-building process by covering more recent examples of bilateral engagement in Libya and Mali and aims to show that although this trust-building process may be case specific, ramifications may go beyond the realm of their bilateral dealings on security matters in Africa, to impact wider issues of international security. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of African and Chinese politics, EU politics, security and maritime studies, and more broadly of international relations and to governmental actors.

This expert's view into the strategic directions, tactics, leaders, and significant attacks connected to Chechen and North Caucasus terrorists examines the network's operations as well as the success of Russia's counterterrorist responses. This authoritative account traces the emergence of terrorism in the volatile region of the North Caucasus from its origins in the early 1990s through the present day. It presents a detailed examination of local and global counterterrorism strategies-everything from military force, to diplomacy, to politicization-providing valuable insight into effective methods for fighting terrorism here and around the world. This candid work uncovers the roots of Russian terrorism and provides a historical overview of the conditions that advanced terrorism and its unprecedented warfare practices, including radioactive attacks and suicide attacks by women. Author and native Russian speaker, Elena Pokalova, analyzes prominent terrorist groups such as Islamic International Peacekeeping Brigade, Riyad us-Saliheyn Martyrs' Brigade, and Special Purpose Islamic Regiment, and reveals the regional and global influence of the Caucasus Emirate on the movement. Discusses different strands of terrorist movements that emerged over time in the North Caucasus Includes tables, maps, and charts to help support content and reinforce visual learning Analyzes the significance of the jihadi ideology in the North Caucasus Examines the structural dynamics behind terrorist attacks over time

Our modern security systems have recently come under a lot of criticism: as too bureaucratic and unadaptable, too secretive and untrustworthy, and too obsessed with information technology rather than human needs. Yet listing failures is easy; security is never perfect. The question is why current approaches fail and whether there are viable alternatives. The root of their shortcomings is in the interaction of the very pillars of our security system in the contemporary context. While our enemies have adopted the technologies of the Information Age, changing how they organize and fight, these same technologies have only created more vulnerabilities for states. Governments have been generally unwilling to maximize their use of these technologies because it would require the wider release of information and the opening of organizational structures to include society in security making. Yet countering diffuse modern threats striking deep into our states and across our economies requires mobilizing the diffuse skills and variation of modern society. Open approaches for mobilizing participation and coproduction have the capabilities needed to improve contemporary security policy making, problem solving, and provision. Moreover, open participatory security can be effective not only for technical security, but also for restoring trust among the citizens and rebuilding the legitimacy of the state.

The Lesser Jihads examines conflict through the lens of Islamist terrorist groups. It outlines how terrorists see war, as well as what historical and current events and ideas they use not only to justify violence, but also encourage others to participate. Following a brief examination of recent wars in which Islamist terrorist groups played a significant role (Afghanistan, Somalia, Bosnia, Iraq, and Syria), the text describes ongoing conflict in 22 countries across Asia, Africa, and Europe. It shows how Jihadists use their propaganda to continue what they see as their obligation to fight to protect Islam, and how extremist messaging interprets these conflicts. It identifies and explains the connectivity of these conflicts, framing them into a global world view. In light of the ongoing war in Syria, the text provides a timely warning that other wars may grow in lethality and scope, arguing that there is enough Muslim suffering and perceived international aggression against Islam to feed future conflict. Bringing together in one volume different conflicts where terrorist groups are active worldwide, it introduces the world and thinking of Jihadists while highlighting a number of seldom reported cases.

A multi-level analysis of Pakistani human bombs reveals that suicide terrorism is caused by multiple factors with perceived effectiveness, vengeance, poverty, and religious fundamentalism playing a varying role at the individual, organizational, and environmental levels. Nationalism and resistance to foreign occupation appear as the least relevant factors behind suicide terrorism in Pakistan. The findings of this research are based on a multi-level analysis of suicide bombings, incorporating both primary and secondary data. In this study, the author also decodes personal, demographic, economic and marital characteristics of Pakistani human bombs. On average, Pakistani suicide bombers are the youngest but the deadliest in the world, and more than 71 percent of their victims are civilians. Earlier concepts of a weak link linking terrorism with poverty and illiteracy do not hold up against the recent data gathered on the post-9/11 generation of fighters in Pakistan (in suicidal and non-suicidal categories), as the majority of fighters from a variety of terrorist organizations are economically deprived and semi-literate. The majority of Pakistani human bombs come from rural backgrounds, with very few from major urban centres. Suicide bombings in Pakistan remain a male-dominated phenomenon, with most bombers being single men. Demographic profiling of Pakistani suicide bombers, based on a random sample of 80 failed and successful attackers, dents the notion that American drone strikes play a primary role in promoting terrorism in all its manifestations. The study concludes that previous scholarly attempts to explain suicide bombings are largely based on Middle Eastern data, thus their application in the case of Pakistan can be misleading. The Pakistani case study of suicide terrorism demonstrates unique characteristics, hence it needs to be understood and countered through a context-specific and multi-level approach.

Education and Extremisms addresses one of the most pressing questions facing societies today: how is education to respond to the challenge of extremism? It argues that the implementation of new teaching techniques, curricular reforms or top-down changes to education policy alone cannot solve the problem of extremism in educational establishments across the world. Instead, the authors of this thought-provoking volume argue that there is a need for those concerned with radicalisation to reconsider the relationship between instrumentalist ideologies shaping education and the multiple forms of extremisms that exist. Beginning with a detailed discussion of the complicated and contested nature of different forms of extremism, including extremism of both a religious and secular nature, the authors show that common assumptions in contemporary discourses on education and extremism are problematic. Chapters in the book provide a careful selection of pertinent and topical case studies, policy analysis and insightful critique of extremist discourses. Taken together, the chapters in the book make a powerful case for re-engaging with liberal education in order to foster values of individual and social enrichment, intellectual freedom, criticality, open-mindedness, flexibility and reflection as antidotes to extremist ideologies. Recognising recent criticisms of liberalism and liberal education, the authors argue for a new understanding of liberal education that is suitable for multicultural societies in a rapidly globalising world. This book is essential reading for academics, researchers and postgraduate students with an interest in religion, citizenship education, liberalism, secularism, counter-terrorism, social policy, Muslim education, youth studies and extremism. It is also relevant to teacher educators, teachers and policymakers.

This thoughtful text demonstrates how the mass media constructs a politics of fear in the United States. Using a social interactionist perspective, the chapters examines such issues as the expansion of surveillance on the Internet, the construction of a terrorism-fighting hero to promote patriotism, the use of social media by terror groups, the fear of the other fostered by the refugee crisis and western radicalization, as well as the mass-mediated reaction to recent terrorist attacks. Also covered are the politics of fear involving disease (Ebola, Zika), social control efforts, and harsh attacks on American governmental officials for not keeping people safe from harm. All chapters in this new edition have been updated with descriptions and relevant analysis of significant events, including two Israeli-Hamas wars, terrorism attacks (e.g., Boston Marathon, Charlie Hebdo, San Bernadino, etc.), global reactions-often hostility-to refugees in the United States and especially Europe, the development of ISIS, surveillance (Wiki Leaks, Snowden, NSA), and the growing significance of social media. The text explains how the social construction of fear is used to steer public and foreign policy, arguing that security policies to protect the citizenry from violence have become control systems that most often curtail privacy and civil liberties.

In this urgently needed book, Marc Crepon addresses the nature of hatred and its manifestations in international and domestic terrorism, racism, war and other forms of violence. Looking at the evidence of violence motivated by hatred, including US racial segregation, South African apartheid and the terrorist attacks in New York City in 2001 and in Paris in 2015, Crepon makes a compelling case for why hatred is the burden of our times.With inspiration from the non-violence resistance movements of Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King Jr., Crepon reveals how philosophy and literature, using courage and a new language, can overcome the many forms of hatred and violence present in our lives today.

This thoughtful text demonstrates how the mass media constructs a politics of fear in the United States. Using a social interactionist perspective, the chapters examines such issues as the expansion of surveillance on the Internet, the construction of a terrorism-fighting hero to promote patriotism, the use of social media by terror groups, the fear of the other fostered by the refugee crisis and western radicalization, as well as the mass-mediated reaction to recent terrorist attacks. Also covered are the politics of fear involving disease (Ebola, Zika), social control efforts, and harsh attacks on American governmental officials for not keeping people safe from harm. All chapters in this new edition have been updated with descriptions and relevant analysis of significant events, including two Israeli-Hamas wars, terrorism attacks (e.g., Boston Marathon, Charlie Hebdo, San Bernadino, etc.), global reactions-often hostility-to refugees in the United States and especially Europe, the development of ISIS, surveillance (Wiki Leaks, Snowden, NSA), and the growing significance of social media. The text explains how the social construction of fear is used to steer public and foreign policy, arguing that security policies to protect the citizenry from violence have become control systems that most often curtail privacy and civil liberties.

This book explores the impact of September 11, 2001 upon interdisciplinary scholarship and pedagogy in the liberal arts. Since "the day that changed everything", many forces have transformed institutions of higher education in the United States and around the world. The editors and contributors consider the extent to which the influence of 9/11 was direct, or part of wider structural changes within academia, and the chapters represent a wide range of interdisciplinary perspectives on how the production and dissemination of knowledge has changed since 2001. Some authors demonstrate that new forms of inquiry, exploration, and evidence have been created, much of it focused on the causes, consequences, and meanings of the terror attacks. Others find that scholars sought to understand 9/11 by applying old theoretical and empirical insights and reviving lines of questioning that have become relevant. The contributors also examine the impact of 9/11 on higher education administration and liberal arts pedagogies. Among the many collective findings is that scholars in the humanities and critical social sciences have been most attentive to the place of 9/11 in society and academic culture. This eclectic collection will appeal to students and scholars interested in the place of the liberal arts in the twenty-first century world.

Ten years on, what have been the principal impacts of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the external policies and international outlooks of the world's major powers, the range and scope of the international security agenda and on the capacity for states and international organisations to work together to combat the dangers of international terrorism? This book investigates a range of international responses to the events of 9/11, to evaluate their consistency over time; to analyse their long-term significance and impact and to consider both their implications for the international security agenda and the prospects for international cooperation in addressing the challenges posed. In particular, the book considers the perspectives of some of the world's major powers and international organisations on the question of international terrorism, and on its perpetrators, comparing their interpretations and responses and examining how these have changed over the course of a decade of conflict. This book is primarily directed at an academic market, and especially towards undergraduate and taught postgraduate students on courses in international politics, international relations, security studies, terrorism studies, and contemporary international history.

Blending concepts from 'dramatism' such as 'victimage ritual' with Foucault's approach to modern power and knowledge regimes, this book presents a novel and illuminating perspective on political power and domination resulting from the global war on terrorism. With attention to media sources and political discourse within the context of the global war on terror, the author draws attention to the manner in which power elites construct scapegoats by way of a victimage ritual, thus providing themselves with a political pretext for extending their power and authority over new territories and populations, as well as legitimating an intensification of domestic surveillance and social control. A compelling analysis of ritual rhetoric and political violence, Power, Discourse and Victimage Ritual in the War on Terror will be of interest to sociologists, political theorists and scholars of media and communication concerned with questions of surveillance and social control, political communication, hegemony, foreign policy and the war on terror.