The geography of contemporary U.S. political economy-the relocation
of firms toward the sunbelt and abroad; the decline of
manufacturing in the rust belt; and the rise of footloose producer
services, NAFTA-inspired trade flows-has roots that run deep into
our past. This innovative history by one of our most distinguished
historical geographers traces their growth back to the
seventeenth-century origins of liberalism, republicanism, and the
regular financial crises by then endemic in capitalist societies.
The problem the English and then the Americans faced was overcoming
these crises while avoiding the political extremes of royal
absolutism and later of socialism, communism, and fascism. The
English way alternated between the doctrinaire ideologies and
geographies of republicanism and liberalism. In 1776, by mixing
elements of both, Americans created entirely new ideological
alloys. Henceforth, policy regimes alternated between Democrats and
Republicans and their distinctive fusions of liberal and republican
ideology. Democrats combined publicanism's tenets of equality,
diversified and volatile regions, and consumer revolution with
liberalism's tenets of free trade, geographical consolidation, and
dispersion (New Deal "liberalism"). Republicans mixed liberalism's
biases toward elites, regional specialization and stability, and
producer revolution with republicanism's tilt toward nationalism,
expansionism, and demographic concentration (Reagan's America).
Muddying liberal and republican ideologies and geographies in ways
that tempered their extremes, Americans would add one more twist.
Thrice, upon the birth of the first, second, and third republics,
they enlarged the geographical jurisdictions of the federal
government, extended the domains of U.S. power, and redefined the
nature of the state. Carville Earle defines these enlargements as
the distributive and partisan "sectional state" of the 1790s, the
regulatory and redistributive "national state" of the 1880s, and
the neoliberal "transnational sta
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