Over the past two decades theorists and researchers have given
increasing attention to the effects, both beneficial and harmful,
of various control related motivations and beliefs. People's
notions of how much personal control they have or desire to have
over important events in their lives have been used to explain a
host of performance and adaptational outcomes, including
motivational and performance deficits associated with learned
helplessness (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) and
depression (Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989), adaptation to
aging (Baltes & Baltes, 1986; Rodin, 1986), cardiovascular
disease (Matthews, 1982), cancer (Sklar & Anisman, 1979),
increased reports of physical symptoms (Pennebaker, 1982), enhanced
learning (Savage, Perlmutter, & Monty, 1979),
achievement-related behaviors (Dweck & Licht, 1980; Ryckman,
1979), and post abortion adjustment (Mueller & Major, 1989).
The notion that control motivation plays a fundamental role in a
variety of basic, social psychological processes also has a long
historical tradition. A number of theorists (Heider, 1958; Jones
& Davis, 1965; Kelley, 1967), for example, have suggested that
causal inferences arise from a desire to render the social world
predictable and controllable. Similarly, control has been
implicated as an important mediator of cognitive dissonance
(Wicklund & Brehm, 1976) and attitude phenomena (Brehm &
Brehm, 1981; Kiesler, Collins, & Miller, 1969). Despite the
apparent centrality of control motivation to a variety of social
psychological phenomena, until recently there has been relatively
little research explicitly concerned with the effects of control
motivation on the cognitive processes underlying such phenomena
(cf."
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