As a young lawyer practicing in Arizona, far from the political
center of the country, William Hubbs Rehnquist's iconoclasm made
him a darling of Goldwater Republicans. He was brash and
articulate. Although he was unquestionably ambitious and
extraordinarily self-confident, his journey to Washington required
a mixture of good-old-boy connections and rank good fortune. An
outsider and often lone dissenter on his arrival, Rehnquist
outlasted the liberal vestiges of the Warren Court and the
collegiate conservatism of the Burger Court, until in 1986 he
became the most overtly political conservative to sit as chief
justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Over that time
Rehnquist's thinking pointedly did not--indeed, could not--evolve.
Dogma trumped leadership. So, despite his intellectual gifts,
Rehnquist left no body of law or opinions that define his tenure as
chief justice or even seem likely to endure. Instead, Rehnquist
bestowed a different legacy: he made it respectable to be an
expedient conservative on the Court.
The Supreme Court now is as deeply divided politically as the
executive and legislative branches of our government, and for this
Rehnquist must receive the credit or the blame. His successor as
chief justice, John Roberts, is his natural heir. Under Roberts,
who clerked for Rehnquist, the Court remains unrecognizable as an
agent of social balance. Gone are the majorities that expanded the
Bill of Rights.
The Rehnquist Court, which lasted almost twenty years, was
molded in his image. In thirty-three years on the Supreme Court,
from 1972 until his death in 2005 at age 80, Rehnquist was at the
center of the Court's dramatic political transformation. He was a
partisan, waging a quiet, constant battle to imbue the Court with a
deep conservatism favoring government power over individual
rights.
The story of how and why Rehnquist rose to power is as
compelling as it is improbable. Rehnquist left behind no memoir,
and there has never been a substantial biography of him: Rehnquist
was an uncooperative subject, and during his lifetime he made an
effort to ensure that journalists would have scant material to work
with. John A. Jenkins has produced the first full biography of
Rehnquist, exploring the roots of his political and judicial
convictions and showing how a brilliantly instinctive jurist, who
began his career on the Court believing he would only ever be an
isolated voice of right-wing objection, created the ethos of the
modern Supreme Court.
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