Depuis l'ouvrage de John Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment.
Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975), on
connait l'importance de James Harrington dans la pensee politique
anglo-americaine a la periode moderne. Parce qu'au-dela de l'acte
de resistance a la tyrannie, il promeut la democratie et propose
les moyens constitutionnels de mettre en oeuvre la souverainete
populaire dans un pays de vaste etendue, Harrington a incarne une
forme distinctive de republicanisme. En retracant l'histoire de sa
reception dans la France des Lumieres, cet ouvrage a pour but de
combler un hiatus entre le grand recit pocockien du republicanisme
machiavelien et l'historiographie de la Revolution francaise. En
cela, il s'inscrit dans le panorama brosse en 2010 par
l'historienne Rachel Hammersley, et va au-dela. D'une part, il
accorde a Hume, Jaucourt ou Rousseau, aux cotes de ses nombreux
traducteurs et commentateurs, un role central dans l'actualisation
de la pensee de Harrington. D'autre part, il montre que son
heritage intellectuel fut pluriel. Celui-ci n'est en effet pas
seulement l'inspirateur de dispositions constitutionnelles
specifiques : a l'heure ou se developpe l'economie politique,
Harrington apparait comme le penseur d'une egalite relative des
fortunes, percue comme la seule base possible d'un ordre politique
stable. -- John Pocock's book The Machiavellian Moment. Florentine
Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975) has shown the
importance of James Harrington in Anglo-American modern political
thought. Beyond the act of resistance to tyranny, he vindicates
democracy and provides the constitutional means for implementing
popular sovereignty in a vast country. In doing so, Harrington has
incarnated a distinctive form of republicanism. By reconstructing
the history of his reception in eighteenth century France, this
book aims to bridge the gap between the great Pocockian narrative
of Machiavellian republicanism and the historiography of the French
Revolution. It is set against the panorama offered by Rachel
Hammersley in 2010 and aims to go further. On the one hand, it
shows how central Hume, Jaucourt or Rousseau have been in reviving
Harrington's thought, along with his numerous translators and
commentators. On the other hand, it shows that his intellectual
legacy was diverse. He did not only stand as the inspirer of
specific constitutional measures: as political economy developed,
Harrington also appeared as the theoretician of a relative equality
of wealth among the people, perceived by many as the true basis of
a stable political order.
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