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Nationalism, Sectarianism, and the Future of the U.S. Presence in Post-Saddam Iraq (Paperback)
Loot Price: R453
Discovery Miles 4 530
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Nationalism, Sectarianism, and the Future of the U.S. Presence in Post-Saddam Iraq (Paperback)
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Loot Price R453
Discovery Miles 4 530
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The destruction of the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq has opened the
path to a new future for Iraqis, although it is not yet certain
what direction that future will take. Iraq is a fragile political
entity created in the aftermath of World War I through the
involuntary union of ethnically and religiously diverse portions of
the former Ottoman Empire. In the years following Iraq's creation,
a nascent nationalism emerged, which successive leaders sought to
nurture and encourage. This effort culminated in Saddam Hussein's
efforts to generate a radical Iraq-centered form of Arab
nationalism, which served to promote loyalty to the state and more
importantly to Saddam. The U.S.-Iraqi War of 2003 did not emerge as
a strong test of Iraqi nationalism. While Saddam did have some
committed defenders, large segments of the population remained
neutral in the confrontation between the U.S.-led coalition and
Saddam's defenders. After the war, the United States emerged as a
power on probation with the Iraqi population, many of whom were
uncertain that their well-being was a major factor in the U.S.
decision to intervene and remain in Iraq. Anti-American conspiracy
theories became widespread in Iraq, while conservative Muslims
worried about the corrupting influence of perceived Western vices.
The removal of Saddam's regime created problems and opportunities
for Iraqi ethnic and religious communities. Arab Shi'ites, who
comprise the majority of the population, saw new opportunities for
political leadership, perhaps with a powerful but fragmented clergy
leading the way. Sunni Arabs correspondingly worried about a new
distribution of power, and many began to view de-Baathification as
a process that further threatens their community. Kurds remain
interested in de facto, but not formal, independence from Iraq, and
the danger of an Arab backlash to Kurdish aspirations is
correspondingly serious. Tribal identities further complicate the
situation. Some attacks against U.S. forces have occurred following
the war with most of the violence associated with residual Saddam
loyalists from among the Sunni Arab community. Many Shi'ites are
more reluctant to engage in such activity so long as it appears
that they can take power by political means. Nevertheless, strong
anti-U.S. views are present in the pro-Iranian Shi'ite
organizations, and these views may spread among other Shi'ites over
time. The possibility of confrontations between U.S. troops and
hostile crowds is particularly worrisome as is the availability of
massive quantities of weapons to the Iraqi population. In light of
this situation, the United States needs to search continually for
areas of agreement with the nonextremist clergy while also
recognizing issues on which collaboration is not possible. U.S.
leaders must also support a continued strong information campaign,
expand efforts to challenge Iranian activities in Iraq, and provide
troops with extensive training in stabilization and occupation
duties. The participation of troops from moderate Arab and Muslim
states in stabilization and reconstruction activities is important
and should be encouraged. U.S. administrators must also be careful
how they use the word de-Baathification since some Baath ideals are
not inherently anti-democratic, although the party itself was
deeply corrupted by Saddam. Finally, any U.S. efforts to achieve
long-term dominance of Iraqi politics can be expected to produce a
serious backlash.
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